History of Massachusetts from July 1775, when general Washington took command of the American Army at Cambridge, to the year 1789, (inclusive) when federal government was established under the present constitution, Vol 2, Part 16

Author: Bradford, Alden, 1765-1843. cn
Publication date: 1829
Publisher: Boston : Richardson and [etc.]
Number of Pages: 388


USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Cambridge > History of Massachusetts from July 1775, when general Washington took command of the American Army at Cambridge, to the year 1789, (inclusive) when federal government was established under the present constitution, Vol 2 > Part 16


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25


AT the election in 1785, Mr. Bowdoin was chosen governor, by the Senate and House of Represen- tatives, the people not having given him a majori- ty of votes. By those who were ignorant of his true character, or who had selfish purposes to promote in opposing him, he was represented as unduly attached to the British government ; so early was this accusation made against some of the purest patriots of the country. There was not in truth, any foundation for such a charge. He had early and uniformly opposed the oppres- sive measures of the British ministry. He was repeatedly debarred from a seat in the council, by Hutchinson, when elected to that body by the patriotic assembly of Massachusetts. He was one of the first delegates to the Continental Congress in 1774; and president of the Supreme Execu- tive Council in 1775 and '76 : and his conduct had been that of a decided, consistent advocate of


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the liberties of America .* But he was less ar- dent in his disposition, and less desirous of con- forming to merely popular sentiments than many others; who became, therefore, the greater fa- vourites of the common people. He was distin- guished for correctness of judgment and for great moderation in action; but was possessed also of that firmness and decision of character which pro- cure respectability, and qualify a man for the duties of a public station. The favour and ap- plause of the people were not his chief object ; he sought rather their true and permanent welfare, by reminding them of their obligations, and giving them an example of all the social and moral vir- tues.+


Mr. Bowdoin came into the chair at a critical period. There was a very great debt standing against the State, and the public credit was not yet placed upon such a foundation as to satisfy those who had demands upon it. Many were in immediate necessity for their dues, and others had not entire confidence in the disposition of the legislature to do them perfect justice. The peo- ple were still complaining of the allowance of five years' wages to the officers of the late army, and of the high salaries given to some public officers. Some were dissatisfied with the impost, and some with the excise. The commercial intercourse


* One of Mr. Bowdoin's sons in law was an English gen- tleman. But he was a man of most excellent character, and a friend of America. This circumstance served as a pretext for the charge of British partiality.


+ Messrs. Gerry, Holten, Partridge, and King were dele- gates to Congress for 1785, and Mr. Hancock part of the year.


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with other nations was not beneficial to America, nor was there any practical reciprocity in the trade of the United States and foreign countries. Many of those who adhered to the British go- vernment during the revolution, were now return- ing to the State; and if a great portion of the people were opposed to their residence in the coun- try, others were of opinion that a discrimination might justly be made, by which some of that de- scription should be allowed to return, with the expectation of their demeaning themselves as good citizens.


In such circumstances, it would have been im- possible for the governor to relieve all the wants, and remove all the complaints of the people ; or even to avoid the censures of some particular class or party of citizens. It was too great a task for any individual, or any legislative body to per- form at once. Nothing but the resolute efforts of the whole community could remedy the distress and evils which prevailed. The citizens, general- ly, were so well principled, that they would have endured any privations for the liberty of the country, as they had often done in the period of the war; but it was their unhappiness to have lost a just confidence in some of the most upright statesmen, and to have imbibed mistaken views of the course and the means necessary to the per- manent welfare of the country.


Mr. Bowdoin had a deep sense of the responsi- bility of his station, and of the necessity of great exertions, both in the legislature and the people, to provide a remedy for the difficulties which existed. The following extracts from his speech, when the General Court informed him they were.


