USA > Massachusetts > Bristol County > A History of Bristol County, Massachusetts, vol 2 > Part 14
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Woodcock occupied the garrison house as its proprietor twenty-three years, and in 1693-4 he conveyed it to John Devotion, who managed the place more than seventeen years. In 1711, Devotion conveyed the tavern and its farm of two hundred acres to John Daggett of Chilmark, and he, in April 16, 1722, to John Marcy. Colonel Israel Hatch became the owner in 1780, and in 1906 the old landmark was torn down.
So we have glimpses of the three prominent first comers. Gradually came other adventurers and home-makers with their families, such as John Fitch, who settled not far from the gardens of Blackstone; while at the present Attleboro Falls section the new lands held out their attractions to John Daggett, who was the first one to lay out properties there, and who sold fifty acres to his brother Thomas in 1677. There was also valuable land in the immediate vicinity of the falls, and including the falls rights that belonged to Edgard Hall, who first hailed from Taunton, later from Rehoboth. In 1686, Mr. Hall's lands came into the possession of the Daggetts, Joseph Daggett building the first corn mill there. Thomas Butler was also a neighbor to the Daggett family at that location. The following-
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named, who constituted the first land directory, many of them immediate settlers, made this their home.
The one-share purchasers: Captain Thomas Willett (John Wilkinson's share), Mr. Noah Newman, Lieutenant Peter Hunt, Mr. James Browne, Samuel Newman, John Allen, Sr., Sampson Mason, Anthony Perry, John Butterworth (whose share was sold to Daniel Jenkes including meadow), Peter Walker, John Ormsby, Richard Martin, Stephen Paine, Jr., Robert Jones, Obadiah Bowen, John Pecke, James Redeway, Samuel Carpenter, Mr. John Myles, William Carpenter, Joseph Pecke, Thomas Cooper, Jun., Ensign Henery Smith, Thomas Cooper, Sen., Samuel Pecke, William Buck- land, Benj. Buckland, John Reade, Sr., John Reade, Jr., Nicholas Pecke, Elizabeth, Hannah and Lydia Winchester (whose share was sold to Daniel Shepardson), Daniel Smith, Jonathan Bliss, Rice Leonard, William Saben, John Perrin, Sen., George Kendricke, George Robenson, John Daggett, John Fitch, Richard Bowen, Jun., Elizabeth Bullucke, John Miller, Jun., Robert Fuller, Robert Wheaton, Ester Hall, John Miller, Sen., Jared Ingraham, John Kingsley, Gilbert Brookes, Thomas Reade, Jonathan Fuller, James Gillson (whose share was bought of Samuel Saben), Samuel Luther (whose share was sold to Mr. Philip, squire), Nicholas Turner, John Allen, Jun., Preserved Abell, Francis Stephens, Nicholas Ide, Richard Whittaker, Nathaniel Pecke, Israel Pecke, Jonah Palmer, Robert Miller, Nathaniel Paine (one-half of whose share he bought of Richard Bowen, Sen., the other half of Jeremiah Wheaton), John Polley (whose share was purchased of his father, Jon. Bosworth), William Allen of Prudense (whose share was bought of Nathaniel Paine), John Lovell, Eldad Kinsley. One-half share purchasers: Thomas Estabrooke (of Roger Amidowne), Thomas Grant. John Savage, Thomas Ormsby (of Richard Bowen, Sen.), Jacob Ormsby (the share purchased of his mother). One and one-half shares: John Woodcock. Two shares: Mr. Stephen Paine, Sen. (one that was his own and one that was appointed for John Martin) ; Thomas Willmot (one he bought of Jo. Carpenter, and one of his own), John Titus (one that he bought of his mother-in-law, Abigail Carpenter, and one that was his own).
These are no longer mere names to be overlooked in historical read- ings as they sometimes are, since the close researches of the genealogist have preserved all of them, and made them of perennial use in their vol- uminous chronicles of New England ancestry.
