USA > Massachusetts > Essex County > Lynnfield > History of Lynn, Essex County, Massachusetts, including Lynnfield, Saugus, Swampscot, and Nahant, 1629-1864 > Part 32
USA > Massachusetts > Essex County > Swampscott > History of Lynn, Essex County, Massachusetts, including Lynnfield, Saugus, Swampscot, and Nahant, 1629-1864 > Part 32
USA > Massachusetts > Essex County > Lynn > History of Lynn, Essex County, Massachusetts, including Lynnfield, Saugus, Swampscot, and Nahant, 1629-1864 > Part 32
USA > Massachusetts > Essex County > Saugus > History of Lynn, Essex County, Massachusetts, including Lynnfield, Saugus, Swampscot, and Nahant, 1629-1864 > Part 32
USA > Massachusetts > Essex County > Nahant > History of Lynn, Essex County, Massachusetts, including Lynnfield, Saugus, Swampscot, and Nahant, 1629-1864 > Part 32
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ANNALS OF LYNN-1701, 1702.
Clifford. Died Iune ye 17, 1698, in ye 68 year of his age." It is on the west of the foot path leading from the front entrance, and, unlike the other old stones, faces the east. The 9 in the date has been altered, in a rough way, so as to resemble a 2, and hence some have been deceived into the belief that there was a burial here as early as 1628. Mr. Lewis declared the alteration to have been made in 1806, by a pupil at Lynn Academy. This John Clifford appears to have been the same individual who owned lands in the vicinity of Mineral Spring. He was made a freeman in 1678, and is sometimes called of Salem; which would be natural enough if he lived any where about Spring Pond. I think he married Elizabeth Richardson, perhaps as a second wife, 28 September, 1688, he being then some fifty-eight years of age. Mr. Lewis states that Dr. Crowninscheldt built a cottage at Mineral Spring about the year 1690. And in Felt's Annals of Salem, under date 1695, we find the following : "This year Richard Harris, master of the Salem Packet, bound to Canada river, invites 'Doct. Grouncell (Crowninshield,) a Ger- man, who married Capt. Allen's daughter at Lynn Spring,' to accompany him, but he declined." Could it have been of his mother-in-law, that the Doctor purchased the land, in 1700 ? At first view, there seems something like confusion in the above; but I do not see that the statements are irreconcilable.]
At a meeting of the Selectmen, on the 7th of June, Mr. Shepard was chosen to keep a grammar school, for which thirty pounds were the next year allowed.
1701.
[Henry Sharp, innholder, of Salem, let his carriage, a calash, for the conveying of Mr. Bulkley, who had arrived at that place, sick, to his home. But as he could get no farther on his jour- ney than Lynn, he here dismissed the driver, who returned to Salem on Sunday. For the desecration of holy time Mr. Sharp was called to answer, but was finally discharged by making it appear that the travel was necessary. This calash is noted as being one of the first carriages ever owned in the vicinity. On horse-back or a-foot our forefathers and mothers almost exclu- sively traveled, down to a period something later than this. The above incident well shows the solicitude with which the sanctity of the Lord's day continued to be guarded.]
1702.
[Rev. George Keith, a missionary of the Church of England, visited Lynn, in July, accompanied by Rev. John Talbot, also a Church minister. He appears to have come rather to combat Quaker principles than to propagate his own. He had himself been a Quaker and suffered persecution for his faith. But now
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ANNALS OF LYNN-1702.
that he appeared as a champion against them, he seems to have divested himself of at least the pacific characteristic that dis- tinguishes the Quaker of this day. In his journal appears the following account of the transactions on the occasion of his visit. The entries are made under dates Wednesday and Thurs- day, July 8 and 9.
