USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > History of Worcester County, Massachusetts : with biographical sketches of many of its pioneers and prominent men, Vol. II > Part 181
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Notwithstanding all opposition, slavery triumphed in the admission of Texas, and in the acquisition of vast territory from Mexico, all of which it sought to control. Not content with this, it demanded a re- versal of the old law of freedom and equal terms for slavery in all the territory of the United States. It was in possession of the Government at Washington. Both great parties were fastened to its car. Where was the voice sufficiently potent and the arm sutti- ciently strong to bid it halt and check its baleful pro- gress ? Both were to be found in Worcester County, as proved by the facts to which we now come.
The national election of 1848 approached. The anti-slavery element in the Whig party made a strong effort in Massachusetts to control it, and through its instrumentality to oppose the aggressions of slavery. Those composing this element were styled " Con- science Whigs," in distinction from those who, while sharing in the common sentiment of the State, were
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averse to measures which might disrupt the party. Stephen C. Phillips, Charles Francis Adams, Charles Allen and Charles Sumner were among the leaders of the "Conscience Whigs," and Robert C. Winthrop and George Ashmun were the leaders of the others, called "The Cotton Whigs." Daniel Webster, the great leader of the party, its Samson in strength and influence, hesitated between the two. Generally in the country towns the " Conscience " men prevailed, but in the State Conventions they were borne down by the superior weight and discipline of the "Cotton" men from the cities.
The National Whig Convention, for the nomina- tion of President and Vice-President, was called at Philadelphia, June 7, 1848. The Massachusetts State Whig Convention, to choose delegates-at-large to Philadelphia, was called at Springfield, September 29, 1847. The primary caucus of the Whigs of Wor- c'ester was held on the evening of September 18th, at the Town-Hall. Chas. Allen presided. It selected fifteen delegates to the State Convention at Springfield, and fifteen delegates to the Worcester County Convention. At this caucus John Milton Earle, editor of the Spy, offered a series of resolutions in line with the resolu- tions previously adopted at the Whig Conventions in Massachusetts in opposition to slavery extension, and representing the often-declared sentiments of the party. Gen. Zachary Taylor, the hero of the Mexi- can War, was already named as the most available candidate for the Presidential nomination, and the leading Whigs of Worcester, devoted to the fortunes of Daniel Webster, feared the consequences, both to their favorite and their party, of an outspoken decla- ration on the subject of slavery.
They objected to Mr. Earle's resolutions as un- necessary and out of place in a primary caucus. They admitted their truth, but opposed the policy of their introduction. Col. John W. Lincoln, who had ยท taken a prominent part in the Anti-Texas Convention of May, 1844, said that " actual and undisputed truth should not be spoken at all times." Hon. Rejoice Newton thought that "there was no need of incessant repetition of a string of truisms." John C. B. Davis, son of Senator John Davis, "saw no evidence that the whole South was leagued together in opposition to the North, as claimed by Mr. Earle." Mr. Earle mildly replied that these were " truths that he thought would bear and needed repetition at that time," hut his resolutions were tabled. Of the thirty delegates chosen at this convention, but three afterwards fol- lowed Judge Allen into the Free-Soil movement. The others remained in the Whig party.
George Ashmun, of Springfield, presided over the State Convention, and Rufus Choate and Seth Sprague were chosen delegates-at-large to the National Con- vention.
Joseph Bell, of Boston, chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, reported a series of resolutions, the substance of which was the recommendation of Daniel
Webster as the first choice of Massachusetts for the Presidency. John G. Palfrey moved as an additional resolution the following :
Resolred, That the Whigs of Massachusetts will support no man for the office of President or Vice-President of the United States It such as are known by their acts or declared opinions to be opposed to the ex- tension of slavery.
Palfrey's resolution was advocated by himself, Charles Francis Adams, Charles Sumner, Charles Allen and Stephen C. Phillips.
It was opposed by Robert C. Winthrop as only a re-statement of the other resolutions, and unneces- sary and impolitic. It was tabled, and the resolu- tions reported by the committee adopted.
