USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Hudson > Abstract of the history of Hudson, Mass. : from its first settlement to the centennial anniversary of the declaration of our national independence, July 4, 1876 > Part 2
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Even on the subject of African servitude, where the opinion was nearly unanimous that slavery, being a State institution, was beyond the control of the general government in the State where it was established ; it was found that by the law of nations, slavery was subject to the war power; and when the commander- in-chief regarded the exigency sufficient, he had full power to do anything which would strengthen himself, or weaken his enemy, provided it did not outrage humanity. This gave President Lincoln authority to issue that immortal Proclamation, which converted four
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millions of human chattels into the Lord's freemen, and so wiped out that foul stain from the escutcheon of our country. Well, then, may we rejoice in the stability of our institutions, which have proved our guide in peace and our bulwark in war.
We have met to recount the blessings we have enjoyed ; to review our past history, and so be able to show to those who come after us, that free institutions contribute to national growth, and are productive of individual prosperity and happiness. We have, also, another object on this auspicious occasion. We wish to collect materials for our annals, and exhibit our present standing, so that on the return of this centennial day, a just comparison may easily be instituted between our condition now, and at that time. We see the zeal which is manifested, and the efforts which are made, to ascer- tain the condition of the community a hundred years ago ; and we have no doubt that those who celebrate the next centennial, will be as anxious to know our condition to-day, as we are to learn the condition of our ancestors a century past. It must also be pleasing to ourselves to bring our history up to the present time, so that we may see through what changes we have passed, and also to make the present a land-mark from which to view our future progress or decline. We hardly realize the importance of keeping our annals posted. What occurs to-day, we feel that we know, and that there is no necessity of committing it to paper. But the event which is present to-day, will be past to- morrow; and what we witness now and understand fully, will in a few years be partially or wholly forgotten.
But Hudson, in some respects, is unfortunate in the fact that, as a municipality, her history extends back only about ten years. Before 1866, the history of
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Hudson was merged in that of Marlborough and the Indian Plantation. This fact renders it impossible to give a minute account of the early annals of the town. For two centuries, Hudson had no existence separate from Marlborough, the glorious mother of most of us. When, therefore, any event of an historical character occurred, and was entered on the Marlborough records, we are unable, in most cases, to decide whether the event occurred, or the party resided in what is now the old town, or in the territory belonging to Hudson. This consideration must show that the historian of this modern town must be satisfied with a history meagre in ancient incidents. We will, however, supply what early events can be gathered and authenticated.
The early history of Hudson is not only involved with that of Marlborough, but with the history of the Indian Plantation, a portion of the latter territory being included in the new town. In fact, the history of these Indians is so interwoven with the local, and even with the general history of this section, that we cannot pass it by without a brief notice.
When our fathers first came to Massachusetts, the country was sparsely peopled. The desolating wars among the tribes, and a destructive pestilence, which had not only ' wasted in darkness, but destroyed at noon day,' had in a great degree depopulated this section of New England. The few savages left were generally disposed to live peaceably with the whites. In 1643, their principal chiefs came in, and submitted themselves to the General Court of Massachusetts, on the assurance that they should be allowed certain plan- tations, and be protected in their rights. The Indians who were located at Marlborough, were a small remnant of the Natick and Wamesit tribes. They had a planting field at Ockoocangansett, before the Sudbury men had
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petitioned for a township ; and when that request was presented, the petitioners were informed that the Court had not only confirmed the Indians in their planting field, but had granted them a plantation of six thousand acres ; and that the Sudbury grant, so far as location was concerned, must be subordinate to the Indian grant.