CHAPTER III. KING PHILIP AND REVOLUTIONARY WARS
Both the King Philip .and the Revolutionary wars were decisive wars for New England, though too little heed is given the former as such. When New England historians incline to make short shrift of the Indian War of 1675-6 as one of the many isolated fights of the white men with the Indians, they hasten over the fact that that conflict represented the closing signal of a very old era for the original dwellers, and the opening of a new one for both themselves and the newcomers. It has been suggested in the introductory to this work that, compared with wars as later generations have experienced them, that named for Philip of the Wampanoags con- sisted of but little besides skirmishes, within this county, at least. Never-
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HISTORY OF ATTLEBORO
theless, in Attleboro bounds, as elsewhere, the days of that age were very dark ones and the nights filled with terror on the part of the few colonists and their families, to whom the reported threats of "killing all and sparing none," as spread broadcast by the natives, had become warnings that all knew would be fulfilled. No longer remained the prudent and restraining régime of Massasoit, who bore and forbade much for the sake of the peace he so desired. Wamsutta, who had disposed of the Attleboro lands, had been dead some years. Captain Thomas Willett, who first bought the territory, and whose counsel might have revoked the hostilities themselves, had died in 1674. The consequence of trespass on the part of some of the white settlers, and of headstrong vengefulness on the part of Philip and his closest friends, was the cause of the descent of war upon the Attleboro plantations as well as throughout the county.
Inevitably, civilization, according to all historical precedent, and in this case as represented by the Plymouth Court, had taken unto itself full authority, an assumption which, though in accordance to the ancient man- ner of the survival of the fittest, was repellent to those about to surrender the last of their patrimony. It had become an impossible thing that Philip should lay aside his arms, or forbid his people so to do-no one might now prevent war. And so the King Philip conflict ensued when were demolished the final barriers for the march of the new race through New England and eventually across a continent.
Philip would far rather be Metacomet than Philip, and his race Wam- panoag rather than Christianized natives. From all the facts that can be gleaned about this period, the land transactions had been made between two impoverished peoples. The Indians had no riches, of course; they were shiftless, and they set small value upon the lands that they sold. The newcomers had no abundant means. They were settlers and home-builders, and they had left their native land to seek freedom from various kinds of tyranny. If we can divert our attention from the luxurious circumstances of the county of today, and recall the barren wilderness-the absolute iso- lation of that scene from almost every sign and mark of civilization-we may be enabled to sympathize with both those peoples at this crisis. With war fully developed, both white and red races became equally barbaric. It is true that the Indians slew Nathaniel Woodcock, son of the vengeful John Woodcock of Attleboro, and, cutting off his head, exhibited it upon a pole. But it is not a whit less true that white men in Taunton exhibited the head of the Indian princess Weetamoe upon a pole at Taunton Green, to the grief of her people, the prisoners of the white men.
But it was that action of the followers of Philip in Attleboro that roused that settlement; and, on the other hand, John Woodcock from that hour never showed mercy toward an Indian. The incident referred to took place in April, 1676, the remains of Nathaniel Woodcock being buried on the spot where now is the old burying-ground. A brother-in-law of Nathaniel also fell in this onslaught, the place then used as a cornfield. When it is understood that the settlement at this time consisted of but twenty-four persons, it will be conceded that the odds might appear against the colonists. As a result of this attack, John Woodcock asked of the government the return of six soldiers who had been withdrawn from the local garrison, and circumstances make it appear that his request was
Bristol ---- 39
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granted. From that time onwards there was no relaxing of the vigilance of the people of this section, though battle events were comparatively few. The greatest severities of the war were not in this section. But the noted Pierce's fight is often recalled, that occurred here in that part of the town that is now Cumberland, Rhode Island. On March 26, 1676, a real battle occurred at that point.
This conflict was an ambuscade, rather than an open set-to, and as a result of it the colony was the loser by about one-third of its fighting force. The militia had not sufficiently informed themselves of the Indian methods of warfare; and according to the historical narration they let themselves into a trap from which there was absolutely no escape for the most of them. It was Captain Michael Pierce who proved himself a hero at this period of New England history. In the lead of sixty-three English- men and twenty Indians from the cape, he was ordered to provide general defence for the settlements. Pursuing his way through Rehoboth to a point near to Hermit Blackstone's "Study Hill," he came upon a party of wary Red Men who by a pretense drew the small English force into the midst of some five hundred Indians who were in command of Canonchet. There was no getting away from the results of this manœuvre. Here, the white men who had come to the defence of the colonists faced the greatest of odds, most of them falling in the fight; and again, when four hundred Indians, so runs the account, came up to re-enforce the others, it was then all up with Pierce and most of his brave comrades. There was neither progress nor retreat for the colonial militia, and after a courageous stand of two hours, Captain Pierce and fifty-five English and ten Cape Indians were killed. Authorities claim that the loss of the natives was one hundred and forty. Messages had been sent to Providence for help, but without result. A letter, now the property of the Worcester Antiquarian Society, is extant, that was written March 27, 1679, by Rev. Noah Newman, second minister at Rehoboth, that makes reference to this fight, and that names a number of the English that were engaged in it. Rehoboth colonists were the first to respond to the call for assistance, but the fight had taken place too quickly, and the smaller party of white men had met defeat and death.
