USA > Massachusetts > Essex County > Salem > Exercises in commemoration of the three hundredth anniversary of the gathering of the First church in Salem, Massachusetts. May 26-June 3, 1929 > Part 3
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In the next place, the voting was by secret ballot. Some maintain that this occasion of the choice of the minister and teacher of the Salem church was the first use of this method of elec- tion on American soil. The method is particu- larly interesting from the results in this case, for, contrary to what we should have expected from the comparative fame of the two men in subsequent history, Mr. Skelton was chosen to the superior office. These two men are both in- teresting persons. It has been inferred that, since Mr. Skelton was chosen to the superior office, he must have been older than Mr. Higgin- son. As a matter of fact, he was in all probability several years younger, since he graduated from Cambridge University some years after the date
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at which Mr. Higginson received his degree. He was a personal friend of Governor Endicott, and Endicott had attended his ministrations in England with great profit. He was a member of the circle of the Countess of Essex, who had considerable influence in the Puritan movement. These considerations must have given him con- siderable dignity in the eyes of the colonists. But he was, besides, a man whom people liked. He won friends all through his short life in the colony, and made on all the impression of deep and genuine piety.
Francis Higginson, who was chosen teacher, had been for several years in the thickest of the fight against the English hierarchy. His father was rector of Claybrook, near Leicester, and he himself was, like Skelton, a graduate of Cam- bridge University and a member of Clare Col- lege. He was one of the clergy in the diocese of Lincoln, a friend of Bishop Williams of Lincoln, and rector of Leicester. He had thrown himself heart and soul into the Puritan revival. We tend to overlook, in these days when the term Puritan is so widely used as a term of reproach, and when our attention is concentrated on Puritan stand- ards of behavior, the fact that in its essence the Puritan movement was a revival of mystic religion. Men like Higginson felt that it was
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possible for individual souls, without the media- tion of any ceremonies or any priesthood, to have direct communion with God and to be in- formed and enlightened by the Holy Spirit. The direct influence of the Holy Spirit was for them the heart of religion. Its effects were to be seen in the guidance of God in their personal affairs and in the conformity of their lives to the austere standard of Old Testament Puritanism.
Of necessity, men who had this experience rejected the entire theory of the sacraments on which Archbishop Laud was seeking to establish the church. Laud saw in this mystical move- ment a menace to all ecclesiastical order and stability. When we take into consideration the extreme individualism to which this theory logi- cally led, and see its results in the rise of a great multitude of sects, and finally in the Quaker and Anabaptist movements with their tend- ency to extravagance, we cannot altogether fail to understand his point of view. It is always a difficult thing to combine freedom with order and to guard the people from their own tendency to fanaticism. The Puritan church itself, when it had to assume responsibility in New England, was as oppressive toward innovators as Laud himself had been. This does not, of course, excuse Laud, or diminish in any way the glory
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of men who stood for their own convictions in the face of persecution and oppression.
Higginson was one of these. His eloquence and genuine Christian character won him the loyal affection of the whole city of Leicester. Even after he was expelled from the living be- cause of his Puritan opinions and practices, they wished to hear him, and by permission of his friend and supporter, Bishop Williams of Lin- coln, he was allowed to lecture once a week. He was offered other livings, some of them rich, but felt that he could not accept them and remain loyal to the truth as he saw it. He was support- ing his wife and eight children by taking in pupils when the opportunity came that has given him his place in American history.
One evening there came at the door of his house in Leicester a thunderous knocking which suggested at once to the minds of Higginson and his wife the coming of the pursuivants from the Archbishop to arrest him as a recalcitrant. Higginson went bravely to meet them. In rough language they told him that they came from London and that their business was to carry him thither. They then presented the document that they brought. Instead of being the summons to imprisonment and perhaps to death, which he had been expecting, it was a letter from the
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Governor and Council of the Massachusetts Bay Company, asking him to join an expedition soon to sail for the newly formed plantation at Nahum-keike. Their rough manner and their method of presenting the invitation was in- tended as a rather grim joke.
