Louisiana; comprising sketches of counties, towns, events, institutions, and persons, Volume I, Part 47

Author: Fortier, Alcee, 1856-1914, ed. 1n
Publication date: 1909
Publisher: Atlanta, Southern Historical Association
Number of Pages: 1294


USA > Louisiana > Louisiana; comprising sketches of counties, towns, events, institutions, and persons, Volume I > Part 47


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antecedents of the men who preside in those circuits. When the bill, instead of naming the judges, names the circuits, it presents a harmless little sham that deceives nobody."


. The senators appointed to serve on the commission were: George F. Edmunds of Vermont, Oliver P. Morton of Indiana, Frederick T. Frelinghuysen of New Jersey (Republicans), Allen G. Thurman of Ohio, and Thomas F. Bayard of Delaware (Democrats). Owing to ill health Mr. Thurman declined and Francis Kernan of New York was appointed in his place. The house appointed Henry B. Payne of Ohio, Eppa Hunton of Virginia, Josiah G. Abbott of Massachusetts (Democrats), James A. Garfield of Ohio, and George F. Hoar of Massachusetts ( Republicans). Politically the commis- sion as a whole was composed of 8 Republicans and 7 Democrats, and on all questions relating to the count of the disputed votes, the members by a strict party vote-8 to 7-decided in favor of the Republican electors, thus giving the presidency to Hayes. Ob- jections were arbitrarily and peremptorily overruled, without re- gard to merit or legal force, the sole object of the majority of the commission being to compass the election of the Republican candi- dates for president and vice-president. A single instance of this character will suffice to show the methods of the commission. A delegation from Louisiana called attention to Article 117 of the state constitution, which provided that "No person shall hold or exercise at the same time more than one office of trust or profit, except that of justice of the peace or notary public." They offered to prove that William P. Kellogg was governor de facto of the state at the same time that he signed his own certificate as a presidential elector, and that, in direct contravention of the con- stitutional provision above quoted, he held and exercised at the same time the offices of governor de facto and presidential elector. Notwithstanding Senator Morton's heroic defense of the right of the states to control the manner of choosing electors, he obeyed the party lash and voted to count the electoral votes of Louisiana as they had been certified by a corrupt returning board, although one of the electors thus certified was clearly ineligible under the state constitution.


Henry Barrett Chamberlain, a writer in the Chicago Record- Herald, in writing of this historic contest in May, 1908, said : "The Republican returning board of Louisiana, in direct violation of law, refused to place a Democrat on the board. It also refused to canvass the votes in public session. After weeks of revision it certified that its eight electoral votes were for Hayes, though the returns published after the election gave Tilden 18,000 majority. * * Soon after his inauguration President Hayes withdrew the Federal troops from Louisiana and South Carolina, and recognized the legality of the Democratic state administration, chosen the same day as the presidential electors, though the Democratic governor installed had received fewer votes than the Tilden electors."


Fortunately, a similar farce in counting the electoral votes can- not occur again, as Congress, in 1887, passed an act providing that


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each state must settle for itself any dispute which may arise con- cerning its electoral vote, or the vote will not be counted.


Electoral Vote .- With the exception of the year 1864-while the war between the states was going on-Louisiana has cast an elec- toral vote at every presidential election since her admission in April, 1812. The vote of 1872 was not counted, however, as Con- gress, after an investigation into the methods of holding the elec- tion and counting the votes, ordered the electors from several Southern states rejected, including the 8 from the State of Louisi- ana. The electoral vote of the state since admission has been as follows: 1812, 3 for Madison and Gerry; 1816, 3 for Monroe and Tompkins: 1820, 3 for Monroe and Tompkins; 1824, for presi- dent, Jackson 3, Adams 2, for vice-president, Calhoun 5: 1828, 5 for Jackson and Calhoun; 1832, 5 for Jackson and Van Buren ; 1836, 5 for Van Buren and Johnson; 1840, 5 for Harrison and Tyler ; 1844, 5 for Polk and Dallas : 1848, 5 for Taylor and Fillmore; 1852, 5 for Pierce and King: 1856, 5 for Buchanan and Brecken- ridge ; 1860, 6 for Breckenridge and Lane; 1864, 1868, 7 for Seymour and Blair; 1872, -; 1876, 8 for Hayes and Wheeler : 1880, 8 for Hancock and English : 1884, 8 for Cleveland and Hendricks: 1888, 8 for Cleveland and Thurman ; 1892, 8 for Cleveland and Stevenson : 1896, 4 for Bryan and Sewall, and 4 for Bryan and Watson: 1900, 8 for Bryan and Stevenson; 1904, 9 for Parker and Davis: 1908, 9 for Bryan and Kern.