The account of the "Nine Men's Misery" incident, then placed within the Attleboro bounds, also relates immediately to this period and this event. A heap of stones at the present Cumberland, Rhode Island, shows the spot where nine men fell at the hand of Indians. The former had strayed from a larger party, and while surprising and attacking a smaller force of Indians were themselves overcome by another party of Red Men. They sold their lives dearly, with their backs to the rock near which they were afterwards buried. It is the belief of John Daggett, historian, con- firmed by contemporary evidence, that the nine men were of those who had escaped from Pierce's fight. Cumberland, where these affairs took place, was separated from Attleboro and became a part of Rhode Island in 1745. Previously known as Attleboro Gore, it had comprised about one- half the original town. It was in August, 1676, that the renowned fight was closed with the capture of Anawan at Rehoboth.
Attleboro in the Revolution .- Attleboro, having performed her part in the subjugation of the wandering earlier owners of this territory, was now
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about to share in that other war, for absolute independence-the Revolu- tion, whose event should detach from America her yokel obligations to burdens of unnecessary taxation. "Dutiful and loyal subjects" were the townsmen here, in common with the men of Taunton and elsewhere, when they sounded the first public note of self-defense in their expostulations with the crown and its representatives. The colony-wide denunciation of the methods of the paternal government overseas was adopted here and given expression to in terms of Attleboro's own selection, and that foretold nothing less than the ultimate struggle for freedom. "Dutiful and loyal subjects" these townsfolk would continue to be up to that moment, but their patience was strained to the breaking-point.
The resultant note of Attleboro town meeting of July 18, 1773, must always be referred to as one of the great climacteric incidents in this town's story-the daring address that was forwarded thence to the patriotic com- mittee in Boston proving second to none among the scores of township declarations of rights that were being poured in at that period. "We esteem our privileges tantamount to our lives," ran the Attleboro statement, "and the loss of thiem death, in consequence."
Five stout-hearted men formed the bulwark of the town's safety just then, to stand nobly by that declaration, and to make preparations for the inevitable task to be undertaken. Those men were Mr. Edward Richards, Deacon Eben Lane, Captain John Daggett, Lieutenant Moses Wilmarth, Mr. Elisha May. These men were singled out for their work in Septem- ber, 1744, and in the same month, the intrepid Captain Daggett was elected a representative to the General Court at Salem, and the no less intrepid Deacon Lane a committeeman for the Provincial Congress in October. Events now moved along with patriotic speed, for in December the town voted to stand by the rulings of the Continental and Provincial Congresses, and to treat all who refused to comply as "infamous persons." At this meeting, also, a superior and an inferior court were established to determine with regard to any controversies that might be brought up. The superior judges, as appointed, were Deacon Lane, Colonel John Daggett, Captain John Stearns, Captain Moses Wilmarth, Dr. Bezaliel Mann. The inferior judges were Mr. Edward Richards, Lieutenant Elkanah Wilmarth, Captain Jacob Ide, Captain Stephen Richardson, Mr. Elisha May, Captain John Tyler, Mr. William Stanley. Besides these, thirteen men were appointed as a committee of inspection regarding the use of India tea in the town. The committee of correspondence, inspection and safety was similar as to the official duties to those of any other town in the county. They were appointed each successive year until the close of the war, new names of patriots being added now and then; and they were as thorough and impar- tial in their methods as their co-workers in every town in the Province. Such men as Colonel John Daggett and Captain John Stearns represented the town at the Provincial Congress : and it must be granted that a noble stand was taken when on that occasion in May, 1776, a committee of the townsmen counselled their representative, Captain Stearns, in this manner: "If the Continental Congress should think it best to declare for inde- pendency of Great Britain, we unanimously desire you for us to engage to defend them therein with our lives and fortunes."
