USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Athol > History of Athol, Massachusetts > Part 4
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1
THIRD MEETING HOUSE OF ATHOL, 1773-1827
popular ditty being "Oh, what a funny people to have a church without a steeple."
To this building our forefathers came for town meeting as well as church worship. Here they passed all their votes of disloyalty to the unpopular George III, and from its very doors Athol citizens started for Lexington, Bunker Hill, Bennington, Saratoga, New York, and Valley Forge. From its doorway the Declaration of Independence was first read to our people and
(18) Rev. Joseph Estabrook, (July 2, 1827).
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THE CHURCH IS FORMED
here they voted paragraph by paragraph on the ratification of the Constitution of Massachusetts.
Like all other church buildings of that period there was no heating apparatus in it but nevertheless our pious ancestors sat in zero weather warmed only by their foot stoves and their religious zeal.
From this house the Rev. Humphrey bade Godspeed to his son as well as all the others as they started for the campaigns of the Revolution. His loyalty to the Colonial Cause was beyond question, but he lacked in some things deemed essential for the ministry, and the time came when many of his people, particularly in the easterly part of the town, desired a more able preacher. Yet this aging man of God was not without his champions. These, however, were not his near neighbors but were nearly all residents of the northwesterly part of the town- ship. So intense was their feeling against the central part of the town that secession seemed to them the only solution of the difficulty, which constituted the third loss in membership of the original church.
Some fourteen years before, the first break occurred when some of the members became interested in the Baptist form of worship and practices. This burst of enthusiasm grew into bitterness as one after another left the once united Church of Christ in Athol to align themselves denominationally with this sect.
In all of our New England communities there were some dissenters from the Standing Order or Calvanistic doctrines. Roger Williams, the great pioneer Baptist in America, ban- ished from the Bay Colony on account of his non-conformist views, was perhaps the most prominent of this type. I do not find that any disaffection appeared in Athol until about 1768 when Rev. Isaac Backus of Middleboro, the first great apostle of the Anabaptists, began to make periodical visits to Athol. For fifty years he rode on horseback over these hills. His diary, now in the New England Baptist Library at Newton-Andover, shows that he came here frequently, lodging in some humble settler's cabin, preaching, exhorting, pleading, but at all times emphasizing his views of theology and practice.
Emigration to Athol and Royalston of a considerable number of families from northeastern Connecticut started about this time, the most prominent of which was Isaac Estey, ancestor of the Brattleboro family of that name. These families came from a community where Baptist interests were predominant
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HISTORY OF ATHOL
and their influence coupled with Elder Backus' efforts were responsible for the organization of the Baptist Church of Athol and Royalston, located on the spot where the F. W. Whitney place on Chestnut Hill stands. This farm was then occupied by Rev. Whitman Jacobs, an ordained Baptist minister from Killingly, Connecticut. It was the first break in the solid ranks of the Church of Christ in Athol, now through many vicissi- tudes become the First Church Unitarian.
In May, 1773 forty-one inhabitants of Templeton and four- teen residents of Athol petitioned the General Court for au- thority to establish a separate church out of the westerly part of Templeton and the easterly part of Athol, and the following February 24th, after having been once refused and petition- ing a second time, their request was granted and Templeton West Precinct became a separate parish, twelve years later to become the Town of Gerry and after 1814 the Town of Phil- lipston. Athol strenuously opposed this secession but having no representative in the General Court its protest was ineffective and this second loss by the Athol Church received legislative sanction.
Now, in 1783, came the parting of the ways, the really major division of our township. Many causes brought about the formation of the new municipality but I think the control- ling factor was differences in the Church of Pequoig. In this interim Pequoig became embroiled in the French and Indian War, our township took the name of Athol, our first roads were laid out, schools were started, and the rumblings of the Revolution had become the deafening roar of another blood- shed on this continent.
42
CHAPTER V FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR
DIVAL and conflicting territorial claims were the underlying cause of this the last European war to be waged on Amer- ican soil. These claims were vital to the future of all the Colonies for in them was the question whether the great un- explored western country should be open to the English colon- ists or whether the western bounds of English territory should be in the Appalachian Mountains. To Pennsylvania and Vir- ginia the problem was a much more vivid one than to the New England colonies. With the campaigns of Braddock and of Washington into the Ohio Valley, Massachusetts had no part, but these campaigns had the effect here of increased exertions in preparation for the general conflict that seemed imminent.