Elitown, a post-hamlet in the northwestern part of Washington parish, is about 2 miles south of Dyson, the nearest railroad sta- tion, and 8 miles northwest of Franklinton, the parish seat.


Elizabeth, a post-village and station in the northeastern part of Calcasieu parish, is near the northern boundary on the Gulf, Colorado & Santa Fe R. R.


Elks, Benevolent and Protective Order of .- This order had its origin in the city of New York and Charles A. S. Vivian, the son of an Englishman, is credited with the honor of being its founder. Several "good fellows," Vivian among the number, and most of them connected with the theatrical profession, were in the habit of spending much of their leisure time at a public house, where they would "sing songs, swap yarns, and in other ways make the hours pass pleasantly." In 1867 these "Bohemians" organized a club called "The Jolly Corks." and several of the original fifteen members are still living. By the following year the membership had increased to large proportions and it was decided to change the name and character of the organization. A committee was ap- pointed to decide on a name, and this committee visited Barnum's museum, where they saw an alk and learned something of its instincts and habits worthy of emulation, which led to the adoption of the name. From the origin of the order many people imagine that the Elks are merely a lot of fellows banded together for the purpose of having a good time. But in recent years the convivial feature has been subordinated to "charity, justice, brotherly love and fidelity." The motto of the order is: "The faults of our


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brothers we write upon the sands; their virtues upon the tablets of love and memory."


The Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks was introduced in Louisiana on Dec. 7, 1884, when New Orleans Lodge, No. 30. was instituted by the celebrated tragedian, Thomas W. Keene, assisted by William Henry of New York, E. A. Donaldson of Louisville, Charles Bradshaw and William Hayden of Philadelphia, 26 mem- bers being initiated at the first meeting. A. S. Graham was the first exalted ruler of the lodge, and George H. Lord, the first secre- tary. The lodge first met at 193 Gravier street, but in Feb., 1885, removed to No. + Carondelet street. After several other removals it finally settled down in its present quarters on Elk Place in Sept., 1897. The national grand lodge met in New Orleans in 1898, and since that time the order has experienced a continuous era of prosperity. In May, 1909, there were thirteen lodges in the state, with a total membership of over 4,000, New Orleans lodge alone having about 1,700 members. As an example of the charitable work of the order it is worthy of note that the annual dinner on Thanksgiving day by the members of New Orleans Lodge to the poor of the city "has assumed such a formidable proportion that it has become the wonder and admiration of the citizens."


Ellendale (R. R. name Central), a village and station in the northern part of Terrebonne parish, is on the branch of the Southern Pacific R. R. that runs from Schriever to Houma, about half way between those two towns. In 1900 it had a population of 50. It has a money order postoffice, telegraph and telephone facilities, and is. a trading and shipping point for a rich farming district.


Ellicott, Andrew, astronomer and mathematician, was born in Pennsylvania. Jan. 24, 1754, son of a prominent Quaker. His scientific attainments caused his employment, at various times, for marking the boundaries of Pennsylvania, New York and Vir- ginia, and in 1789 he was appointed to survey the land between Pennsylvania and Lake Erie, making the first accurate measure- ments of Niagara Falls. In 1790-91 he was employed in marking the boundaries of the District of Columbia, and in laying out the future national capital at Washington ; in 1792 he was appointed surveyor-general ; in 1795 he superintended the construction of Fort Erie and laid out the town of Erie, Pa. On May 24, 1796, he was appointed commissioner on behalf of the United States for de- termining the boundary between the United States and the pos- sessions of Spain. in accordance with the 3rd article of the Treaty of San Lorenzo el Real. executed Oct. 27, 1795. He left Pittsburg on Sept 16 and arrived at Natchez after many delays on Feb. 23, 1797. Ellicott was kept waiting at Natchez over a year before he could begin the actual work of running the line. Finally, on April 9, 1798, Ellicott with his surveyor, assistants, and woods- men left Natchez and arrived at Clarksville the following day. (For a full account of the details of the work, the reader is referred to Ellicott's Journal, which is also epitomized in American State