The Indian name which we know as Naum- keag has also a meaning in Hebrew, "rest in the bosom." Whether or not Higginson took this fact as an omen, he seems to have felt that the invitation was a providential opening and a release from the troubles which threatened him. He was engaged for a period of three years by the Governor and his Council, on terms which were for those days liberal. He received ten pounds a year more than Skelton, his younger associate, because of his family of eight children. When he left England, he had no intention of separating himself or his people from the mother church. We are told that he stood in the stern of the vessel that was bearing him away, with the company on board gathered about him, and as the shores of England faded in the distance, exclaimed: "We will not say as the Separatists were wont to say at their leaving England, 'Farewell, Babylon! Farewell, Rome!' But we will say, 'Farewell, dear England! Farewell the church of God in England and all Christian
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friends there!' We do not go to New England as Separatists from the Church of England." It is hard to believe that the ceremony of installation which took place only a few months later had for him any implication of separatism.
Late in March, the company sailed, in three ships. And on June 29 arrived at Nahum-keike. In Francis Higginson's Journal we find this account of the voyage:
This day [June 29, 1629] by God's blessing ... we passed the curious and difficult entrance into the large spacious harbour of Naimkecke .... It was wonderful to behould so many islands replenished with thicke wood and high trees, and many fayre greene pastures. ... We rested that night with glad and thankful hearts, that God had put an end to our long and tedious journey through the greatest sea in the world. ... The governour [Endicott] came aboard to our ship, and bade us kindly welcome, and invited me and my wiffe to come on shoare, and take our lodging in his house, which we did accordingly.
Our passage was both pleasurable and profitable, a pious and christian-like passage .... We received instruction and delight, in behoulding the wonders of the Lord in the deepe waters, and sometimes seeing the sea round us appearing with a terrible countenance, and as it were full of high hills and deepe valleyes; and sometimes it appeared as a most plain and even meadow. And ever and anon we saw divers kynds of fishes sporting in the great waters, great grampuses and huge whales going by
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companies and puffing up water-streames. Those that love their owne chimney corner, and dare not go farre beyond their owne townes end, shall neever have the honour to see these wonderfull works of Almighty God. Through God's blessing our pas- sage was short and speedy. .. for we performed the same in 6 weeks and 3 dayes.
In addition to the length of the voyage, there were other trials. "The wind," says the Journal, "caused our ship to daunce, and divers of our passengers and my wiffe specially were sea sick." Also two of his eight children became ill "of the smallpocks and purples together," and one of them, Mary, died during the voyage.
Higginson had been deputed to prepare a covenant for the church of which he and Skelton were to have the care. There is some dispute on the question whether or not there was a confes- sion of faith in addition to the covenant. But there is no dispute as to the wording of the cove- nant itself. It is a remarkable thing that this covenant has persisted unchanged through all the changes the society has undergone, and is still repeated at each service of worship in our society to-day. "We covenant with the Lord and one with another and do bind ourselves in the presence of God to walk together in all his ways, according as He is pleased to reveal Him- self unto us in his blessed word of truth."
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On August 6, Old Style, 1629, there was a solemn day of fasting and humiliation, and the church in Salem was formally gathered. Thirty people signed the covenant. Governor Bradford was to have been present throughout the day, but was hindered by contrary winds and arrived only in time to give to the newly formed church the right hand of fellowship. The church in Salem did not in any sense regard itself as under the government of the church at Plymouth, but its members felt the need of the countenance and support of the pioneer group.
This date, August 6, 1629, is an important one. It was the gathering of the first church of the Congregational order to be formed in America. This step was not taken without strenuous opposition. Two brothers, men of substance and station, William and Samuel Browne, violently disapproved and regarded the whole movement as subversive and dangerous. With others who felt as they did, they held a separate meeting for worship, at which the Book of Common Prayer was used. They found in the public utterances of Higginson and Skel- ton further matter that seemed to them a de- fiance of the law of England. They complained in a letter to the directors, quarrelled violently with Endicott, and finally, after they had been
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only six weeks in America, Endicott forced them to return to England. The directors of the com- pany had seized and held private letters which the Brownes had sent to England, after opening them and discovering matter derogatory to the company's reputation. These same directors mildly rebuked the ministers and Mr. Endicott, but made no change in the constitution of the church. We have not the document that con- tained the covenant as it was written in 1629, but we do have the statement adopted at the renewal of the covenant, under the Reverend Hugh Peters in 1636. It stands as follows in the ancient record book of the church.