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ready to proceed upon the public business, will shew his views on commerce and public credit. After declaring his determination to make the constitution his guide, he observed :-


" The state of our foreign trade, which has given such general uneasiness, and the operation of which, through the extravagant importations, and use of foreign manufactures, has occasion- ed a large balance against us, demands serious consideration. To satisfy that balance, our money is exported, which, with all the remittances now in our power, falls far short of a sufficiency. Those means, which have been greatly lessened by the war, are gradually enlarging; but they cannot increase to their former amplitude, so long as Great Britain and other nations continue the commercial systems they have lately adopted. They have an undoubted right to regulate their trade with us, and to admit into their ports, on their own terms, the vessels and cargoes which go from the United States, or to refuse an admit- tance; their own interest, or their sense of it, being the only principle to dictate those regula- tions, when no treaty of commerce is subsisting. The United States have the same right, and ought to regulate their foreign trade on the same princi- ple. And it is a misfortune that Congress has not yet been authorized for that purpose by all the States. If there be any thing wanting on the part of this State to complete that authority, it lies with you, gentlemen, to mature it ; and until Congress shall ordain the necessary regulations, you will please to consider what further is needful to be done on our part, to remedy the evils, of which the merchant, tradesman, and manufac-


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turer, and indeed all other description of persons among us, so justly complain.


" These evils, so far as they arise from the con- tracted system adopted by Great Britain, will be felt by herself ; for it not only abridges the means of paying the great balance due to her, but must lessen the future demand for her manufactures ; in consequence of which, it may be expected that her merchants and manufacturers, when they ex- perience those effects, of which they are already sensible, will petition their parliament to take off the duties and restraints to which the new regula- tions have subjected the American trade.


" Though we feel a present inconvenience from these regulations, they will eventually produce a happy effect, by lessening our use of British com- modities, most of which are superfluous and unne- cessary ; and by compelling us to adopt a plan of frugality and economy, the want of which is the principal source of our difficulties.


" Lately emerged from a bloody and expensive war, a heavy debt upon us in consequence of it, our finances deranged, and our credit to reestablish, it will require time to remove those difficulties ; and this must be effected by the same means a prudent individual, in like circumstances, would adopt; by retrenching unnecessary expenses, prac- tising strict economy, providing ways for lessening his debts, duly paying the interest, and manifesting to his creditors and to the world, that in all his transactions he is guided by principles of honour and strict honesty. In this way, and in this way only, can public credit be maintained or restored ; and when government, by an undeviating adher- ence to these principles, shall have firmly esta-


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blished it, they will have the satisfaction to see that they can obtain loans, in preference to any other borrowers whatever. If I am not mistaken, a fund may be established for the regular payment of a great part of the interest of the public debt .*


" It is of great importance that Congress should be vested with all the powers necessary to preserve the Union ; to manage the general concerns of it, and secure and promote its common interest. That interest, so far as it depends on a commercial intercourse with foreign nations, the Confederation does not sufficiently provide for; and this, and the other States are now experiencing the wants of such a provision.


" This deficiency of power may be the result of a first principle, a caution to preserve to each State all the powers not necessary to be delegated; with respect to which, as there was room for a variety of opinions, they could not all be certainly. known at the time of forming the confederation. Experience, however, has shown the necessity of delegating to Congress farther powers ; which, on the same principle of caution, may be limited to a certain time ; and afterwards continued or altered, at the pleasure of the States. This matter merits your particular attention ; and if you think that Congress should be vested with more ample pow- ers, and that special delegates should be convened


The plan of the governor, to which he here referred, was a large manufactory or manufactories for pot and pearl ashes ; great quantities of which were then made in the inte- rior towns, where the people were clearing new fields. The governor supposed, if encouraged and well managed, they would yield a large public revenue, or enable the people to discharge the taxes due the government.



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to settle and define them, you will take the neces- sary measures for obtaining such a convention, or Congress, whose agreement, when confirmed by the States, would ascertain those powers."


The two houses united in reply to the speech of the governor, in which they expressed the highest respect for his character ; and said-


" It shall be our earnest endeavour, at all times, to contribute to the establishment of the federal government of these States on a firm basis, and on such principles as may best tend to procure a just distribution of power, perfect the Union, preserve and secure the rights and liberties of individuals, and promote public, private, and social happiness." They also declared their resolution to provide for the support of the public credit, and the payment of the debts of the State .*


The General Court passed the following re- solves, on the subject of the inefficiency of the powers of Congress, and of the expediency of having a convention to revise the articles of Con- federation.


