USA > Massachusetts > Hampden County > Hampden county, 1636-1936, Volume I > Part 13
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The Mohawks said he had spoken many hard things, but they were sweetened by the present. Nevertheless, they made an artful, dishonest reply and declined to give up the Christian Indians.
In October, 1683, the Mohawks sent a present of twenty beaver skins to Massachusetts, and the Colony sent in return a much more valuable present in wampum, shirts, duffles, stockings, rum, and tobacco. The expression "an Indian gift" was a byword in New England. It denoted a present made by a person who expected five or ten times as much value in return. After the war between England and France began in 1689, it was an object of importance to please the Mohawks and keep them faithful to England and her colonies. Thus it happened that three agents from Massachusetts and one from Connecticut left Westfield one August day and journeyed to Albany, escorted by ten troopers. They were gone more than four weeks, and during that time gave large presents to the Mohawks, small presents to the river Indians, and gifts to the sachems privately. Besides, there was considerable free feasting. Great Britain and New York, likewise, gave presents to the Mohawks. Robert Living- ston, who lived in the vicinity, made the comment that he wished we needed not to court such heathen as the Mohawks for assistance, . because they were a broken reed to depend on. They felt their impor- tance, and at times were insolent enough to damage the houses they entered. Yet the people generally submitted to these abuses because it would not do to quarrel with the Mohawks. It was difficult to restrict any of the Indians. They must have what they desired. A great abundance of beef and other meats were furnished them, and also rum, wine, cider, beer, pipes and tobacco-all for their drunken revels.
John Sale, in 1733, charged the Colony one hundred and ninety- five pounds for keeping twenty-two Mohawks nineteen days, including breakage of windows, tables, chairs, knives, mugs, cups and glasses, and for daubing the walls. On another occasion, when Sale enter- tained nine Penobscot chiefs twenty-four days, he made charges for breaking furniture and for washing forty-nine of their greasy shirts, and his charge for "cleansing and whitewashing" two rooms after
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them was sixty shillings. It was no easy matter to cleanse a room that had been occupied by guests of that kind. Such scenes and transac- tions were familiar in other colonies when Indians assembled to make or renew treaties. European governments encouraged the Indians in their propensities. Both France and England courted a disgraceful alliance with savages, and both armed them against the defenseless inhabitants of the other party.
Some of the conditions at the Springfield plantations were dis- tinctly barbaric. For instance, the spirit of the age made it possible for a court to order a man to flog his son on the bare back in the presence of the town officers and a gaping crowd! The county court kept a sharp eye on the home, and was quick to enforce parental authority. Samuel Ball was ordered to be flogged because he used abusive language to his father-in-law.
The children of the town were brought into very close relations to the tithing men, and at all times were made conscious that the eye of authority was on them. The court urged that the tithing men "dili- gently take care that the Sabbath be not profaned by youth or older persons sitting or standing out of their meeting-houses in time of pub- lic worship, whereby they are exposed to many temptations and diver- sions, but that they check all such persons, and so deal with them that they will go into their meeting-houses where they will be in sight to present their names in case they do not reform."
Also, "have a vigilant eye on persons who, without just cause, are unseasonably abroad in the evening from their parents or masters, all persons being required to go to their lodgings or homes by nine of the clock at night." Under the shadow of such supervision the youth of that period grew. One of the lads who was caught with others making a disturbance on a Sabbath Day, was the son of a member of the court that was to deal with him, but no parental consideration prevented his having to pay the regular fine. Eventually this boy grew up to be Samuel Holyoke, the noted Indian fighter.
When the first meetinghouse was built, there was a delay in getting glass for the windows, and when the glass did come there was more delay in setting it. This gave the children a chance to exercise their natural curiosity and some of the windows were broken. The select- men had made a rule that a child caught at any sports about the meet- inghouse should be fined, and in case those responsible for them
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refused to pay, the children should be whipped in the selectmen's presence.