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Papers, Foreign Affairs, Vol. II.) The American surveyor origi- nally appointed to assist Ellicott was Thomas Freeman, but he and the astronomer quarreled, and David Gillespie was chief sur- veyor after the work began, Ellicott's son and Walker being assis- tant surveyors. Gov. Gayoso was empowered to act as commis- sioner for Spain, but shortly after the work was begun he ap- pointed Stephen Minor to act in his behalf. The Spanish astrono- mer selected was. William Dunbar, Daniel Burnett, surveyor, and Patrick Taggart, assistant surveyor. On Feb. 23, 1799, at New Orleans, Ellicott and Gayoso signed with great ceremony, in the hall of the government house, four reports in Spanish and Eng- lish, confirming the work done before June 7, 1798, the date when the Spanish interests were entrusted to Dunbar and Minor. Elli- cott completed the work of running the line to the Chattahoochee river, 381 miles from the Mississippi in May 1799, and then ran a line from the confluence of the Flint and. Chattahoochee to the source of the St. Mary's. At the conclusion of his work he was ap- pointed secretary of the Pennsylvania land office. In 1812 he was appointed professor of mathematics at West Point, which he held until his death. In 1817 he was sent to Montreal to make astro- nomical observations bearing on the execution of the treaty of Ghent. He died at West Point, Aug. 29, 1820.


Ellis, E. John, soldier and lawyer, was born at Covington, La., Oct. 15, 1841. He was educated at Clinton, La., and Centenary college, Jackson, La., but withdrew when in the junior class, in 1858. He then entered the law department of the University of Louisiana, where he graduated in March, 1861. Five days later he joined the Confederate army and served throughout the war. In 1866 he was admitted to the bar in Louisiana; entered political life, and was elected to the 44th, 45th, 46th, 47th and 48th Con- gresses as a Democrat. He died in 1889.


Elmer, a money order post-village in the western part of Rapides parish, is about 3 miles southeast of Nelsonville, the nearest rail- road station. The population in 1900 was 55.


Elmgrove, a post-hamlet and station in the southwestern part of Bossier parish, is on the Red river and the line of the Louisiana Railway & Navigation company, about 16 miles by rail southeast of Shreveport. It has an express office, telegraph station, tele- phone facilities, and is a trading center for the neighborhood.


Elmwood, a post-hamlet in the southwestern part of Vernon parish, is situated on Bayou Castor, about 4 miles west of Picker- ing, the nearest railroad station, and 9 miles southwest of Lees- ville, the parish seat. It is in the pine district, has lumber indus- tries, and in 1900 had a population of 40.


Elton, a post-village and station in the east-central part of Cal- casieu parish. is on the Colorado Southern, New Orleans & Pacific R. R., about 8 miles east of Kinder. In 1900 it had a population of 37.


Emancipation Proclamation .- Soon after the opening of the second session of the 37th Congress in Dec., 1861, a number of


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bills and resolutions were offered touching the emancipation of slaves as a means of bringing the war to a close, but no definite action was taken at that time. On March 6, 1862, President Lin- coln sent a message to Congress recommending the adoption of the following, or some similar, joint resolution: "That the United States, in order to cooperate with any state which may adopt gradual abolition of slavery, give to such state pecuniary aid, to be used by such state, in its discretion, to compensate it for the inconvenience, public and private, produced by such change of system."