" As the prosperity and happiness of a nation cannot be secured without a due proportion of power in the rulers of the State, the present embarrassed situation of our public affairs must lead the mind of the most inattentive observer to realize the necessity of a revision of the powers vested in Congress by the articles of confedera- tion; and as we conceive it to be equally the duty and privilege of every State in the Union freely


* The merchants and tradesmen of Boston presented an address to the governor, congratulating him on his election, and declaring their confidence in his integrity and patriotism.


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to communicate their sentiments to the rest, on every subject relating to their common interest, and to solicit their concurrence in such measures as the exigency of their public affairs may require, therefore, Resolved, that, in the opinion of this Court, the present powers of Congress, as contain- ed in the articles of confederation, are not fully adequate to the great purposes they were origi- nally designed to effect.


Resolved, that, in the opinion of this Court, it is highly expedient, if not indispensably necessary, that there should be a convention of delegates, from all the States in the Union, at some conve- nient place, as soon as may be, for the sole pur- pose of revising the Confederation, and reporting to Congress how far it may be necessary to alter or enlarge the same.


Resolved, that Congress be requested to recom- mend a convention of delegates from all the States, at such time and place as they may think conve- nient, to revise the Confederation, and report to Congress how far it may be necessary, in their opi- nion, to alter or enlarge the same, in order to secure and perpetuate the primary objects of the Union."


A letter was written to the President of Con- gress, by desire of the legislature, and signed by the governor, requesting that these resolutions might be laid before that body ; and the delegates from Massachusetts were instructed to the sub- ject.


A few days after he took the chair, the govern- or issued a proclamation, exhorting the people of the State to cherish the interests of learning, and to provide for the education of youth ; and urging the importance of industry, frugality, and sobriety.


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. By request of the General Court, the governor wrote also to the executives of the other States, proposing to them to pass laws regulating com- merce and navigation, for the purpose of prevent- ing the contracted and monopolizing policy of England ; and suggesting the propriety of giving more power to Congress on the subject, by which a uniformity of proceedings, in relation to com- merce with foreign countries, might take place ; the result of which, it was believed, would be beneficial to the United States, and induce Great Britain to a more liberal conduct in the concerns of trade. Such a law was passed by the legisla- ture of Massachusetts, in June, (1785), by which British vessels were forbidden to carry the pro- ducts of the United States; they were also pro- hibited entering and unloading their cargoes, if brought from ports and places from which Ame- rican vessels were excluded ; and confined to Bos- ton, Falmouth, (Maine), and Dartmouth, as ports of entry. The object of the acts, then recently passed by the British government, was to prevent vessels of the United States transporting their own produce, or importing such goods as they wanted for their own consumption ; and to engross the whole business of navigation, especially the carrying trade to themselves, which was a very serious and alarming evil to the people in the New-England States. The impost law was also revised, and higher duties charged to all articles imported, which were considered superfluous, or which might interfere with the manufactures of the country, which it was then the policy of the go- vernment to encourage. This was a wise provi- sion; for the people indulged in much extrava -.


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gance in the use of foreign goods, and the country was greatly impoverished.


The plan of government for raising a revenue to the state by the manufacture of pot and pearl ashes was not carried into effect. The design was that the people should be encouraged to manufac- ture and deposit it with some public agent, and that it be sold for the state, the individual to be credited on his tax to the amount for which it sold, and thus prevent the purchase of foreign and superfluous goods, which was usually taken in ex- change for ashes. Such a plan would have put some limits to extravagance and increased a valu- able manufacture. A law was made, however, for the survey and inspection of ashes, which had a salutary effect. The article exported from Mas- sachusetts has always been considered more pure, and has commanded a higher price than from any other state. The governor also advised to the manufacture of gun powder, and to the raising of sheep, for the purpose of gradually lessening the amount of imposts, and exciting people to provide more generally the necessary articles of life. The importation of common woollen cloths were very great at this period.