The urge of the times here was filled with just such expressions of
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independence, and of devoted pledges to the new government that was rapidly asserting itself. The warrant for the town meeting of October, 1776, for the first time was pronounced in the name of the State and people of Massachusetts Bay-no longer in "his majesty's name. And the fervent desire for the union of States was approved and forwarded in the popular sentiment included in the instructions given Captain Stearns and William Stanley : "We shall rejoice at the arrival of the happy hour when the Inde- pendent States of North America have a union established upon equitable terms, to continue as long as the sun and moon endure."
The local committee of safety were always alert with the proffer and use of their services, and under the direction of Colonel John Daggett their action was concentrated and effective-for example, as with his company he visited and warned the Tory, Nathan Aldis of Franklin, to put a stop to his selling British goods; and on another occasion when he went to Assonet and there took charge of forty stands of arms, as well as of a quantity of ammunition that was in the possession of Tories, at the same time causing nine Tories to swear allegiance to their country.
The town as a whole was on the march Revolutionward. The enthusi- asni of the hour was not confined to the few. On the day of the battle of Lexington, sixty minute-men of Attleboro, with Lieutenant Enoch Robin- son in command, marched to Roxbury. Thereafter, relay after relay of the patriots were raised and went their way to perform whatsoever service they might be allotted to; such a's when a company of sixty-four men enlisted May 1, 1775, under Captain Caleb Richardson for eight months' service in the "Massachusetts line," with their station at Roxbury; and in July, 1776, when Captain Caleb Richardson and Lieutenant Stephen Richardson, both of Attleboro, had charge of the five months' recruits, called the "new levies," and who had enlisted mostly from Attleboro. Then, too, there was the company raised in Norton and Attleboro in Sep- tember, 1776, under Captain Elisha May, in the regiment of Colonel Thomas Carpenter of Rehoboth, that served at White Plains. An entire company from Attleboro, under command of Captain Stephen Richardson served one month in Spencer's "Secret Expedition" in Rhode Island in October, 1777. Captain Moses Wilmarth served as a private soldier, and Joe Read was wounded while taking part in the expedition with the regiment of Colonel Carey of Middleboro in and about New York.
Quite a number drafted from here took part in the Ticonderoga Expedi- tion in 1776, serving also at Saratoga, while of course there were many individual enlistments from Attleboro in the army throughout the war. Many men from here were drafted to the defence of Rhode Island in 1776, and during the winter, spring and summer of 1777 -- the Attleboro soldiers generally being stationed at Howland's Ferry, and at Warwick. Colonel Daggett of the Fourth Regiment, which included Attleboro, Mansfield, Norton and Easton, was ordered in August, 1778, to take charge of re-en- forcements during General Sullivan's expedition to Rhode Island, that detachment consisting of nine hundred men. Attleboro's quota therein was commanded by Captain Caleb Richardson. Colonel Daggett was also in command of the Bristol County regiment in Spencer's Expedition. The muster rolls and the pay rolls of the Revolution at the State House in Bos- ton contain the lists of all the Attleboro men who served in the Revolu-
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tionary War, and these have been reprinted in Hon. John Daggett's "His- tory of Attleboro."
In the Fourth Regiment, of which John Daggett, ancestor of the his- torian, was colonel, Ephraim Lane was lieutenant-colonel; Isaac Dean was first major; Elkahnah Clapp was second major. Captain Ide's company had fifty-three men, including officers; Captain Richardson's minute com- pany sixty, including officers; Captain Stanley's company fifty-five including officers; Captain Wilmarth's minute company fifty-six men-making a total of 225 men from this town, besides the commander. These were men well fitted for their times and the calls that were made upon leaders and men, and their names are held in high regard for their daring and for their readiness to serve at the critical period in which they lived.
In the War of 1812-1814, the State archives furnish the names of no contingent of soldiery sent from Attleboro as a town; there was practically no action on the part of this town during that war. There is not the slightest doubt that had Attleboro been called upon at that time, her response would have been as generous and unanimous, as upon all other occasions of war in which she shared so heartily.
CHAPTER IV.