In the message submitting this resolution, the president said : "In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress, with the census or an abstract of the treasury report before him. can readily sce for himself how very soon the current expendi- tures of this war would purchase, at a fair valuation, all the slaves in any named state.


"Such proposition on the part of the general government sets up mo claim of right by the Federal authority to interfere with slavery within state limits-referring. as it does the absolute control of the subject, in each case, to the state and the people immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice to them."


The resolution was introduced in the house on March 10 by Mr. Conkling of New York, and after some debate was adopted by a vote of 89 to 31. Ten days later it passed the senate by a vote of 32 to 10. At that time it was doubtless the president's intention not to interfere with the institution of slavery by any abrupt or arbitrary method, but to encourage the states to inaugurate a system of gradual emancipation. This belief is strengthened by his action two months later with regard to Gen. Hunter's order in the Department of the South, composed of the states of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. Gen. David Hunter, commanding the department, declared martial law in these states on April 25. 1862, and on May 9 issued a proclamation in which he said : "Slavery and martial law in a free country are altogether incom- patible. The persons in these states *


* heretofore held as slaves, are therefore declared forever free." Ten days later Presi- dent Lincoln issued a proclamation countermanding Hunter's order, using the following language: "Neither Gen. Hunter nor any other commander or person has been authorized by the govern- ment of the United States to make proclamation declaring the slaves of any state free, and the supposed proclamation now in question, whether genuine or false, is altogether void so far as respects such declaration. I further make known that, whether it be competent for me, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, to declare the slaves of any state or states free; and whether at any time, or in any case, it shall have become a necessity indis- pensable to the maintenance of the government to examine such . supposed power, are questions which, under my responsibility, I


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reserve to myself, and which I cannot feel justified in leaving to the decision of the commanders in the field."


On July 12 the senators and representatives of the border slave- holling staes met the president at the executive mansion by special invitation, and in a written address Mr. Lincoln said to them, among other things: "I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in my opinion, if you had all voted for the reso- lution in the gradual emancipation message of last March the war would now be substantially ended. And the plan therein pro- posed is yet one of the most potent and swift means of ending it. Let the states which are in rebellion see definitely and certainly that in no event will the states you represent ever join their pro- posed Confederacy, and they cannot much longer maintain the contest. But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately have you with them so long as you show a determination to per- petuate the institution within your own states. * You and I know what the lever of their power is. Break that lever before their faces, and they can shake you no more forever. * * I * do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can be obtained cheaply, and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large enough to be company and encouragement for one another. the freed people will not be so reluctant to go. * * I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned-one which threatens division among those who, united, are none too strong. An in- stance of it is known to you. Gen. Hunter is an honest man. He was, and I hope still is, my friend. I valued him none the less for his agreeing with me in the general wish that all men every- where could be free. He proclaimed men free within certain states, and I repudiated the proclamation. He expected more good and less harm from the measure than I could believe would follow. Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to many whose support the country cannot afford to lose. And this is not the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me and is increasing. By conceding what I now ask you can relieve me. and, much more, can relieve the country in this important point."


To this address majority and minority replies were made by the Congressmen from the border states, only seven of them favoring the policy of gradual emancipation. The pressure referred to by the president evidently continued, and by the last of August his dream of gradual emancipation and the colonization of the freed- men in South America was dispelled. On Sept. 22 he issued a proclamation announcing his intention to continue his efforts in the direction of tendering pecuniary aid to the states, that would gradually abolish slavery and in colonizing the freedmen, but whether these efforts were successful or not. the proclamation leclared: "That on the 1st day of January, in the year of our Lord 1863, all persons held as slaves within any state. or designated part of a state. the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free ;


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and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.'