I went from Boston to Linn, accompanied with Mr. Talbot, and the next day being the Quakers' meeting day, we visited their meeting there, having first called at a Quaker's house, who was of my former acquaintance. Mr. Shep- ard, the minister of Linn, did also accompany us; but the Quakers, though many of them had been formerly members of his church, were very abusive to him, as they were to us. After some time of silence I stood up and began to speak, but they did so interrupt with their noise and clamor against me, that I could not proceed, though I much entreated them to hear me ; so I sat down and heard their speakers one after another utter abundance of falsehoods and impertenances and gross perversions of many texts of the holy Scripture. After their speakers had done, they hasted to be gone. I desired them to stay, and I would shew them that they had spoke many falsehoods, and perverted many places of Scripture, but they would not stay to hear. But many of the people staid, some of them Quakers, and others who were not Quakers but disaffected to the Quakers' principles. I asked one of their preachers before he went away, seeing they preached so much the sufficiency of the Light within to salvation, (without any thing else) did the Light within teach him, without Scripture, that our blessed Saviour was born of a virgin, and died for our sins, &c .? He replyed, if he said it did, I would not believe him, and therefore he would not answer me. After their speakers were gone, I went up into the speakers' gallery, where they used to stand and speak, and I did read unto the people that staid to hear me, Quakers and others, many quota- tions out of Edw. Burroughs's folio book, detecting his vile errors, who yet was one of their chief authors, particularly in pages 150, 151, where he renders it the doctrine of salvation that 's only necessary to be preached, viz. Christ within, and that he Is a deceiver that exhorts people for salvation to any other thing than the Light within ; as appears by his several queries in the pages cited. And where he saith, page 273, that the sufferings of the people of God in this age [meaning the Quakers] are greater sufferings, and more unjust, than those of Christ and the Apostles; what was done to Christ, or to the Apostles, was chiefly done by a law, and in great part by the due execution of a law. But all this a noted Quaker, whose name I spare to mention, (as I generally intend to spare the mentioning of their names) did boldly defend. But another Quaker who stood by, confessed the last passage in rendering the Quakers' sufferings greater and more unjust than the sufferings of Christ, was not well worded; but to excuse it, said, we must not make a man an offender for a word.
[John Richardson, a noted Quaker preacher, from England, was then in Lynn, stopping at the house of Samuel Collins, which stood on the north side of Essex street, a few rods east of Fayette. He vigorously engaged Mr. Keith, and gives an account of the meeting not exactly coincident with the above. It is but fair to give his version. But we shall first quote from his recital of an encounter the evening before. He says :
I came to Lynn, to Samuel Callings, [Collins's] where I had not been long before I met with an unusual exercise, which I had expected for some time would fall upon me. . . . Having heard of George Keith's intention of Z
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ANNALS OF LYNN-1702.
being at Lynn Monthly Meeting the next day, (this Lynn, as near as I remem- ber lies between Salem in the east part and Boston,) the evening coming on, as I was writing to some friends in Old England, one came in haste to desire me to come down, for George Keith was come to the door, and a great number of people and a priest with him, and was railing against Friends exceedingly. I said, Inasmuch as I understood this Lynn Meeting is, although large, mostly a newly convinced people, I advise you to be swift to hear, but slow to speak, for George Keith hath a life in argument; and let us, as a people, seek unto and cry mightily to the Lord, to look down upon us, and help us for his name's sake, for our preservation, that none may be hurt. . . . I went to the rails and leaned my arms on them, near to George Keith's horse's head, as he sat on his back, and many people were with him; but the few Friends who were come, stood with me in the yard.
[A warm discussion between the champions, followed this abrupt introduction, concerning which Mr. Richardson, with a triumphal air, says :
I was roused up in my spirit in a holy zeal against his wicked insults and great threatenings, and said to him, that it was the fruit of malice and envy, and that he was to us but as an heathen man and a publican. . . . Then he began to cast what slurs and. odiums he could upon Friends, with such bitter invectives as his malice could invent. I stood with an attentive ear, and a watch- ful mind; for as I stood leaning upon the rails, with no small concern upon my mind, I felt the Lord's power arise, and by it my strength was renewed in the inner man, and faith, wisdom, and courage with it, so that the fear of man, with all his parts and learning, was taken from me; and in this state George Keith appeared to me but as a little child, or as nothing. . . . He said, The Quakers pretend to be against all ceremonies, but he could prove that they used many ceremonies, as taking one another by the hand, and men saluting one another, and women doing so to one another; and he said that women did salute men ; yea, they had done it to him; as it was generally understood by those who heard him, which I thought not worthy of notice. He went on, and said, the Quakers pretend to be against all persecution, but they were not clear, for the Quakers in Pennsylvania and the Jerseys had persecuted him, and would have hanged him, but that there was some alteration in the govern- ment. Then came out one of my arrows which cut and wounded him deep ; I said, George, that is not true. Upon that the priest drew near, and appeared very brisk, and said I had as good as charged Mr. Keith (as he called him) with a lie. I replied, give me time, and I will prove that which George said was not true, and then thou and he may take your advantage to rescue him from that epi- thet of a liar, if you can. The priest said, I know not Mr. Keith. I replied, if he knew him as well as I did, he would be ashamed to be there as an abettor of him. The priest got away and troubled me no more in all the arguments that George and I had afterwards (although the said priest was with him.)