For a long time there was great disorder in leaving the meeting- house at the end of a service. Many young people flocked out before the blessing was pronounced and most of these "could not be thought to have any necessity for so doing. This was a grief to serious minds," and the selectmen declared it must not be done excepting there be a necessary occasion. Increase Sikes was ordered to keep the east door and Isaac Gleason and Benjamin Thomas to look to the south door. It was also ordered that all persons under the age of twelve shall sit on the seat under the deacon's seat, and also on that seat against it, and on the stairs, only they must not block up the stairs when Mr. Glover, the minister, came.
The town voted, in 1677, that "Goodman Lamb, Sergeant Mor- gan, Joseph Crowfoot, and others be given a license to fish from the falls in the Chicopee River where the wading place is down to the mouth of that river." The prices fixed for them were, "Fresh salmon at the river, 6 pence, in the village, 8 pence. Fresh shad: half pence at the river, one pence in the village."
The meetinghouse was old and small, and not equal to the needs of the congregation even with benches in the aisles. The first meet- inghouse was built in 1645, and stood on the southeast corner of Court Square, encroaching a little on Elm Street, which has since been widened. The second building stood slightly to the west of the first, and was erected in 1677. All of these were on Meetinghouse Lane, now Elm Street. When the first meetinghouse was superseded by the second, it sold for five pounds. The meetinghouse yard was inclosed by a five-rail fence, except in the rear, where a hedge was planted .. A turret was installed, but a bell was not put in for nearly ten years. The deacons had a seat by themselves, and there are references to the great pillars, bannisters, posts, "benches in the alleys, and rods for the canopy."
They kept the children away from the windows in this building, but some dogs managed to break three shillings' worth of glass.
Among other expense items were two quarts of drink for John Gilbert when he made the glass. The meetinghouse was fortified against Indians by making a stockade of foot-logs, ten and a half feet long, and the same fortification was erected about Mr. Glover's house.
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In 1677 William Madison, schoolmaster, was allowed to take three pence a week from those he taught to read English, and four pence a week from those he taught to both read and write; also, four pence of those whom he taught writing only. The town, for encour- agement, this first year, agreed to allow him the rent of town land in Chicopee.
The following year Daniel Benton began teaching, and was paid twenty pounds. The "watchhouse of the new meeting-house" was set apart for his school room. In 1679 a schoolhouse twenty-two feet by seventeen feet, framed, clapboarded and shingled was ordered to be built "somewhere in the lane going to the upper wharf," now Cypress Street.
The watchhouse apparently disappointed expectation, and the schoolmaster gathered his flock of children in Goodman Mirrick's house. Mirrick's wife was somewhat of a teacher herself. When the frame for the schoolhouse was being put up, all the available young men helped at the work and afterward resorted to Ely's tavern. The town footed the bill.
Fines were imposed for neglect to send children to school, and all were urged to send both children and servants.
In January, 1694, the town authorized the selectmen to hire the schoolmaster. It was not unusual to have more or less selectmen who could not read or write. Miles Morgan was an example. His mark was a crudely drawn anchor.
About this time the town's county tax was often paid in corn, which was forwarded to the Bay in 1680 by water.
In 1691 a ferry was established over the Connecticut, and a Suf- field man ran the ferry. He was allowed to charge four pence for each horse and two pence for each man as toll. The county court had now become the dispenser of liquor licenses and kept a sharp eye on these taverns, and it is sad to relate that Nathaniel Ely was con- victed of selling cider to the Indians. Ten years later Springfield wanted another retailer of strong drink, and Luke Hitchcock was chosen on condition that he did not sell to children, servants, and extravagant persons, and insisting that he take care no person got tippling in his house.
One dubious family with whom the court had to deal consisted of Michael Towsley, Mary, his wife, and their daughter, all of whom
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were presented to the court for varied disorders such as lying, steal- ing, killing some of their neighbors' creatures, and threatening these neighbors until they were afraid of grievous mischief. The court bore due witness against such spiteful, dangerous practices, and they found the daughter, Mary, especially guilty of lying in that she charged her father with stealing and teaching her to steal, which afterward she denied. The court ordered the selectmen of Suffield to have Mary put out to service to some person with whom she might be well edu- cated, she herself saying that she could not reform while with her father and mother. As to the wife of Towsley, the court found her guilty of speeches threatening burning to her neighbors and sentenced her to be well whipt with ten lashes. Towsley was sentenced to fif- teen lashes, and he and his wife were bound in the sum of ten pounds apiece for their good behavior.