Although Braddock did not arrive from England until Feb- ruary, 1755 and active hostilities did not begin until some months later, yet all through the year 1754 war was imminent. The Albany convention of June, 1754 was called principally to effect a treaty with the Indian tribes lest they should again become French allies. Its chief accomplishment, however, was the formation of a Colonial Federation under which the English Colonies could act in unison and much more effec- tively
Hardly had our Massachusetts delegates returned home from this convention before a committee was appointed to con- sider the state of our frontier defenses. On November 20, 1754 this committee recommended that many existing forts and blockhouses be repaired and that an additional fort be erected midway between Ft. Massachusetts and Hudson's River, as well as a small blockhouse at New Framingham. The same day a committee was appointed and a hundred pounds appropriated to build blockhouses, and to repair the existing fortifications at Gardner's Canada (Warwick) Royalshire (Roy- alston), Ipswich Canada (Winchedon), and Dorcester Canada (Ashburnham).
Pequoig, still a frontier settlement, had the experiences of the last war vividly in mind. Having been omitted in the gen- eral scheme of fortifying the frontier, this township lost no time in asking the General Court for protection. Preserved in
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HISTORY OF ATHOL
the Massachusetts archives is the petition of the Pequoig set- tlers which reads as follows:
"To his Excellence William Shirley, Esqe., Captain General and Commander in Chief in and over his Majesties Province of the Massachusetts Bay, the Honorable his Majesties Council, and house of Representatives in General Court and Convened Decemb: 1754.
"The Petition of the Inhabitants of that Township on Millers River called Poquiog Humbly Sheweth
"Inasmuch as your humble Petitioners Inhabit one of the frontier Towns of this Province Therefore of our (Indian) Enemies, who in the late War, took away the life of one man, and led Captive another, Therefore pray the Protection of this Province.
"And inasmuch as by our not being incorporated, we are unable to Constrain such persons as claim an Equal Share of land with us the inhabitants of said Poquiog, to an Equaly or even to any Expense, with us, in building necessary forts or Garrisons for our Defence against the assaults of our Enemies, whose lands will be equally Defended with our own -- and we your Humble Petitioners, are, of ourselves unable, and Des- titute of means of securing ourselves from our Enemies, Do therefore Pray more Efficiently and Particularly, That this Honle Court, would allow us, at the charge and expense of the Province to build Two forts, of Square timber, One of 45 or 50 foot square on the West side of the River, for receiving the six families on that side, the other of 64 foot square on the east or south side of the River, for the 20 families and 5 single men on that side of the River, which with the fort al- ready built that may take in 12 families, may be Sufficient for that side of the River, and such a number of soldiers as (here- after) may be needful for our Defence and Security: So your Humble Petitioners as in Duty bound shall ever pray, &c."
(Signed) Joseph Lord Ephraim Smith Richard Morton Samuel Dexter Abraham Nutt Abner Lee Aaron Smith Joseph Lord, Jr. George Kilten William Lord
Upon this petition the General Court voted January 8, 1755 that the committee on fortifications repair to Pequoig, deter-
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FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR
mine what fortifications were necessary, and sell sufficient land of delinquents to defray the expense. In the year 1755, al- though no actual war had been declared between France and England, the disastrous Braddock Campaign, the appointing of an exploring committee to report on the country between No. 4 and Crown Point, and the raising of an army of 3500 men from Massachusetts for proposed expeditions from Al- bany to Niagara and to Crown Point, became history.
Of the army of 6000 men which assembled at Albany in June, 1755, Poquaige seems to have furnished her full share, but just how many we do not know. We have but three names. of which we may be sure, but tradition and contemporaneous data place the number at about ten men. While this expedi- tion failed of either of its ultimate goals, yet it did see consid- erable warfare around Lake George and prevented a further invasion of New York and probably of New England by the French.
The year 1756 brought the actual declaration of war but less; active hostilities near New England. An army of about 4000 was maintained around Albany and the defenses strengthened, but no advance was made against the enemy. In 1757 this army had been reduced to about 3000 men and upon this gar- rison, Montcalm descended in August, 1757 with 5500 reg- ulars and 1600 Indians, overhelmed Ft. Edward, which he burned, taking its stores to Canada.