"Gather my Saints together unto me that have made a Covenant with me by sacrifyce." Ps. 50:5: 6 of 6th Month, 1629, This Covenant was publickly Signed and Declared, as may appear from page 85, in this Book. Wee whose names are here under written, members of the present Church of Christ in Salem, having found by sad experience how danger- ous it is to sitt loose to the Covenant wee make with our God: and how apt wee are to wander into by pathes, even to the looseing of our first aimes in entring into Church fellowship: Doe therefore solemnly in the presence of the Eternall God, both for our own comforts, and those which shall or may be joyned unto us, renewe that Church Cove- nant we find this Church bound unto at theire first beginning, viz: That
We Covenant with the Lord and one with an
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other; and doe bynd ourselves in the presence of God, to walke together in all his waies, according as he is pleased to reveale himself unto us in his Blessed word of truth. And doe more explicitely in the name and feare of God, profess and protest to walke as follow- eth through the power and grace of our Lord Jesus.
I. first wee avowe the Lord to be our God, and ourselves his people in the truth and simplicitie of our spirits.
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2. Wee give our selves to the Lord Jesus Christ, and the word of his grace, fore the teaching, ruleing and sanctifyeing of us in matters of worship, and Conversation, resolveing to cleave to him alone for life and glorie, and oppose all contrarie wayes, can- nons and constitutions of men in his worship.
3. Wee promise to walke with our brethren and sisters in this Congregation with all watchfullnes and tendernes, avoyding all jelousies, suspitions, back- byteings, censurings, provoakings, secrete risings of spirite against them; but in all offences to follow the rule of the Lord Jesus, and to beare and forbeare, give and forgive as he hath taught us.
4. In publicke or in private, we will willingly doe nothing to the ofence of the Church but will be willing to take advise for our selves and ours as occasion shall be presented.
5. Wee will not in the Congregation be forward eyther to shew oure owne gifts or parts in speaking or scrupling, or there discover the fayling of oure brethren or sisters butt attend an orderly call there unto; knowing how much the Lord may be dis- honoured, and his Gospell in the profession of it, sleighted, by our distempers, and weaknessess in publyck.
6. Wee bynd our selves to studdy the advance-
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ment of the Gospell in all truth and peace, both in regard to those that are within, or without, noe way sleighting our sister Churches, but using theire Counsell as need shall be: nor laying a stumbling block before any, noe not the Indians, whose good we desire to promote, and soe to converse, as we may avoyd the verrye appearance of evill.
7. Wee hearby promise to carrye our selves in all lawfull obedience, to those that are over us, in Church or Commonweale, knowing how well pleasing it will be to the Lord, that they should have in- couragement in their places, by our not greiveing theyre spirites through our Irregularities.
8. Wee resolve to approve our selves to the Lord in our perticular calings, shunning ydleness as the bane of any state, nor will wee deale hardly, or op- pressingly with any, wherein we are the Lord's stewards:
9. alsoe promyseing to our best abilitie to teach our children and servants, the knowledg of God and his will, that they may serve him also; and all this not by any strength of our owne, but by the Lord Christ, whose bloud we desire may sprinckle this our Covenant made in his name.
The articles so obviously reflect the struggles of the early church that many believe they were added in their entirety at a later date. The entire covenant was renewed by the Church on
a sollemne day of Humiliation 6 of 1 moneth 1660. When also considering the power of Temptation amongst us by reason of ye Quakers doctrine to the leavening of some in the place where we are and endangering of others, doe see cause to remember the
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Admonition of our Saviour Christ to his disciples Math. 16. Take heed and beware of ye leaven of the doctrine of the Pharisees and doe judge so farre as we understand it yt ye Quakers doctrine is as bad or worse than that of ye Pharisees; Therefore we doe Covennant by the help of Jesus Christ to take heed and beware of the leaven of the doctrine of the Quakers.