April 22, 1848, the caucus of the Whigs of Wor- cester was held for the selection of delegates to the Fifth District convention, to be held in Worcester, April 27th, to seleet the district delegates to the Philadelphia convention. Alexander H. Bullock, Henry Chapin, Edward W. Lincoln, John Milton Earle, George Hobbs and John Boyden were chosen delegates to the district convention. C. C. P. Hastings, of Mendon, presided over the district convention, and Henry A. Denny, of Leicester, was its secretary. The same struggle as at Springfield was here renewed, but with a different result. Charles Allen received twenty-eight votes as delegate, and Alexander H. Bullock twenty-one. Charles Allen was then unani- monsly nominated as delegate, and Alexander H. Bullock as substitute, and the following resolutions, presented by Freeman Walker, of North Brookfield, were unanimously adopted :
Resolved, That in addition to the former issues between the Whig l'ar- ty and their opponents, we recognize as another and most important one, our uncompromising opposition to any further extension of slavery over any territory of the United States, or to any legislation by the National Government the specific object of which is to sustain the insti- tution of slavery.
Resolved, That in the opinion of this convention no candidate for the Presidency can receive the electoral vote of Massachusetts who is not publicly known to he opposed to the extension of slavery over territory now free.
The voice of Massachusetts might be stifled, but the voice of Worcester County must be heard.
The Whig National Convention of 1848 met at Philadelphia, June 7th. John M. Moorehead, of North Carolina, presided. The policy of non-com- mittal on the slavery question, and of availability in the selection of candidates, prevailed. General Zachary Taylor was nominated for President on the fonrth ballot, and Millard Fillmore, of New York, was nominated for Vice-President on the second bal- lot, over Abbott Lawrence, of Massachusetts. No platform of principles was adopted.
When the result of the convention was manifest, Mr. Allen, of Massachusetts, arose to address the convention. He spoke amid great confusion, and cries of " Sit down !" "Order !" " Knock him down !" "Go on !" "Sit down !" "Let him go on !" and cheers and hisses. He demanded to he heard, say- ing, "I doubt not but what a convention of free
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Whigs will listen for a moment to the voice of a free Whig State, represented in that convention. That voice is from Massachusetts. I think I know some- thing of the feelings of that State. I express for myself what I believe to be the sentiments of that State, and I say that we cannot consent that this shall go forth as the unanimous voice of this convention. The Whig party of the North are not to be allowed to nominate their statesman. We declare the Whig party of the Union this day dissolved." Judge Allen's voice was here drowned by cheers and hisses and cries, "Let the North answer him!" " Let Massachusetts answer him!" "There is better Whigism there than that." Cries for "Choate," " Choate," " Choate," were heard from all sides, and especially from Southern members.
Mr. Allen claimed the right to proceed, but the president ruled him out of order. Mr. Allen then moved to suspend the order of the day. The motion was lost by a large majority. He appealed from the decision of the chair and demanded to be heard on his appeal. Again he was ruled out of order. Mr. George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, got the floor. He withdrew the name of Mr. Winthrop as candidate for Vice-President in favor of Mr. Lawrence, and then referred to Mr. Allen as follows: " My colleague has stated that Massachusetts will repudiate the nomina- tion. Such is not the case. My colleague has only expressed his own sentiments and not the sentiments of the Whigs of the ' Old Bay State.'" Mr. Lunt, of Newburyport, sought to appease the indignation of the Southern delegates. He said: " Mr. President, I have listened with great pain, and sometimes I may say with indignation, to some of the sentiments spoken by my colleague of the Massachusetts dele- gation. I have chosen to aid in making this nomi- nation, and intend to sustain it with my whole heart and soul. I would cheerfully sustain any other true Whig, as I believe the nominee to be. The gentle- man spoke only for himself on this floor, and, sir, in some degree he will find that he speaks only for him- self in Massachusetts. And, sir, although it is diffi- cult to predict the result of an election, yet, in my estimation, the nominees of this convention will reecive a decided majority of the votes of Massachu- setts."