The legislature, at this session, authorised their delegates in Congress to agree to an alteration of the eighth article of the confederation of the thirteen states. As it originally was, it provided that the quota of each state's tax to the continent should be fixed according to the value of lands and buildings. The amendment provided, that it should thenceforth be according to the number of white and other free citizens, and of three-fifths of all other persons. As an inducement to the people


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to pay their taxes, at an early day after they were assessed, the governor proposed that a premium should be offered for prompt payment, and the in- terest be required of such as did not pay at the time fixed by the statute.


Soon after governor Bowdoin came into office, his firmness was subjected to a severe trial by the insolent behaviour of a British naval officer, whose ship was then lying in the harbour of Boston. In consequence of the monopolizing policy of the Bri- tish government, relative to trade and commerce, and of the arbitrary conduct, both of its individu- al subjects and public agents in several instances, the prejudices of the people were very strong, at this period, against all British officers ; and in this particular case, some insults were offered to the captain and a party belonging to the English frig- ate. The captain, exaggerating the affair and pre- tending to be in fear of further insult, applied to the governor, who assured him, that he should be protected. It afterwards appeared, that the cap- tain claimed a certain man as his servant, who was formerly in his service, and attempted to seize and convey him on board his ship by force; and that he had received the insult, of which he complained, on account of his own violent and illegal conduct. When, therefore, he complained a second time, the governor informed him, that the laws afforded pro- tection to strangers as well as to native citizens. But the officer was offended, that the governor did not adopt some special measures to gratify his pride, and accused Mr. Bowdoin of prevarication; still claiming of him particular interference in his be- half. The governor repelled the insolent sugges- tions in the captain's letters with great dignity and


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firmness. Finding his situation unpleasant, and probably sensible of the impropriety of his conduct, which was universally condemned, he soon left the harbour. As this behaviour was an insult to the country, as well as to the governor of Massachu- setts, Mr. Bowdoin gave information of the affair to Congress ; and a resolution was passed to repre- sent the affair, through the American envoy, to the British government. The conduct of the offi- cer was justly censured in his own country,


The governor gave particular attention to the finances of the state; and in October, at the second session of the General Court, he made a full state- ment of the debt of the Commonwealth, and sug- gested the means of providing for the payment, in such manner as he believed would be satisfactory to the public creditors. The amount of the debt was 5,000,000 dollars .* The receipts on excise and imposts for the year past was 190,000, and on auctions 3,600. An additional sum was expected to accrue from the revised impost act; which, with 100,000l. tax for fifteen years, would discharge the whole debt, both principal and interest.


A great part of the debt consisted of army notes, and consolidated notest so called; but these, it was proposed to renew, as many of the public creditors would be willing to wait a longer time, on assurance, of receiving their interest with punctuality. There were, besides, large sums still to be collected, on account of taxes laid for some years before, both for the


* This was the state debt; the proportion of the continen- tal debt was estimated at nearly the same amount.


+ Those were so denominated, which had been given to the public creditors, when the state was unable to pay their de- mands, and paper money was called in.


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state and continent. But, though this would lessen the amount of a new tax, to be assessed for the current year, it would, in fact, afford no relief to the people, who, by being called upon for all ar- rears, were required to pay large sums into the public treasury. For want of prompt and uniform measures through the states to regulate commerce, and to put a stop to large importations of foreign goods, and that in foreign vessels, with little in re- turn but specie, the embarrassments of the coun- try continued, the people of all classes complained, and it was extremely difficult, in many cases im- possible, for them to pay the taxes which were as- sessed upon them. The governor was very ur- gent with the General Court, to provide for the debt of the Commonwealth, and for the payment of the sums required of the state by Congress. He acknowledged that the burden of taxes was very great : but he reminded them also, that it was the price of their independence ; and that ex- traordinary efforts were necessary to maintain the public credit, and to save the country from ruin. His advice and recommendations were considered most judicious and seasonable, by all intelligent cit- izens : and had the legislature pursued the course he pointed out, with unwavering steps, it would probably have saved the state from the disgrace and expense of an insurrection, which took place at the close of the following year. But many of the General Court were wanting in sufficient reso- lution to lay the taxes, or to order the collection of them, which the exigency required. There was, indeed, some apology 'for their remissness, arising from the sacrifices, which it would be ne- cessary for the people to make, in order to pay