When the locations of these grants were made, they presented the singular and almost ridiculous sight of an Indian Plantation nearly surrounded by the grant of the township to the Sudbury men. The Indian planting field consisted of about one hundred and sixty acres, and included what was afterwards known as the old Meeting House Common, and the hill or swell of land extending east to Spring Hill, and north to the road passing by the residence of the late William Loring Howe. This planting field penetrated into the very centre or heart of the Marlborough grant, and was al- ways an eyesore to the English inhabitants. In fact, it so far intruded into their township, that when they built their meeting-house, they located it on the Indian planting field, to the great dissatisfaction of the Indians. The Ockoocangansett, or Indian Plantation, of six thou- sand acres, was laid out in connection with their planting field. The west line commenced in the valley immedi- ately west of the old common, near where the present High school-house stands, and ran north seven degrees west, about three and a half miles, crossing the Assabet river, between the present cemetery and the depot in Hudson ; thence the line ran easterly to the boundary of the town. The southerly line of the plantation commenced near Spring Hill, on the road leading to Hudson, and ran three miles east, to the line of Sudbury ; thence on Sudbury line, till it met the line east from Hudson before mentioned. This plantation,
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as will be seen, embraced a large quantity of valuable land, which of course was coveted by the Marlborough people. The plantation was granted to the Indians in fee simple, with no restriction except that they should not sell or alienate it without the consent of the General Court. And this restriction was inserted in the grant as a protection to the Indians against land speculators, who might fraudulently dispossess them of their lands.
The English settlers and the Indians generally lived peaceably together. Not only the inhabitants of Marl- borough, but the General Court were disposed to deal kindly with the Indians and protect them in their rights. The Court encouraged the Apostle Eliot, in his laudable effort to civilize and Christianize the Indians, and so convert them into valuable citizens. Not only the remnant located at Marlborough, but several other plantations, shared Eliot's care, and were generally designated Praying Indians. There were seven of these Praying towns : Natick, now the town of that name; Packemitt, now Stoughton ; Ockoocangansett, now Marlborough; Wamesit, now Lowell ; Hassanamisett, now Grafton ; Nashobah, now Littleton ; and Magun- kook, now Hopkinton. As these plantations were in the midst of the English settlements, no doubt the labors of Eliot and his friend Gookin, contributed in a great degree to the preservation of peace between them and the English ; and though the Indians may have aided their brethren, in some degree, in Philip's war, they would have been much more dangerous to the whites, but for the religious instruction they had received.
Eliot was sincerely devoted to the Indians, and sought by every means to improve their temporal and spiritual condition. He was born in England in 1604, and came to this country in 1631. He was settled as a clergyman
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in Roxbury. He early conceived the idea of civilizing and Christianizing the Indians, and commenced preach- ing to them in Newton, in 1646. To prepare himself for the work, he learned their language; in 1663, he translated the New Testament, and in 1665, the Old Testament, into Indian, that the natives might be enabled to read the word of life in their own tongue. His Bible thus translated, bore the title, "Mamusse Wunmeetupanatmwe Up-Biblum God naneeswe Nuk- kane Testament kahwank Wusku Testament." The longest word in it was, Wutappesittukgussunnookweh- tunkquoh, signifying " kneeling down to Him."
These Praying Indians, though generally peaceable, were more than suspected of aiding Philip in his attacks upon the English settlements. During that war, many of those of the Marlborough tribe were absent from their plantation ; and such was the evidence or suspicion against them, that the government sent Captain Mosely with a detail of soldiers, who appeared suddenly, and surrounding their fort, made them all prisoners, and took them to Boston, where they were confined on one of the islands in the harbor. At the close of Philip's war, a portion of these Indians returned to their planta- tion at Marlborough, though the spirit and unity of the tribe seemed to be broken.
Their territory, which the English had long coveted, attracted more attention at the close of the war than it ever had before. The fact that the tribe appeared in some degree to be scattered, and the belief that some of them, at least, had been treacherous, and had aided the enemy, strengthened the impression that their lands, which penetrated the very heart of Marlborough, should be devoted to other and more valuable purposes than their retention as a mere hunting ground. In 1677, cer- tain citizens of Marlborough, Lancaster, and Sudbury,
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preferred a petition to the General Court, setting forth that the Marlborough Indians during the recent war had been perfidious, and had taken part with the enemy, and so had forfeited their title to the plantation of Ockoo- cangansett ; and that the petitioners had been in their country's service, and had suffered in their persons and estates ; wherefore, they humbly prayed that the Court would grant to them the said tract of land, or that it be sold to them on moderate terms. But the Court did not see fit to grant their request.