I should like, if time permitted, to follow the history of the little society. It had a remark- able succession of ministers. Higginson died on August 6, 1630, on the very anniversary of the gathering of the church. In the short time of one year, he left on the colony an indelible im- press. Like most of the early ministers, he was the guide of his people, not only in their spiritual matters, but in their temporal concerns, and his letters on the state of the colony, published in England, were influential in leading to the later migrations and the founding of Boston, Dor- chester, and the other early settlements. He was succeeded as teacher by Roger Williams, who later became the founder and patron saint of the Baptist church. Williams, after a period as teacher, became, on Mr. Skelton's death, the minister of the church. It is interesting to know that, although Williams was banished from the colony by the General Court for his intemper- ate statements regarding the churches and the
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government, he was supported by Skelton, Endicott, and the members of the church. It was only when he refused communion with the church that they reluctantly acquiesced in his banishment.
Hugh Peters, who succeeded Williams, is one of the most interesting figures of these early colonial days. He was a man of great learning and of remarkable practical sagacity. The ship- building industry, the salt works, the fisheries, and, in fact, all the trade of the settlement, he took in hand and established on a secure founda- tion. He was unwearied in extending the influ- ence of the church in the remoter parts of the settlement and in establishing churches there on a permanent foundation. On the shore of Wenham Lake, the little pond famous even in India for the ice from its water carried as ballast by the Salem traders and bringing cooling and refreshment to those distant people, there stands to-day, a large boulder with an inscription. The place was known in those early days as "Enon," and on a hill above the boulder, Hugh Peters preached to a great concourse of people from the text, "In Enon, near Salim, where much water is." Peters returned to England after three years in the colony, and became private chaplain to Oliver Cromwell. He took a prominent part in the
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Protectorate and received large grants of money and of land. He was a violent and bigoted Puritan, and after the Restoration he was hanged, drawn, and quartered as a regicide at Charing Cross in London.
The church suffered two upheavals during the seventeenth century. The first was caused by the Quakers. We are accustomed to-day to regard with favor the quiet and peace of the Quaker way of life, and we wonder at the bru- tality of our ancestors who could flog a woman through the streets, - her hands tied together and fastened at the back of a cart,-and could resolve to sell into slavery in the West Indies a young man and woman who persisted in this faith. The brutality is, of course, beyond all reason and excuse. We must judge it, however, not from our present point of view, but as set against the background of the time in which it occurred. We have to remember the constant fear which beset these early settlers. One of their very first acts in reaching Salem was to set up cannon to guard the entrance of the harbor. The menace of the French and Spanish men-of. war and of pirates was matched by the even more terrible menace of the Indian terror which lurked in the forests. The records of the church contain this entry under the date of July 25,
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1677, which shows that their fears were not groundless.
The Lord having given a Commission to the Indians to take no less than 13 of the Fishing Ketches of Salem and Captivate the men (though divers of them cleared themselves and came home) it struck a great consternation into all the people there. The Pastor moved on the Lord's Day, and the whole people readily consented, to keep the Lecture Day following as a fast day: which was accordingly done and the work carried on by the Pastor, Mr. Hale, Mr. Chevers, and Mr. Gerrish, the higher ministers helping in prayer. The Lord was pleased to send in some of the Ketches on Fast Day which was looked upon as a gracious smile of Providence. Also there had been 19 wounded men sent into Salem a little while before: also, a ketch with 40 men sent out from Salem as a man-of-war to recover the rest of the Ketches. The Lord give them Good Success.
Where dangers such as these menaced, solidar- ity, order, and a right relation to God, such as would secure his favor and aid, were matters of life and death. We must remember, too, that these people were, many of them, of the second generation in the wilderness. They were for the most part ignorant and superstitious, though a much larger proportion were intelligent and in- structed than was the case in England at that day. They felt the presence of the supernatural, either perfectly good or diabolically evil, in the commonest events. The fear and ignorance of
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which they were victims produced an emotional instability that made them liable to strange waves of emotion. The Quakers were the first victims. Their extravagances and insubordina- tion were met by a cruelty inspired by fear. This movement and its violent suppression pre- pared the way for the outbreak of the witchcraft delusion only a few years later.