[Here let us pause a moment and throw a glance back upon the rationale of the edifying occasion, imagining how those assembled partisans, on either side of the fence, must have had their christian sympathies refreshed and perceptions improved by the encounter of the sturdy combatants. Do such things give us a particularly elevated idea of the piety of the times? Or does it appear that the non-resistant principles of the Quakers had become sufficiently consolidated to withstand the pugnacity of nature ? But we will proceed with Mr. Richardson's account of the transactions at the meeting-house, the next day.
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ANNALS OF LYNN-1702.
Now to the meeting we went : George Keith with two priests and a great many people gathered together of several professions and qualities into one body, and Friends and some friendly people into another body ; and as we came near to the meeting-house, I stood still, and took a view of the people, and it appeared to me as if two armies were going to engage in battle. There appeared with George Keith men of considerable estates, parts, and learning, and we appeared like poor shrubs."
[Before entering the meeting-house, Mr. Richardson addressed a few words of advice and encouragement to the Friends. And immediately after they had entered, Mr. Keith proclaimed that he had come, in the Queen's name, to gather Quakers from Quakerism to the good old mother Church, the Church of Eng- land; and that he could prove, out of their own books, that they held errors, heresies, damnable doctrines, and blasphemies. Upon this, Mr. Richardson was moved to inform the assembly what manner of man Mr. Keith was. He stated that he had been a Quaker for many years, but during the latter part of his walk with them, had been very troublesome on account of his contentious spirit; and as they had in vain labored to reform him, he had been publicly disowned ; whereupon he commenced opposing and vilifying them. And sundry other rough person- alities and home thrusts did the Quaker champion deliver. In the course of the discussion divers points of doctrine and prin- ciples of faith were considered and more or less darkened by the unchristian spirit manifested. Mr. Richardson proceeds :
The priest of this place, whose name was Shepard, before my mouth was opened in testimony, made preparation to write ; and when I began to speak, he had his hat upon his knee, and his paper upon its crown, and pen and ink in his hands, and made many motions to write, but wrote nothing ; as he began, so he ended, without writing at all. And as Friends entered the meeting-house in the Lord's power, even that power which cut Rahab, and wounded the Drag- on, which had been at work, kept down in a good degree the wrong spirit in George, for he appeared much down; but this busy priest called to him several times to make his reply to what I had spoke. After some time, I said to the priest, in behalf of the meeting, that he might have liberty to make reply. He proposed to have another day appointed for a dispute; to which I said, if I did make a voluntary challenge, (which he should not say we put him upon) we, or some of us, (meaning Friends) if a day and place were agreed upon, should find it our concern to answer him as well as we could. He said he would have Mr. Keith to be with him; I told him, if he should, and meddled in the dispute, if I was there, I should reject him for reasons before assigned. When the priest had said this, and somewhat more, an elder of the Presbyte- rian congregation clapped him on the shoulder, and bid him sit down ; so he was quiet ; and then stood up George Keith, and owned he had been refreshed amongst us that day, and had heard a great many sound truths, with some errors, but that it was not the common doctrine which the Quakers preached.
[Mr. Richardson repelled the obnoxious insinuation contained in the last clause. Whereupon the other began to exhibit charges against the Quakers, declaring that he could prove them by their own books; referring especially to the works of Fox and Burroughs. Mr. Richardson continues :
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ANNALS OF LYNN-1702.
He had in a paper, a great many quotations out of Friends' books, and a young man with him had many books in a bag. . . . He was now crowded up into the gallery between me and the rail, with a paper in his hand, and I standing over him, and being taller, could see his quotations, and his para- phrases upon them ; on which I told him, loudly, that all the meeting might hear, that he offered violence to the sense and understanding which God had given him, and he knew in his conscience, we were not that people, neither were our Friends' writings either damnable or blasphemous, as he, through envy, endeavored to make the world believe, and that he would not have peace in so doing, but trouble from the Lord in his conscience. I spoke in the Lord's dreadful power, and George trembled so much as I seldom ever saw any man do. I pitied him in my heart, yet as Moses said once concerning Israel, I felt the wrath of the Lord go forth against him. George said, "Do not judge me." I replied, The Lord judges, and all who are truly one in spirit with the Lord, cannot but judge thee. So he gave over ; and it appear- ing a suitable time to break up the meeting, Friends parted in great love, tenderness, and brokenness of heart; for the Lord's mighty power had been in and over the meeting from the beginning to the end thereof. . .. Two Friends were desired to stay, to hear what George had to say to them who remained, which said two Friends gave an account to us afterwards, that George said to the people after we were gone, that the Quakers had left none to dispute with him but an ass and a fool; when I heard it, I said, could you not have replied, An ass was once made sufficient to reprove the madness of the prophet. . . . George called to see me the next day, and said "You had the advantage over me yesterday, for you persuaded me to be quiet until you had done, and then you would not stay to hear me ;" neither, indeed, were we under any obligation so to do. I told him, I hoped that truth would always have the advantage over those who opposed it; and so we parted, but met again upon Rhode Island.