In May, 1684, John Ruddocke, and thirty-four others of Marlborough, petitioned the General Court for authority to purchase of the Indians their plantation ; and ten of the Indians joined in the request. But a much larger number of the Indians remonstrated against the prayer of the petitioners. The General Court, in this case as in every other, adhered to their plighted faith ; and deeming it unwise for the Indians to sell their land, they consequently denied the prayer of Ruddocke and others. But it appears that the principal inhabi- tants of Marlborough, headed by John Brigham, a bold operator, resolved to possess the Indian land, and cut the knot which they could not untie. On the 15th of July, 1684, they obtained, without the consent of the Court, a deed of the plantation from a large portion of the Indians. This fact being brought to the knowledge of the authorities, they pronounced the deed illegal, and consequently null and void; being made and done expressly contrary to law and the order of the Court.
But regardless of this decision of the Court, the pur- chasers of the plantation, in October, 1686, decided that every proprietor should have laid out to him in some of the best of the land lying as conveniently as may be, to the town of Marlborough, thirty acres for a first division of upland ; and when the lots were laid out, every
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proprietor should draw his lot. Feeling uneasy about the title to their land, in 1693, they agreed that their grants of land " shall stand good to all intents and purposes, if they be attested by John Brigham, their clerk." Despairing of any confirmation of their doings by the Court, whose authority they had expressly dis- regarded, at a meeting held in 1709 they voted, " that they would make articles to bind themselves in a cove- nant, whereby what we do may stand in force." Subse- quently the proprietors signed a covenant, that they would pay each his several share to defray all charges growing out of their lands, or the titles thereof.
The proprietors were conscious that their title was invalid, and hence they persevered in their application to the Court for a confirmation of their purchase. The Court were not inclined to reverse their decision. But in 1719, they annexed this territory to Marlborough, and at the same time, as the proprietors had gained a title by possession, confirmed and legalized their land titles.
We have dwelt longer upon this Indian Plantation than might seem necessary. But as the history of the parent town was so immediately connected with this Indian Plantation, and as one-half of the territory of Hudson, taken from Marlborough, was included in that grant, it seemed important that we should know the character of our predecessors and the origin of our possessions. We must admit that there is something melancholy in the thought, that the lands we possess in peace, were once the joyful possession of a people who have faded away, and retired from the English settlements as from a desolating pestilence. When we look at this subject in one point of view, we are almost inclined to find fault with the conduct of our fathers, and regret the order of Providence. But a 4
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moment's reflection will correct our false judging, and the wisdom of Providence in the displacement of the Indians will appear in another light. Though there may be a sadness in the thought of the extinction of the original owners of the soil, it is no more sad than what we witness daily in society.
To see an old gentleman, who has been useful in his day and generation, tottering on the brink of the grave and finally passing off the stage, when viewed abstractly, must appear sad ; but when we consider that he has fulfilled his destiny, and outlived his usefulness, and has simply passed from this sublunary scene of action, to , make room for younger men, who are better able to carry forward the great work of civilization, we can but see the wisdom of Divine Providence. And it is precisely so with the natives of this country ; they retire to make way for a wiser population, which will carry forward the great work of improvement far better than the wild men of the forest.
There is a morbid sensibility on the subject of the supplanting of the red men; and the whites are frequently accused of a great wrong in dispossessing the Indians of their lands. This subject merits a moment's attention. When God created man, he com- manded him to cultivate the earth, and subdue it ; and it is perfectly obvious, that one important element in the title to the soil is, the mingling of labor with it, and so rendering it more capable of supporting human beings. Every one knows that the same tract of country will support a much larger number of civilized than of savage men. The man who fells a forest, and prepares the land for cultivation, has certainly a better title to the soil, than the man who has simply roamed through it in quest of game. The one, by his labor, has fitted it for the support of a civilized population ;
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the other has mixed no labor with the soil, and if successful in hunting, may have rendered the forest less capable of sustaining such a population. While we bless the Lord for his goodness in creating man, and believe that a cultivated country will support a larger population than a wilderness, we must admit that the disappearance of the savage tribes gives a fuller display of divine benevolence, than could exist if the inferior race should maintain its standing, and devote the greater part of the country to mere hunting ground.