Mr. Allen again demanded to be heard, and failing in his effort, lie declared he would not be bound by the proceedings of the convention.
Mr. Wilson, of Natick, came powerfully to the aid of Judge Allen, repeating his declaration that he would not be bound by the action of the convention.
June 9th the Daily Spy (for a few months issued under the name of the Daily Transcript) closes a non- committal article on the nomination as follows : "By remaining true to our faith we shall stand in a position when, at the earliest possible time, we can make our influence for good felt and appreciated, but if we desert it (the Whig party) where shall we go to, !
or where find ourselves? Echo solemnly answers where. Let us heed the inquiry."
This recognizes the fact that at that moment there was no party into which the outraged Whigs could go from their own.
June 12th the Spy admitted a communication out- spoken in opposition to the nomination of Taylor, guarding its own position by the statement that " All the Whigs should have the opportunity of being heard. We have therefore admitted the following communication, and our columns are equally open to others, whatever their views, upon the subject."
June 14th the Spy said : "Greatly as we are disap- pointed and humiliated by the nomination (of Tay- lor and Fillmore), we shall not be driven thereby from our support of Whig principles, Whig measures and Whig men. We believe that General Taylor will be elected. If elected, it will be as the Whig nominee, and with such a union as may be main- tained without any sacrifice of principles. The elec- tion of President will carry with it the election of members of Congress. Opponents of slave exten- sion and slave legislation have it in their power to give potency to their principles in that election. If they are wise and prudent, will they not do so ?"
It copies, in the same issue, from an article of the day before in the New York Tribune, in the same tone, closing as follows : " If the developments of the next few days shall prove that the free States are now ripe for the uprising, which must come sooner or later, then we are ready. Our present impression is that the time has not quite arrived, but we shall see." No such lame and halting counsel as that of these papers thus expressed called into existence the party which led or caused " the uprising," before which the slave power, thus strongly entrenched in both Whig and Democratic parties, met its fate.
Charles Allen had not spoken. He was biding his time.
June 16th we find in the Spy a communication closing as follows : " Let every Whig be faithful. It is better for a starving man to eat half a loaf than to die, and so it is better to elect a Southern Whig than to submit to the destructive measures of a Northern Loco-foco, especially one pledged to continue, it elected, in the track of so honorable a predecessor as James K. Polk."
June 12th George Ashmun published an eloquent appeal to the Whigs of Massachusetts to stand firm for Taylor and Fillmore and the Whig party, cou- cluding with the famous words of Daniel Webster, "In the dark and troubled night that is upon us I see no star above the horizon promising light to guide us but the intelligent, patriotic United Whig party of the United States."
June 16th a great ratification meeting for the nomination of Taylor and Fillmore was held in Boston, and addressed by Rufus Choate, George Lunt and others.
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Worcester County still kept silent.
But in the Spy of June 2Ist two notices appear in parallel columns, one, with no signature, reading thus : "The citizens of Worcester and vicinity, op- posed to the nomination of Taylor and Cass, are in- vited to meet at City Hall Wednesday evening, June 2Ist, at 7.30, and make arrangements for the ap- proaching convention to be held on the 28th inst ..
" Hon. Charles Allen, a delegate to the late Phila- delphia convention, has been invited, and has con- sented to address the convention.
" All friends of the proposed movement from neighboring towns are cordially invited to be pres- ent."
Immediately following is the notice of a mass con- vention of Whigs, Democrats and Liberty men from all parts of the Commonwealth without distinction of party, " to be held in the City Hall of Worcester on Thursday, June 28th, to unite in support of that sacred principle which will be violated by the elec- tion of either Cass or Taylor-freedom in free territo- ries." This notice is also without signature. On the opposite column is the notice of a meeting to ratify the nomination of Taylor and Fillmore to be held at the City Hall in Worcester, Saturday evening, June 24th, signed by one hundred and fifty of the leading citizens of Worcester, whose names, until then, had represented the opinions 'and the policy of the city. The issue was joined.