[And thus ended one of those " disputes " on christian doc- trine, so characteristic of the time. The champions seem to have been well matched as to ability and destitution of Christian courtesy. And it is probable that the friends of each claimed a victory, as is usually the case in such contests. I have given the account from the details furnished by the opposing parties themselves, who deemed the affair of sufficient importance to merit narration in their journals. And certainly a strange spectacle is presented, though one that well illustrates the man- ner of conducting religious controversies at that period ; those controversies in which asperity of temper and bitterness of expression were especially conspicuous. And when Episcopa- lians, Congregtionalists, or Quakers, of this day, undertake to defend the course of their fathers in the faith, in every particu- lar, and on principles that obtain at the present time, they ·undertake a labor that it would be more creditable to avoid. And when those same theological partisans, on the promulgation of an unpalatable truth concerning their kindred of the past, deem themselves under censure, they exhibit an unreasonable sensibility.
[Mr. Shepard, the minister at the Old Tunnel Meeting House, was present to enjoy the proceedings. And he exhibited some- thing of that inclemency of temper which on certain other occa-
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ANNALS OF LYNN - 1703, 1704.
sions reached a point that furnished but a poor example for those to whom he preached forbearance and meekness. The fact that such a sturdy hater of the Church as he, could readily fraternize with an Episcopal missionary, and stand his abettor in assaults upon Quakerism, is instructive. But we must consider that he had nothing to fear from Episcopacy, while Quakerism was making great inroads upon his parochial jurisdiction.]
On the 14th of December, ten pounds were allowed for the maintenance of a grammar master ; " and such master to have, over and above the said ten pounds, 2 pence per week for such as are sent to read, 3 pence per week for them that are sent to write and cipher, and 6 pence per week for them that are sent to learn Latin, to be paid by parents and masters that send their children or servants to learn as aforesaid."
[The price of oak wood, was three shillings a cord, this year. Walnut was generally preferred for fuel, and that sold for five shillings.]
1703.
[The following is a copy of a letter sent to Governor Dudley, by the Quakers of Lynn. "Lynn, 22th 4 mº 1703. Whereas, we, the people called Quakers, of the town of Lynn, having been requested by the governor to give in a list of our names - in answer thereunto each person hath respectively signed by himselfe." The signatures are, Richard Estes, Samuel Collins, William Bassett, Walter Phillips, Richard Oake, Joseph Rich- ards, John Hood, Samuel Breed, Hugh Alley, William Bassett, Jr., John Bassett, John Collins, Jabez Jenkins, Walter Phillips, Jr., Isaac Clark, Samuel Collins, Jr., John Estes.
[Walter Phillips, senior, being a Quaker, and refusing to per- form military duty, had a fourth of an acre of his land seized and sold for the payment of his fine.
[The town paid the sexton two pounds and thirteen shillings for " sweeping ye meeting house, and Ringing ye bell for ye year past, and one shilling for gitting ye Claper for ye bell."]
1704.
This year another war was prosecuted with the French and Indians, called Queen Anne's war. It was begun by the In- dians in the preceding year, and was productive of the most dreadful cruelty. Several of the soldiers from Lynn were taken prisoners. It continued about a year.
Col. Benjamin Church, who commanded in this expedition, wrote a letter to Governor Dudley, requesting " That four or five hundred pair of good Indian shoes be made ; and let there be a good store of cow hides, well tanned, for a supply of such Zx 20
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ANNALS OF LYNN-1705, 1706.
shoes, and hemp to make thread, and wax, to mend and make more such shoes when wanted, and a good store of awls."
On the 6th of March, the town, " being informed that several persons had cut down several trees or bushes in Nahants, where- by there is like to be no shade for the creatures," voted that no person should cut any tree or bush there, on a penalty of ten shillings.
1705.