But while true wisdom teaches us to submit readily to the manifest destiny of the Indians, this will not justify us in treating them harshly, or depriving them of any of their rights. As the child knows that his aged parent must in a few years pass from the stage of life, so we know that the savage must give place to civilized man. But in neither case does this knowledge justify any severity. On the contrary, the approaching depart- . ure should in both cases excite our compassion, and ensure kind treatment.
The history of Hudson being included in that of Marlborough till quite recently, it becomes necessary ' to take a brief view of the parent town. The grant of Marlborough was made to certain petitioners from the town of Sudbury, in 1657 ; and in 1660 the terri- tory was incorporated into a town. The township was large, and included what is now the towns of West- borough, Northborough, and Southborough. Being a frontier town, and a kind of way-station on the line of travel from Boston to the settlements on the Connecticut river, it was greatly exposed to the incursions of the Indians ; and in Philip's war, their meeting-house, and many of their dwellings were burned, and the settlement substantially broken up. But after the return of the population, the Indians from Canada
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made frequent incursions into the original township, and killed or carried into captivity several persons. To guard against these dangers, twenty-five or thirty garrisons were established, one at the present village of Hudson, and two or three others near the borders of the present town. During the old French war the town was nearly drained of its active male population, who were called into the field to repel the incursions of the French and Indians. After these wars had been brought to a successful termination, and the con- troversy arose with the mother country, Marlborough took a decided stand in support of the claims of the Colonies ; and when on the 19th of April, 1775, she heard of the march of the British from Boston, and the fatal firing upon the militia at Lexington, she dispatched, on a few hours' notice, four companies of soldiers, consisting of about two hundred men, to the scene of action,- resolved to vindicate their rights or perish in the attempt. We cannot conceive of a more sublime spectacle than that of the people, with no orders, moved only by a patriotic impulse, leaving their homes and their business, quitting their families and taking their lives in their hands, and marching at a moment's warning, thirty miles, to repel the invaders of human rights ! And what shows the sincerity of the Marlborough soldiers, is, that some of the men, thus hastily leaving home, remained in camp watching the enemy thirty and even forty days. And during the whole Revolutionary struggle, Marlborough furnished her quota of men and supplies, and proved herself patriotic to the last.
In all these trials and privations, and in the laudable efforts to sustain free principles, and to resist haughty oppression, the population residing in the north part of the town, were not behind the other inhabitants.
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They claim no superiority, and they allow no inferiority, in their efforts for the cause of their country. Also, throughout her whole history, Marlborough has had no reason to complain of the citizens in the northern section of the town, and they in return, having now set up for themselves, have no complaints to bring against their lawful mother. They acted together, till mutual interest suggested a separation. Even in the late war in defence of the Union, though Felton- ville, as the village was then called, had become somewhat populous, and acted in a certain sense independently of the parent town, yet, being a part of Marlborough, all its legal acts were those of the town. It is believed that in the late war, the part of the town constituting Hudson, furnished its full complement of men, and did a full share in supplying the troops who were in the field. The patriotism of the village was never called in question.
. Though it is impossible to separate the history of the northern part of Marlborough from the rest of the town, it is certain that according to its population, the northern portion furnished as many men for the principal munici- pal offices, as any section of the town. For the first half century, there were very few inhabitants in the part now contained in Hudson ; but as population increased at the north, there was at least a fair proportion of public offices filled by men inhabiting the northern section of the township. Since 1800, we could mention John, Jonathan, and Joseph Hapgood, Nathan, Abner, and David Goodale, Robert Barnard, Silas Jewell, Edward and Robert Hunter, Amasa and Joel Cranston, Lovewell Barnes, Silas Felton, Stephen Rice, Jedediah and Wm. H. Wood, Ezekiel Bruce, George E. Manson, S. B. Fairbanks, Francis Brigham, J. T. Joslin, Ebenezer Witt, G. S. Rawson, Stephen Pope, Edward Wilkins,
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and others, who have resided on the territory which is now included in Hudson, and some of them held the respective offices for a long period. Jonathan Hapgood was Selectman nine years, Lovewell Barnes, eight years, Joel Cranston, four years, Silas Felton, eleven years, Jedediah Wood, four years, G. E. Manson, eleven years, David Goodale, five years, and W. H. Wood, several years. Besides, Silas Felton was Assessor twenty-five years, and Town Clerk thirteen years. Joel Cranston and Stephen Pope, each represented the County in the State Senate ; and Cranston, Felton, Hale, Goodale, Francis Brigham, and others, have represented the town in the House of Representatives. As Justices of the Peace, we can name Cranston, Felton, S. Pope, Wm. H. Wood, D. Goodale, G. S. Rawson, G. E. Manson, and J. T. Joslin, from this section of the town.