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the amount of taxes, in addition to those before assessed and unpaid, which the full support of pub- lic credit required. But the public burdens should have been timely met by corresponding exertions. Delay served only to increase the difficulty, with- out affording any real satisfaction to the people. If the General Court had firmly supported the views of the governor, the creditors of the state would have had confidence in the government, and willingly renewed their loans to the Common- wealth; while, so long as the state was supposed to be unable, or was unwilling, to pay its just debts, its creditors would be earnest in their de- mands for immediate payment. It was well known, that the distresses of the people were great, and there was a sincere disposition to relieve them : but it was also seen, that the only remedy was in extraordinary efforts, and in frugality and econo- my.


The governor referred, in his speech to the le- gislature, in October, to a convention then recently held in Portland for the purpose of forming the district of Maine into a separate state. There were several persons, in that part of the Common- wealth, desirous of a separation ; and they had pre- vailed with others, from various parts of that dis- trict, to convene, and consider the expediency of such a measure. The proceedings, as those be- lieved, who assembled, were very regular, and con- sistent with good order; for it was their intention to ascertain the opinion of the people generally, and if agreeable to them, to petition the General Court for a separation. But the governor spoke of their conduct, as " of bad tendency ;" and there were many in Massachusetts who believed it was VOL. II. 32


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not the proper and regular mode of proceeding to hold conventions in the manner that was called ; but to obtain the consent of the General Court to refer the subject, in the first place, to the people for their opinion. Before the General Court was prorogued, a joint address was presented to the governor from the senate and representatives, thanking him for his attention and fidelity in the concerns of the state,* admitting the importance of providing for the support of public credit, and pro- mising to attend particularly to the subject, at the next session. One excuse for declining to vote a tax, at that time was, that a valuation had been ordered to be taken of the property of the Com- monwealth, which, when received would enable them to apportion it more equitably upon the re- spective towns.


The governor had other reasons, besides his own conviction of the propriety and rectitude of the measure, to urge the General Court to take im- mediate order for collecting the taxes already as- sessed, and to make provision for still further sums, with all possible despatch. In the course of three. or four months, he had received several letters from the continental commissioners of finance, re- questing immediate remittance of a part of the ar- rears, which had been long due from Massachu- setts, and stating the necessity of receiving the re- mainder within a short period. They also gave information, that a new requisition would be made on several states for a large sum, which would


* They referred, especially, to his statement of the public debt, and the plan for reducing it; and expressed an earnest desire, " that he would continue to give his attention to the important subject."


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be expected to be paid early in the year 1786. Before the legislature assembled again, which was in January, the governor had additional communi- cations from Congress, pressing the payment of the former quotas, and requiring the further sum of 448,000 dollars to be provided at an early period, as their faith was pledged for a large amount. All these papers were laid before the two houses, by the governor, who again expressed his deep sense of the necessity of their immediate attention to the requisitions of Congress, and his anxiety at the em- barrassed condition of the Commonwealth. The whole sum called for by Congress, being the amount of arrears and new apportionment, was 981,000 dollars ; only one third of this however, was to be paid in specie, the other two-thirds might be provid- ed for by new loans, at the option of the state. A continental loan office in the capital of the state fa- cilitated such a measure, so long as the credit of the Commonwealth was maintained, by paying the demands of those who held notes payable at the office, or by a prompt payment of interest, and a renewal of such loans as the creditor was willing to grant. The whole amount to be collected by direct tax, on account of the state, was 333,000 dollars : and the sum of 300,000 was calculated would be raised by the impost and excise laws.




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