[There was. a very violent northeast storm on the 29th and 30th of January. Immense quantities of snow fell. Joseph Newhall, of Lynn, perished in the storm, on the second day. He was no doubt the same individual elsewhere noticed as a son of Thomas Newhall, the first white person born in Lynn. He was born 22 September, 1658, married Susanna, a sister of Thomas Farrar, Jr., and settled in Lynnfield. He had eleven children, and a great many of his descendants remain.
[In June, a severe drought prevailed. "Corn and grass perished, pretty much."]
1706.
Nahant, and the great range of woodland in the north of the town, had from the first settlement, been retained in common. The same spirit of practical democracy which had influenced the people at the beginning, was carried out through all their public affairs. Nahant was used as a common pasture, where any one who chose, put cattle and sheep, which were tended by a person, chosen and paid by the town, called a shepherd. In like manner the great woodlands had been reserved for common use, and the people cut their fuel in such quantities as they pleased in the woodlands nearest their dwellings. If any required timber for building, they selected the fine old oaks that plumed the craggy cliffs, and the tall, straight trunks which grew in the dark pine forests, to make into boards at the saw mill. But now the people had so increased, and the limits of their cultivated lands become so permanently established, that they concluded it would be best to have some more definite regulations for their government in future.
On the 15th of April, a town meeting was held, when it was resolved to make a division of the public lands, only reserving the training field, which is now called the Common. They chose a committee of three persons from other towns, to make the division, whom they directed to allow each proprietor at least one fourth upland, and as near his own house as might be. The committee were Captain Samuel Gardner, of Salem, John Greenland, of Malden, and Joseph Hasey, of Chelsea. [And they make return of their doings as follows.]
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ANNALS OF LYNN-1706.
We whose names are hereunto subscribed, having been chosen by the Towne of Lyn, at a Towne Meeting held April 15th, 1706, as a committee to Divide all the Undivided Common Lands within the Towne of Lyn, aforesaid, by such rules, and in such way and manner as shall be agreed upon by us ; we having agreed and made Division of the Common Undivided Lands too and amongst all the proprietors and Inhabitants that have land of their own in fee, according to said Town Voate, so far as appeared to us. The way and manner of our Division, and that which we have agreed upon to make our rules by, are as followeth.
We first obtained of the Selectmen of said Lyn, a copy of the List of Estate taken by them in 1705, which list being first perfected and made intelligible to us by the Selectmen, through our desire, by their bringing each person's land to the Right owner, and by adding such to said List, that by Reason of poverty, or others being in captivity, had been left out of said List, that soe we might come to the knowledge of all the proprietors and Inhabitants that have Lands of theire owne in fee; we having made division of the aforesaid Common Lands according to what each proprietor and Inhabitant have of Lands upon said List.
1. We first taking out, according to the best Information we could obtaine, all such as had houses erected since the year 1694, who are priviledged for so much and no more than what each person hathe of Lands upon said List.
2. A second Rule by which we make division is, that all such as have upon said List foure acres of Land or any Less quantity, to have priviledg for five acres ; and all such as have five acres to have priviledg for six acres ; and all such as have six acres to have priviledg of seven acres; and all such as have seven acres to have priviledg for eight acres; and no person to receive advan- tage any further for any more than for what they have upon said List.
3. A third Rule of our Division is, that all such as have upon said List any greater number of acres than eight, till they come to twenty acres, counting two acres of pasture land for one of tillage Land ; we finding them to be Rated but halfe soe much for pasture Land as for tillage or Improved Lands; are priviliged according to the number of acres they have on the List.
4. A fourth Rule is, that all those that have above twenty acres upon said List, until they come to thirty acres, shall receive privilidg but for one fourth part of all they have above twenty acres ; and for what land any person hathe on said List above thirty acres, shall receive priviledg but for one eighth part of what is above thirty acres.
5. And whereas we, the aforesaid Committee, according to said Towne voate, are to Leave convenient ways in all places, as we shall think fitt, we have agreed that, by reason of the Impossibility of making highways passable, if Laid upon the Range Lines, Doe therefore order, that all the proprietors concerned, their heirs and assigns forever, to have free Liberty to pass and Repass over each person's Lotts, that is laid out by us on the commons, with carts and teams, to transport wood, timber, and stones, or upon any other oca- tion whatsoever, in such places as may be convenient, without any molestation, hindrance, or Interruption from any of the proprietors, their heirs or assigns ; but no person to Damnifie his neighbor by Cutting Downe his tree or trees.
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