Would Worcester sustain Charles Allen, its dele- gate to the Philadelphia convention, in his proud and defiant statement that the Whig party was dis- solved ? Or would it follow the one hundred and fifty, to whom it had been accustomed to look for leadership and guidance, in sustaining that Whig party to which its allegiance had been so long and unwaveringly given? It was aided by no advice from the Daily Spy, which had always been the or- gan of the Whig majority. In its editorial column it refers its readers with absolute impartiality to the notices of the political meetings to be holden in the city. It advises all " to go and hear both sides, and then every man decide for himself, according to original principles, without reference to the course of others," and adds, " We trust that any attempt to browbeat or intimidate may be met as it de- serves."
The Worcester City Hall was packed that evening as it had seldom, if ever, been before.
No meeting was ever more spontaneous in its char- acter and action. It was really the idea of a half- dozen gentlemen, of whom Mr. H. H. Chamberlain was the chief. They postponed the call on account of the delay of Judge Allen on his journey home from Philadelphia. Whether he delayed for the purpose of waiting to know what would be the impression upon his district by his action at Philadelphia, or for what reason, is not known. He, however, came through New York, tarrying on his way and did not
reach his home until about ten days after the conven- tion. Mr. Chamberlain immediately called upon him, to congratulate him upon his action in the con- vention. He also expressed his own desire, in which he doubted not that others concurred, to hear a report from Judge Allen as soon as convenient. The judge responded that he would speak if Mr. Chamberlain thought there would be any one to listen to him.
After consultations with the half-dozen gentle- men whom he represented, Mr. Chamberlain called again and formally invited Judge Allen to make a speech, although he said to him that perhaps they should think it best to have it delivered in a small hall. Upon inquiry, however, it was decided to en- gage the City Hall, then the largest in the city. At the hour of the meeting Mr. Chamberlain waited upon Mr. Allen from his residence to the hall. As they approached the entrance he was surprised to see a crowd about the door. His first thought was that so few had assembled that they had not thought it best to go in to take their seats, but were waiting on the outside. But he soon found that the hall and stairways were densely packed, even back to the side- walk, and it was with difficulty that he was able to make a passage through by which he could conduct Judge Allen to the speaker's stand.
An hour before it had not been known who would preside over the meeting. The great men of the city were not there, nor in sympathy with it. The press had not advocated it. The clergymen were cold. The merchants and professional men passed it by. But the men from the shops, who were really rulers of the city then as they have been ever since, were there to express their sovereign will. They realized the importance of the crisis, and disregarding the wishes and advice of those to whom they had been accus- tomed to trust the management of their political in- terests, they had resolved to take matters into their own hands, and had come out to do their work them- selves.
Careful perusal of the Daily Npy of the next morn- ing fails to discover any allusion to the proceedings of that meeting; and yet of all meetings ever held in that ancient and famous building, this was the most important and the most far-reaching in results. That night witnessed the birth of the Free Soil party, which sprang full-armed from the brain and will of Charles Alleu, ready to do battle for human freedom against Whigs, Democrats and all other opponents.
The meeting was called to order by Oliver Harring- ton, and was organized by the choice of Albert Tolman as president and William A. Wallace as secretary. Albert Tolman was a representative mechanic, not then very widely known, but thoroughly respected by all who did know him. William A. Wallace was in the employ of the Spy.
Scores of the one hundred and fifty signers for the Taylor ratification meeting stood higher in political and social influence and wealth than they, and yet,
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none of those ever occupied so high a place as these comparatively humble men on that night, or did a deed so significant and far-reaching in its meaning as did they.