In 1680 every inhabitant was required to keep at least three sheep. No one could employ an Indian on his farm in 1686 without a permit. For years there had been a premium on wolves, but in 1688 it was taken from them and put on bears, which had been making serious inroads among the swine.
Late in July, 1688, five friendly Indians were killed at Spectacle Pond, about ten miles east of Springfield. John Pynchon was kept quite busy sending aid to exposed points. Whether in time of peace or war, he was the hardest worked man in western Massachusetts. His disposition was placid, his bearing dignified. He was a town organizer, an interpreter of laws. When he visited Boston, he took his place among the assistants in the General Court, and when he entered the county courtroom, either at Springfield or Northampton, his seat was at the head of the bench of judges, and at town meeting he was always moderator. Likewise, on training day he was captain of the company and, in short, he was Springfield's most distinguished citizen.
In 1680, when it became evident by repeated attacks of the Mohawks on the peaceable Indians of Massachusetts that something . decided must be done, it was to John Pynchon the Massachusetts authorities turned. He went to Albany to meet Sir Edmund Andros and deal with the Macquas Indians, and he frankly rebuked them for breaking treaty agreements, and then he made them presents of
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blankets, shirts, rum and tobacco, which "sweetened the hard speech of the Major."
"Brother Pynchon," the savages said, "we are glad to see you here again, like as we did four years past." A cordial understanding was the result. Four years later these Indians, accompanied by an interpreter, went through an interesting ceremony, saying, "we do here plant a tree of peace, whose branches spread abroad as far as the Massachusetts Colony, and to Virginia, Maryland and all that are in friendship with us : and lie in peace, unity and tranquility under the shade of the tree of peace." In 1870 an ancient oak fell in Long- meadow, under which, tradition says, John Pynchon used to hold con- ferences with the local Indians.
EAST STREET. LUDLOW
Pynchon was seen at his best with reference to commerce and business. He made money for himself, but at the same time labored to build up the town. He was the village merchant, the beaver trader, land speculator, farmer, mining prospector, banker, and the importer and exporter of merchandise. He never relinquished the idea that the hills guarding the river were rich in minerals. His father was of the same opinion and spent much money prospecting.
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John Pynchon thought he had found lead near Westfield, and was so confident he had discovered valuable ore near Miller's River that he and some associates secured a grant of a thousand acres. He had a warehouse in Springfield as early as 1660, where his goods were delivered on arrival from Hartford. It seems to have been near Mill River on the banks of the Connecticut. He also had a regular country store, and nearly everyone, from minister to hired hands, kept run- nings accounts there. The farmers and merchants from Northamp- ton to New Haven had the habit of paying off men by drawing orders on Pynchon for merchandise. Reverend Mr. Glover bought at one time ten bushels of barley malt, a firkin of soap, and nine and one- half yards of lace. Deacon Chapin paid for his merchandise in ox hides, meal, corn, hay, candles, peas, carting hay and stone. Thomas Cooper was continually delivering to Pynchon beaver, moose and deer skins, and he did miscellaneous carpentering, handed in wild honey, and drove hogs to market. Thomas Mirrick was often employed by Pynchon to cart goods from Hartford, and there are references to several voyages made by him on the river.
From time to time Miles Morgan bought calico, venison, razors, lace, raisins, sugar and gunpowder. A balance was struck by Mor- gan's carting and by his slaughtering cattle and selling produce. Miles killed as many as twenty hogs for Pynchon at one time. Anthony Dorchester carried lumber, and he transported hay and other things across the river. Griffith Jones tanned hides. Samuel Ferry could make ditches and fences, and his wife could weave. Fran- cis Pepper was expert in tending sheep and in threshing.