The proclamation further declared that on the Ist day of January the president would designate the states and parts of states to be included in the application of the proclamation, and called atten- tion to the acts of March 13 and July 17, 1862, prohibiting officers from employing the troops under their command for the purpose of returning fugitive slaves, and granting freedom to every slave escaping from his owner and taking refuge within the Federal lines, or in the free states or territories. Up to the time this proclamation was issued the attitude of the United States govern- ment had been that of restricting slavery to the section of the country where it already existed. But by the proclamation it became evident that the Federal arms were to be used not only to limit, but also to abolish slavery. Fears were entertained that when the knowledge of the proclamation reached the negroes there would be an uprising among them, but these fears proved to be unfounded. A Georgia writer says: "But the negroes manifested no disposition to disturb the peace. History will record to their praise that while actual war was pending on the soil of Georgia they quietly awaited the issue of the fiery struggle between the South and the North. Entire communities of women and children were left in their charge, while able-bodied white men were away on the battle-field; and the trust was faithfully kept. Instances of criminal acts were so rare that at this period none are recalled, and while this fidelity is proof of the peaceful character of the negro, it is also evidence for their owners that slavery had pro- duced no personal hostilities between the two races in Georgia, and that the treatment of the negro by his owner under the law had been such as to 'maintain between them personal attachment and mutual confidence.'" The same was true of the situation in Louisi- ana. It was not until the negro became the tool of designing politicians that the hatred between him and his former owner manifested itself.


In the North the proclamation of September was received with salutes of 100 guns in some of the cities, notably Pittsburg and Buffalo, and Gov. Andrew of Massachusetts issued a proclamation ordering such a salute, "as an official recognition of its justice and necessity; by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts." But the proclamation did not meet with universal approbation. Many Northern people severely criticized it, Northern newspapers an- imadverted upon it as an assumption of power unwarranted by the constitution, and even in the Federal army there was great dissatis- faction among the soldiers, many of them declaring that they had taken up arms to save the Union, not to free the slaves. In some instances officers were court-martialed for insubordination, and on Oct. 7 Gen. George B. McClellan, commanding the Army of the


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Potomac, found it necessary to issue an order in which he said : "Discussions by officers and soldiers concerning public measures determined upon and declared by the government, when carried at all beyond temperate and respectful expressions of opinion, tend greatly to impair and destroy the discipline and efficiency of troops, by substituting the spirit of political faction for that firm, steady and earnest support of the authority of the government which is the highest duty of the American soldier. The remedy for political errors, if any are committed, is to be found only in the action of the people at the polls." As to the effect of the proclamation abroad, the opinion is well summed up in a letter from Earl Russell to Lord Lyons, envoy extraordinary to the United States, the closing words of which are: "There seems to be no declaration of a prin- ciple adverse to slavery in this proclamation. It is a measure of war, and a measure of a very questionable kind. As President Lin- coln has twice appealed to the judgment of mankind in his procla- mation, I venture to say that I do not think it can or ought to satisfy the friends of abolition, who look for total and impartial freedom for the slave, and not for vengeance upon the slaveowner."


On Jan. 1; 1863, President Lincoln, true to his announcement of Sept. 22, 1862, issued his proclamation of emancipation. In Louisiana at that time the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terrebonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin and Orleans (includ- ing the city of New Orleans) were under the control of Federal troops, and slavery was not to be interfered with in that portion of the state. West Virginia was also exempted from the provis- ions of the proclamation, as well as the counties of Accomac, Berkeley, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne and Norfolk in Virginia. Slavery in all these excepted parts was "left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.".


The proclamation failed to accomplish the purposes for which it was intended. True, many negroes, upon hearing of it, managed to find their way into the Federal lines, feeling assured that once there they would be protected, but the bloody fields of Chancellors- ville, Gettysburg. Chickamauga, the Wilderness and Spottsylvania bear witness that it took something more substantial than proela- mations to end the war.


Emden, a post-hamlet in the southern part of Winn parish, is near the southern boundary and is a station on the line of the Louisiana Railway & Navigation company, 10 miles southwest of Winnfield, the parish seat.


Emma, a post-hamlet and station in the northeastern part of Bos- sier parish, on the Red River & Rocky Mount R. R., about 15 miles northeast of Benton, the parish seat.


Empire, a post-village and station in the southern part of Plaque- mines parish, is on the west bank of the Mississippi river and the New Orleans, Fort Jackson & Grand Isle R. R., about 12 miles southeast of Pointe a la Hache, the parish seat. It is located in the




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