So far as I can learn no local men were with this English Army either in 1756 or 1757. England had sent Lord Loudon here as commander of her forces, but he whiled away the time in inactivity and the planning of an attack by sea .. upon Louisburg until disaster befell him. This disaster brought much grief and anxiety to our exposed town. But in 1758. before Montcalm could marshall his forces for another attack, Lord Jeffrey Amherst and Admiral Boscowen effected the con- quest of Louisburg. New England took new courage. Lord. Loudoun was recalled and General Abercrombie succeeded. him. New expeditions were organized against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and again our local settlement did its part ..
In the expedition of 1758 we have well authenticated rec- ords that at least five Athol men participated. They marched away on April 14, 1758 under Capt. John Frye, then of Sutton, afterwards of Royalston. The men from Pequoig who served in the 1758 campaign so far as known are Edward Buckman, Stephen Lord, Thomas Lord, Benjamin Morton, and Jason Parmenter - all but the last named serving in Capt. Frye's.
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HISTORY OF ATHOL
Company. Parmenter served in Capt. Andrew Dalrymple's Company and was listed as from Petersham.
After a disastrous defeat at Ticonderoga in July, 1758, the Army was withdrawn to the vicinity of Saratoga and Albany, where it entrenched itself to prevent a French invasion. Ap- parently all of the Poquaige soldiers in company with their Provincial associates returned home leaving the English reg- ulars in the forts and camps. Lord Amherst proceeded to Bos- ton, after the conquest of Louisburg, where the plans for the campaign of 1759 were perfected. Wolfe was to ascend the St. Lawrence and attempt the reduction of Quebec. Brigadier Stanvoix was sent to conduct the operations on the west, while Amherst himself undertook the conquest of the Champlain Valley, which if successful meant the speedy triumph of Great Britain in these Colonies. Into this conflict Massachusetts sent 7000 men most of whom served under Gen. Amherst. Ticonderoga and Crown Point were speedily overhelmed. Fort Niagara likewise fell and soon Lake Erie was won. By mid- September the dying Wolfe knew that Quebec had succumbed to his army. So far as I can discover all the Pequoig men in this conflict served under Gen Amherst. They are Edward Buckman, Samuel Graves, Stephen Lord, Thomas Lord, Abra- ham Morton, Jason Parmenter and William Wood.
As these men were allowed for travel from Hardwick to Al- bany, it is to be assumed that they traversed the wilderness in a general westerly direction after leaving Hardwick. We may assume they returned from the North Country by way of the Connecticut Valley as they were allowed travel home from No. 4.
Concerning the fate of Samue! Graves we have only the bare record of his death at Crown Point, but of Abraham Morton's fate we have the melancholy tradition that while returning home with a party of soldiers who had served under Col. Rogers and met defeat, their provisions became entirely exhausted. They agreed to draw lots to determine who of their number should yield up his body to save the rest from famishing. The story came from a comrade who forthwith left the party, hear- ing a gunshot soon afterwards. As Morton was said to be in this party and was never heard of afterwards, it is altogether possible that the lot fell to him, and the gunshot heard ended his life.
As Amherst advanced with his army upon Ticonderoga and Crown Point, the French abandoned these strongholds and withdrew to Canada, but here Amherst delayed instead of
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FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR
pressing the advantage gained, so that the late autumn of 1759 found the French still in possession of the country north of Lake Champlain although Wolfe had wrested Quebec from the gallant Montcalm.
The plans for the campaign of 1760 called for an advance on Montreal from three directions. Amherst with the main Army was to descend the St. Lawrence from Lake Ontario; Brigadier Haviland was to proceed by the way of Lake Champ- lain; while Brigadier James Murry who had succeeded in com- mand at Quebec after the death of Wolfe was to ascend the St. Lawrence with what could be spared from Quebec of Wolfe's army.
As the spring opened, the sons of old Pequoig were again on their way in the service of their King. We have a record of five of them who went into this decisive year of the Seven Years' War - Adonijah Ball, Moses Ball, Stephen Lord, Eliphalet Moore, and David Twitchell. Again they marched under Capt. William Paige of Hardwick and were absent from home from April 14 to December 7. Then only four of them returned for their comrade, Adonijah Ball, had died at Sara- toga during their absence.