Pynchon bought flour, wine, butter and other produce in New London and made up a cargo of wheat to offset it. Trade in pelts, both from domestic and forest animals formed the profitable basis for his business. He was continually letting out cattle to his neighbors for a share in the returns and increase. He rented, sold and bought lands, and took land and goods for debt, sometimes going as long as seventeen years before bringing suit on overdue accounts. He hired out his colored "maid Elizabeth" to Samuel Ely, for two years, and his oxen, "Collier" and "Russler" to Anthony Dorchester for one year. He owned cidermills, sawmills, gristmills, wharves and ware- houses, canoes and boats, and he was also a ship owner. He had
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tenement houses on both sides of the river, and always was ready to sell, buy or rent.
Major Pynchon's sons, Joseph and John, were in Harvard at the same time, about 1664.
Joseph settled at Boston and, in 1678, his father deeded him one thousand acres of land on the west side of the Connecticut in Spring- field, Hatfield, and Deerfield. For a time the major was accompanied to the General Court by Joseph. As the major grew old and infirm, the town was impressed that some special provision should be made for his safety on his long horseback journeys to and from Boston, and a man for his bodyguard was promptly provided. After a lingering illness, death came January 7, 1703, at the age of eighty-two years. There was an imposing funeral. A company of troopers were employed by the Pynchon family to do escort duty, and several hun- dred dollars were spent. One important item was five gallons of rum for the comfort of the mourners. The inventory of the estate included two negro slaves, a man and a maid. Tom, the man servant, lived to a good old age, and at his death the simple record of his outfit was -- "A parcel of old clothing of black Tom, negro, ten shillings." The digging of Tom's grave cost three pence and, while there were no troopers to attend the last rites, the servants and slaves on the Pyn- chon estate were given one quart of rum to drink to old Tom's memory.
The Regicides
CHAPTER XII The Regicides
One of the most famous Connecticut Valley traditions is con- cerned with two English regicides, and as the word regicide means king killer, it seems to have a very sinister significance. But in this instance the king killers involved are regarded as patriots, dealing with a lawless monarch. That monarch was Charles I, of England, and the fate that was his he brought on himself. The trial was con- ducted in an ordinary manner by the High Court of Justice, which was the forlorn hope of civil and religious liberty for the English race, and which so shattered with one desperate blow the battlements of unauthorized privilege, that its walls never can be fully built up again.
The High Court of Justice by which the King was tried consisted of sixty-seven judges, and they condemned him to death by beheading. Time passed and the Puritans' leader, the famous Cromwell, died. No one else seemed competent to take his place, and when it became apparent that Charles II was destined to be Britain's next King, the homeland was no longer safe for the regicides. They began to scat- ter and look for some quiet haven where they could live in peace. Two of these regicides regarded New England with favor. They were Edward Whalley and William Goffe. The former was a mer- chant in middle life when the contest began between King Charles and Parliament. It was then that he took up arms in defense of human rights, and he distinguished himself in many sieges and battles. That he should rise to such high offices in the State, and conduct him- self with discretion in all of them, showed the soundness of his abilities. Oliver Cromwell was a cousin.
Goffe, the other regicide, was the son of a Puritan rector in Sus- sex. While still a young man he went into the Parliament Army, and his merit gradually raised him to the rank of general. Afterward he,
Hampden-12
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too, became a member of Parliament. Goffe's wife, who was Whal- ley's daughter, was left in their English home, and as an exile he kept up a constant correspondence with her, under the assumed name of Walter Goldsmith.
There were plenty of discontented persons in England who had been sent back from Massachusetts Bay because the New World Puri- tans did not like their company. Some of them told their prospective King that all New Englanders were rebels at heart, and he was inclined to believe them. The probability that he would be the next King made Whalley and Goffe hasten to get away from their home- land while they could.
When they left London, Charles had not been proclaimed King, but the news of his crowning reached them while yet in the English Channel. They did not attempt to conceal their persons or char- acters when they reached the new country, except that Whalley assumed the name Richardson and Goffe that of Shepardson, for use if there ever seemed need of such disguise. Their first call was on Governor Endicott, who received them very courteously. They spent the day of their arrival in Boston, but the next day decided to reside at Cambridge, a village about four miles inland from Boston. Seclu- sion might be an advantage if they had to make a hasty escape from the region. They visited many of the principal towns, but it was Boston where they went most frequently.