This is not the place for any extended treatise on what is known as the witchcraft delusion. There is a tendency, which is being overcome in our own day but which influenced the inter- preters of this movement in preceding genera- tions, to think that there were no such persons as witches. We are most of us sure that no harm can be done to anyone by the use of charms and spells; but we may be perfectly sure that there were persons who tried to do others harm in this way. In the seventeenth century, belief in the malign power of witches was universal among the learned and unlearned.
The outbreak of witchcraft in Salem did not begin in the parish of the First Church, but in Salem Village, the community now known as Danvers. The witch trials, however, did take place in Salem, and the Reverend Nicholas Noyes, minister of the church at the period, took an active part in the persecutions. One of the
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condemned persons rebuked him from the gal- lows, accusing him of knowing her innocence and allowing her by his cowardice to go to her death. It is possible that her accusation was true. Men and women in those days of hysteri- cal fear hesitated to take up the cause of inno- cent persons, for fear of drawing the wrath of the mob on themselves; and we must remember that reputable judges had pronounced this per- son guilty, although the legality of the court and its proceedings was later gravely questioned. The church recovered from this delusion in a few years, and, from that time on, we find its membership increasingly suspicious of "en- thusiasm." At the time when, under the in- spiration of Jonathan Edwards and of White- field, the movement known as the Great Awak- ening swept through New England, accom- panied by the wildest scenes of religious excite- ment, the leaders of the First Church of Salem - in fact of all the churches of Salem, except that of Salem Village - stood aloof, inclined to criticize and suspect the whole enterprise.
During the eighteenth century, this rational- istic movement kept growing. The wealth which came in great abundance to Salem through the adventures of her traders created a leisure class, who eagerly bought and assimilated the works
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of Newton and his illustrious associates. Ben- jamin Thompson, later Count Rumford, was for a while a resident of Salem, and we recall the name of Nathaniel Bowditch, the great navi- gator. Salem had, in the era that preceded the Revolution, a group of able and cultivated men who had absorbed the rationalistic point of view. Without anyone being aware that a change was in progress, the church found itself on the side of the Unitarian movement, when Channing, Buckminster, and their associates be- gan to attract attention and to be looked upon as a separate group. This alignment brought with it no need for any change in the basis of membership or in the covenant. Members of the First Church were on the committee which in 1825 formed the American Unitarian Associa- tion, and both the First and North parishes have continued to be connected with this branch of Congregationalism.
The nineteenth century has many interest- ing episodes in the history of the parishes, but this paper must not extend to an undue length. The First Church of to-day, worshipping in the century-old church known for years as the North Meeting House, backed by the resources of the two parishes, inheritor of a tradition of great service and achievement, its rolls contain-
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ing names of illustrious Americans for more than ten generations, faces not toward the past but toward the future. Our task of witnessing for free religion is as challenging as any that the church has faced throughout its history. We are proud to be a part of a nation-wide or, rather, world-wide alliance of free churches. We hope to do our full share of the common task.
THE HISTORY OF THE NORTH CHURCH IN SALEM AN ADDRESS GIVEN MAY 28, 1929 BY STEPHEN WILLARD PHILLIPS
THE NORTH CHURCH IN SALEM
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
I "T seemed to me that the celebration of the three hundredth anniversary of the First Church in Salem should include some account of that branch of the Society which had sepa- rated from the First Church in 1772, and, after one hundred and fifty years of independent existence, had once more joined the old church.
With the history of the North Church and of its Society, The Proprietors of the North Meeting-House, I am reasonably familiar, and I am glad to do my part in the celebration, as well as to revive once more the memories of a distinguished religious society. It is, of course, unnecessary for me to express my great obliga- tion to "The History of the North Church," prepared by the Reverend Mr. Willson in con- nection with the one hundredth anniversary of the Society in 1872. Anyone making a study of this subject must lean heavily on his account, as many of the sources of information which were available to him have now disappeared.
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