CIVIL AND SPANISH-AMERICAN WARS
"We, the inhabitants of Attleboro, fully appreciating the value of the free institutions under which we have so long lived and prospered, and alive to the dangers which threaten the existence and dismemberment of the Republic, are ever ready to do our part in sustaining those institu- tions and transmitting them unimpaired to those who shall come after us."
That was the kind of sentiment that enthused the doings of Attleboro town meeting, and that roused the patriotic ardor of the townsmen and women in the days of the threatening of Civil War, when the town unani- mously voted to furnish the quota of volunteers for the town, under the call of President Abraham Lincoln. That sentiment increased in its fervor, and the practice of patriotism became a part of the daily life of the people from that time onwards.
When the last of the "Old Guard" in Attleboro and the final remnant of General William A. Streeter Post, No. 145, G. A. R., shall have passed on, there shall always be those who shall keep their Memorial Day and celebrate their times and deeds. While the compilation of this history is in progress, the veteran "Boys in Blue" are rapidly becoming less in number, the gatherings of the Old Seventh and other regiments hereabouts are represented by no more than forty, and the roll-call of the local post adjutant has become a very brief one. All honor to the Attleboro men who were of the tried and proven army of the sixties, for out of the nearly eight thousand inhabitants of the town at the time, there were four hun- dred men who joined local and other companies in various regiments enter- ing the service of the Union; and it is recorded in the carefully prepared record and list of Major Everett S. Horton that many of these soldiers re- enlisted upon other occasions and in other contingents.
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This town was prepared; the conflict was foreseen; and the com- munity's part in the drama was being provided for, by the ready enlistments of the townsmen for service, and by the town government's appropriations. for military purposes-both in order that the soldier go forth well equipped and that the families left behind be cared for. Recruiting offices were opened, and military drill became the leading order of the day. The young men of Attleboro found themselves facing inevitable war, and some time before the declaration of that war, they were forming their first company, outward expression of their patriotic purpose. They themselves assumed the expense of the direction of their drill, when they hired Boston drill- masters to perfect them in their work. Theirs was the nucleus of Company I of the Seventh Massachusetts Volunteers. Yet the town and the select- men kept pace with them, and in the substantial way of town governments at the north, arranged for their outfit and the first steps of their entering the service. In the town warrant of April 24, 1861, as prepared by tlie selectmen-H. N. Daggett, A. H. Robinson and Lewis L. Read-one of the articles desired to know what the town might do in behalf of the enlisted men, besides what the United States provision might be for them. Thereupon having arrived at decision in the matter, it was voted on May 3 that the sum of $10,000 be appropriated for military purposes, and that actively enlisted men be paid from that sum a bounty of fifteen dollars a month in addition to the sum to be paid by the United States; and that each man accepted for service be paid ten dollars a month while drilling, and be furnished with uniform.
And besides these welcome items, the town at a later meeting agreed to furnish the men additional articles of clothing, and the officers, regulation swords, pistols and additional equipment. And so on May 3, the date of that town meeting when funds were provided for the soldiers, Company I's organization for three years was announced, the mustering-in taking place June 15. This was the official roster at the moment : Captain John F. Ashley ; First Lieutenant William W. Fisher; Second Lieutenant Charles B. Des- jardins; Third Lieutenant Eben L. Sylvester; Sergeants E. E. Kelly, Bay- lies B. Richards, Prentiss M. Whiting, William H. Wade; Corporals John E. Paige, John N. Hall, James M. Day, Charles W. Snell. There were eighty-five men in this company, besides the officers at this time, but two of whom were not of Attleboro. Meantime, there was no halt in the pro- vision for the men about to go to war, for in September the town treasurer was authorized to borrow a sufficient amount of money to aid those who were dependent upon the enlisted men. In July, 1862, the town voted a bounty of $100 to volunteers, which sum was later increased to $200. These men were active in assisting the selectmen in recruiting duty: Willard Blackinton, E. I. Richards, Elisha E. May, L. W. Dean, L. W. Daggett, H. K. W. Allen, Ira M. Conant, Stephen Richardson, Stephen A. Knight Again, in August of 1862, a bounty of $100 was voted for nine months enlisted men, at which time the recruiting committee consisted of Frank S. Draper and L. T. Starkey. Thereupon the second company of Attie- boro townsmen, the nine months' men, seventy-six in number, exclusive of the commissioned officers, was formed here that year, though Boston claimed them as part of the quota of that city. When this company went
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