The leading citizens of Boston returned the calls, and among the rest were "dyed-in-the-wool-royalists." The regicides went publicly to meetings on the Lord's Day, and to occasional lectures, fasts, and thanksgivings. Their appearance was in their favor. They were grave, serious and devout, and the rank they had sustained com- manded respect. Goffe kept a diary from the day he left Westmin- ster to embark for New England until the year 1667. On July 2, 1660, we find him writing in his diary: "It is the Lord's Day --- heard the Cambridge minister preach."
On another occasion the two regicides attended an Indian lecture, probably by the apostle Eliot. Goffe made notes of the discussion that followed and was impressed by the searching questions of the natives.
The judges were making friends and things were moving smoothly. But after awhile there began to be disquieting rumors that made them
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feel anxious, and soon convinced them that staying in Cambridge was too hazardous, so they went into hiding. An English sea captain who had seen them in Boston gave information about them on his arrival in England. A few days after their removal there came by way of Barbados a "Hue-and-Cry" as Goffe called it in his diary, whereupon a warrant to secure them was issued from the Governor, and sent to Springfield and other towns in the western part of the Colony, but they were beyond the reach of it, as was doubtless expected by all except the royalists.
On August 16 the judges had supped with the president of Har- vard College, who had said, "I am persuaded that the Lord has brought you to this country for good, both to us and yourselves." And now they were fugitives! About the same time the startling news came to Boston that ten of the other judges had been executed. Yes, and the Governor had received a royal mandate to have Whalley and Goffe secured. Such tidings greatly alarmed the public, for there was no doubt of the court's necessity to act. A crisis was at hand. However, the judges had friends who contrived to send them away from the Bay. An Indian guided them as far as Springfield, and there a local man named Simon Lobdell took them in charge and escorted them through Hartford to New Haven. There they arrived March 7, 1661, and were well received, as befitted their rank, by the leading men of both towns.
Forced by royal mandate, Governor Endicott, on the seventh of May, 1661, sent the captain of an English ship and a young Boston merchant, both zealous royalists, to search for the judges as far south as New York. On their return these agents reported to the Governor that their efforts had been ineffectual, because they could not induce the magistrates to give them authority to search for the judges. They had been put off chiefly by pretended difficulties. "And so," as they said, "finding the magistrates obstinate in their contempt of His Majesty, we came away the next day, after which we made our return by sea to give your honor an account."
The pretended efforts of Endicott did not blind observers in England, but although he had not wholly succeeded in saving his credit, the judges had fled beyond his jurisdiction, and he was spared further embarrassment.
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For a while they seemed to be out of danger, yet the news of the King's proclamation made them doubtful. What they did for the sake of safety was to go to Milford, a few miles south of New Haven, and appear in the daytime making themselves freely known, but at night they returned privately and went to the house of the bold New Haven minister, Davenport, who openly aided and comforted them. There they stayed in hiding, but not for long.
The Colony of New Haven especially aroused the anger of King Charles because the two regicides were harbored there-judges who had sat in the court that condemned his father. So officers were sent across the ocean in pursuit of them, and if they had been caught and taken to London, their severed heads would have been set up on Temple Bar.
As things were, the judges had friends who kept informed of what was going on. One of these was William Jones, to whose house they moved from Mr. Davenport's. Jones cared for them until May II and then they found shelter in a mill. After a short sojourn there, they betook themselves to the woods, evidently by appointment with Jones, who came with two companions to meet them. Under the guidance of these friends the regicides went to a place called Hatchet Harbor, where they lay two nights until a cave, or hole in the side of a hill, was ready to conceal them. "Providence Hill" they called this resort and there they continued, from the fifteenth of May to the eleventh of June, but not always in the cave. Sometimes, when the weather was very tempestuous they took refuge in a nearby house. During this time the royalist messengers went through New Haven. They made diligent search and had full proof that the regicides had been seen at Mr. Davenport's, and they offered tempting rewards to English and Indians who would give information that would lead to their arrest, but by the fidelity of their friends the judges remained undiscovered. Mr. Davenport was threatened with being called to an account for concealing and comforting traitors, and might well be alarmed.
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