Again our men traversed over familiar ground to Crown Point. Here Haviland organized his army and proceeded by boat to the head waters of Lake Champlain where he met the French at Isle aux Noir. Driving them back to St. John and eventually to the St. Lawrence River, he awaited the arrival of Murry and Amherst. Both of these divisions arrived about September first and preparations were made to take Montreal. Being much weakened by desertions from his army, the French Commander Veudreuil proposed a capitulation which was effected September 8, 1760. At last French dominion in Canada with all its intrigues, treachery, and outrages was ended.
Historians relate that this victory was celebrated by sermons in every church in the Province, but whether the Rev. Mr. Humphrey and the then fifty families of Pequoig joined in this general celebration we do not know. But the Colonies could not be officially at peace until the strife was settled by the principal contending forces in Europe. So a state of war exis.ed for two years more until the late autumn of 1762 when preliminary articles of peace were agreed upon, which was fol- lowed in February, 1763 by the definite treaty of Peace at Paris.
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HISTORY OF ATHOL
Early in 1761 the scene of warfare having shifted to Europe, England withdrew her force of regulars and required of Mass- achusetts that she raise an army of 3000 men to replace these soldiers at the various forts and places where hostilities were likely to break out afresh. Into this army we have a record that Amos Buckman enlisted, serving as a private from May 12 to September 10, 1761, and as a drummer from March 16 to December 22, 1762. William Oliver was listed as a Lieu- tenant in Capt. Nathaniel Graves' Company, Col. John Mur- ray's Regiment.
Succeeding the year 1762 I find no record for a century and a half of any Athol man who served the English Crown in time of war.
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CHAPTER VI HOW ATHOL GOT ITS NAME
L IKE many another adventurer in a new country, the early history of Pequoig's sponsor is clouded in the mists of un- certainty. From Tullibardine in Perthshire comes the local story of the Murrays of Scotland, which explains the signif- icance of the family motto, "Forth fortune and fill the fetters."
Six centuries ago the fair domain of Tullibardine belonged to a beautiful lady, Aeda, only child and heiress of Malise of Stratcheam. Being of a romantic turn of mind, she passed much of her time in roaming about the dense forests which stretch for many miles along the Tay from Dunkeld to what is now Blair Atholl. These forests were haunted by a wild man of the woods who often beat wayfarers most cruelly, or robbed them of their goods. Of huge stature and dreadful in appear- ance, he was called the fierce "Satyr of Athol." The young mistress had seen this monster, and in her dread vowed that she would gladly give her hand and half her broad acres to any youth in Scotland who had the courage and strength either to overcome the monster, kill him, or bring him in fetters to her castle.
A young and handsome youth, William de Moray, offered his services to the lady, vowing that he would "fill the fetters" and bring him bound to the presence of the lady. There was a hollow stone in the depths of the forest to which daily the Satyr would repair to quench his thirst from the cool, clear water flowing from its sides. Turning the spring aside and filling the basin with a mixture of honey and whisky, the canny Scot secreted himself to watch until the monster came and quaffed the sweet waters eagerly. He was soon seen to stag- ger and at last fall helplessly upon the turf.
Young Moray then leaped upon the monster and chained him securely. Now perfectly harmless, he was conveyed to the castle dungeons, while joyfully the maiden consented to fulfill her promise of reward. Murray thus came to choose his family crest, which even to this day bears the head and arms of a savage or wild man. One of the "supporters" of the :shield is a savage proper wreathed about the head and waist,
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HISTORY OF ATHOL
bound with a chain over his right arm, and his feet fettred by a chain of iron. (19)
The family records in Blair Castle bear the announcement of the birth of one, John Thomas Murray. With it goes the
JOHN MURRAY - 1720 - 1794 WHO GAVE ATHOL ITS NAME
(19) C. Ashleigh Snow, "The Transcript," Athol, March 20, 1894.
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HOW ATHOL GOT ITS NAME
further information that he quarreled with his family and fled to the Colonies long before the American Revolution. We have the further fact that one John Murray was in possession of a silver plate inscribed with the Atholl family arms and claimed to be a son of the Duke of Atholl. His native shrewdness soon placed him in comfortable financial circumstances, and he came to be for a time one of the leading men in Massachusetts.