From this glance at the subject, it will be seen that the inhabitants of the northern section of old Marl- borough, had their full share of influence in the town, and a due proportion of the honors the inhabitants had to bestow. But, in order to a just appreciation of the origin of the settlement of this part of Marlborough, it is necessary to take into the account the state of things as they existed two centuries ago, and the causes which would affect the settlement in different sections of the town. Some of these causes, such as fear from the Indians, we can hardly appreciate at the present day, though at that time, they were rightfully controlling. The tomahawk and scalping-knife, or hopeless captivity, made the stout heart hesitate and the boldest tremble. And the incursions which were made into the original township, show that the danger was real.
For various reasons, the northern part of Marlbo- rough, which is now included in Hudson, was not settled so early as the southern and central portion of
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the township. In the first place, one half of the terri- tory set off from Marlborough to form the town of Hudson, was covered by the Indian Plantation, and no valid title could be given of the land till 1719. This of course would discourage settlements on that territory. Then, during the Indian wars, the people would naturally be disposed to settle somewhat compactly, that they might the better defend themselves. Marl- borough, being on the great thoroughfare between Boston and the settlements on the Connecticut river, the government made it a sort of military depot, and maintained a small garrison there, which would give a sense of security to the settlers. Besides, the meeting- house, always the great object of attraction to the Puritans, being on the main road, would be an additional reason why the people would be induced to settle in that section of the township.
Moreover, there seems to have been a disposition among the early settlers to confine the population to the central part of the town, as may be seen by their action as early as 1662. After dividing about a thou- sand acres of land among themselves, and reserving " four score acres to accommodate some such desirable person as need may require, and the town may accept of," they described a large quantity of land, including the valley of the Assabet down to the Indian Plantation, and provided that it should remain a perpetual cow common for the use of the town, " never to be allotted without the consent of all the inhabitants and proprie- tors at a full meeting." This unwise restriction proved very embarrassing ; but remained in force nearly half a century, and was at last removed by an Act of the General Court. This restriction would seem to prevent any settlement on the Assabet river.
There was practically, a similar policy adopted by the
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English proprietors of the Indian Plantation. For before they had made any division of their land, they provided " that every proprietor should have sixty acres of some of the best land lying conveniently as may be to the town." This would tend to draw settlers to the centre of the town, where the principal population was then found.
The inhabitants of the town and the proprietors of the Indian Plantation, made several divisions of their lands. Their first division generally consisted of some of their most valuable land ; and in laying it out, they were not always careful to have their lots contiguous. Hence there would frequently be rem- nants or gores of land unappropriated ; and the second, third, and fourth divisions, and especially the last, are frequently made up of these odds and ends. Many of the proprietors would sell out their rights in these latter divisions, and the land speculators or jobbers would very often buy up these remnants from different parties or proprietors, and frequently sell them out to settlers. We often find deeds given by these specu- lators, conveying from five to ten or twelve distinct pieces of land, varying from one to thirty acres, and sometimes to a less quantity than an acre. This renders it very difficult to trace the early titles, or to ascertain the homestead of many families. Where lot A is bounded on lot B, and B on lot C, and C on common or undivided land, it requires no ordinary skill to fix the location. And the frequent statement that the same being in the right of A. B.'s second or third division lot, casts no light upon the subject ; for Mr. A. B. may not reside within a half dozen miles of his lot.
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