Unknown is the exact date of Murray's coming to this country. The first authentic account of him here is is 1745, when he is found as a commanding officer of the English troops in an engagement with the French.
It is said that he first began his career as a laborer, but was too lazy to work, so arranged with a friend for a small stock of goods which he peddled about the country, always having a lookout for an opportunity to speculate to his profit. Amass- ing more wealth, he kept a store for a time, but the confine- ment of mercantile life became irkmose to him, and he branched out on more general fields of speculation.
The outbreak of the French and Indian War found him a heavy land owner in Rutland, and in possession of many head of beef cattle which were sorely needed to feed the army dur- ing its long trips to the Canadian wilderness. Being then a member of the legislature from Rutland, he was in position to make the most of his opportunity. The allowances made him for army supplies show that he was alert to chance.
About this time the question of confirming the title of the lands in Pequoig to the original proprietors came up for action before the General Court. As has been said, each proprietor was under bond to fulfill certain requirements in order to per- fect his title to the land. Indian depredations and Colonial strife made the fulfilling of these terms out of the question in many cases. Though the law makers showed a commend- able leniency towards the delinquents, the time came when those who had completed the requirements wished to be ab- solute owners of their lands and therefore asked for legisla- tive action of confirmation. This led to the appointment of a committee of investigation which examined the doings of each proprietor and recommended action on each case to the Legis- lature. This report showed a few who had absolutely failed in their duties, and others who had done only a small part of what was required of them. As the case might be, the committee recommend that all or part of the lands be forfeited to the Provincial Government, from which the title came. The re-
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HISTORY OF ATHOL
port was quickly accepted and adopted, and the committee em- powered to sell the lands.
John Murray, with the ready cash and a friendly acquaint- ance with the committee, is able to buy the forfeited lands at a price hardly commensurate with their value. Thus John Murray becomes a landlord in Paquage and succeeds to the powers and privilege of at least two of the original proprietors. As divisions or allotments of the common lands are made from: time to time, he does not neglect his interests here, though living twenty miles away. Each allotment carries its full share to John Murray.
At length the Proprietors feel that they should no longer be required to do their business at the disadvantage incident to unincorporated territory and appeal to the paternal General Court for township incorporation.
Undoubtedly John Murray as a member of this body presents. the humble petition of the inhabitants of Pequage. As its reasonableness is apparent their request is granted and the question arises as to what name the town shall bear. I can imagine the stately Colonel Murray standing six feet, arrayed in all the splendor of a functionary of the Crown of England, saying in an off-hand way, "Oh, call it Atholl. I guess I have as much interest there as anyone, and it might as well bear my family name." For, as prosperity had come to him he had more and more laid stress upon his tale of noble birth. And. we have not a word in written history or tradition to suggest that this arrangement as to the naming of the town was not highly satisfactory to the actual inhabitants here.
And so Athol it became, meaning "Pleasant Land." Why the name of Paxton, which was expected by the Clerk of Prop- erties to be the one selected but twelve days before, did not appear in the act of incorporation is not known. (20) As Murray drove over these forest-covered hills, only here and there speckled by settlers' clearings, we are told he often remarked. at the similarity of the scenery to that of the immediate neigh- borhood at Blair Castle.
It was necessary that someone should act as a sort of god- father to the new township, call its inhabitants together, in- struct them in towncraft and see a proper organization per- fected. Who could better fill this than he who had named the: town? So on that cold day of March 6, 1762 John Murray
(20) Caswell's "Athol Past and Present," pp. 19, 20.
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HOW ATHOL GOT ITS NAME
journeyed on horseback from his mansion in Rutland to the hills of Athol, Pequage no longer, and presided as Moderator at our first town meeting in the old meeting house on Pleasant Street, later partaking of liberal refreshment at. Cutting's Tavern hard by, before returning to his home.
Voting at this first town meeting placed the following men in office: William Oliver, Aaron Smith, and John Haven, selectmen and assessors; Nathan Goddard, town treasurer; Robert Young and Nathan Goddard, wardens; Richard Morton and Ephraim Smith, constables; Nathan Goddard, John Oliver, and Seth Kendall, surveyors of high-ways; Jesse Kendall and Jotham Death, tythingmen.
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