Oliver Harrington, George W. Russell, Henry H. Chamberlain, Edward Southwick and Joseph Boyden were appointed a committee to nominate a list of names of persons to act as a Committee of Arrange- ments for the convention to be held at Worcester on the 28th instant. A committee of thirty-two was nominated and appointed after this business. Hon. Charles Allen entered the hall, and the loud and long continued applause with which he was received by the assembled multitude indicated what was to be the verdict on his course. He was then in the prime of his manhood. lle had broken away from the party which he had honored and which had honored him up to that time. He knew that he stood aloof from Governors and Senators, and from the leading citi- zens of Worcester, with whom he had always acted, but his hand was upon the heart of the Common- wealth, and its beatings responded firmly and truly to his tonch. Until that night he had been a leading, but not indisputably the leading, member of the county bar. He had filled many places of trust, and always well, but many citizens of Worcester had filled higher as well. Others might equal or excel him in many respects, but no man ever had a more fearless courage or sublimer self-reliance. He did not stop to ask who or how many were with him. He spoke his own sentiments and convictions, and in doing so he spoke for the great majority of his city and county. He admitted in his speech that he did not expect to be sustained so completely." He had confidence in the integrity of the people of his dis- triet, and knew that some time he should come out all right. The people of his district did not allow him to remain long in ignorance of their position. Where he was ready to lead, they were at once ready to follow.
On June 23d the Spy gave an appreciative notice of the meeting, signed " William A. Wallace, Secretary." No comment was made in the editorial columns. It printed Judge Allen's speech in full, as it was re- ported by Dr. Stone, of Boston, one of the earliest and most accomplished of the stenographic reporters of the State.
It occupied nearly two hours in its delivery. In style it is a masterpiece. In its adaptation to the oc- casion of its delivery, in its power to produce the results desired by the speaker, it was scarcely, if ever, surpassed or equaled. He reviewed his life-long connection with the Whig party and the action at the convention in which he was selected delegate of this district in the National Convention. He referred to the resolutions of that convention as charging him to " vote for a candidate for President who should be in favor of preserving the territories of the United States free from the stain of Slavery." He said
proudly and confidently : " I believe, gentlemen, it was a most deliberate and well considered act on the part of the District Convention, and I believe I was selected as the delegate because my sentiments were well known upon this subject. Had the convention intended to put forth principles upon which they did not mean to stand and abide, surely they would have sent some other man as their delegate, for they knew my opinions too well. They have been too uniformi 'upon the subject to leave a doubt that I would carry out these sentiments to the letter, and not only to the letter, but in their spirit." He reviewed the cir- cumstances in reference to Gen. Taylor's candidacy, and declared that the men of the South, in selecting him as their candidate, knew well what they were doing, and that they would support him at the polls, and squarely and defiantly answered them for the North in these uncompromising words: "We reject Gen. Taylor throughout the North and throughout the free States. We reject him, and meau to reject him, at the polls, because he is not known to be a Whig and because he is well understood to be hos- tile to the great principles of freedom." He dis- closed to his constituents a little of the secret history of the nomination as follows: The inquiry was put around to the delegates of Massachusetts for the pur- pose of getting information "if Gen. Taylor is nomi- nated will your District support him?" and when they came round to me I said, " No, gentlemen, my District will not support him." Up starts pert Mr. Lunt, and says: "There are men in your District who do not think as you do upon that subject." I said, "Sir, who said so? I must know who takes that responsibility." "Governor Lincoln," was the reply. "Not by him only, but by others was it re- ported that there was a strong sentiment here for Gen. Taylor, and that the County of Worcester would go strongly in his favor. Am I right, or was he?" No one present in that meeting will ever forget the proud and defiant face and form of Judge Allen as he uttered this challenge against the man who held the first place in the respect and regard of the citizens of Worcester, and who was then occupy- ing its mayor's chair in the first year of its existence as a city as the first and most popular citizen of the new-born municipality. The ring of Ivanhoe's spear-point upon the Templar's shield was not truer or bolder. No one present will forget the deafening shout with which the vast crowd endorsed the bold and self-reliant man who stood before them. Gath- ering boldness from his reception, he next referred to the great man who had so long been the leader and the idol of the Whigs in Massachusetts, Daniel Webster. He declared that Mr. Webster had been opposed to the nomination of Gen. Taylor, and said : " He was right, he was earnest in his con- demnation. May God grant, gentlemen, that he may continue so, and if His Providence prevented him from uttering sentiments which would do him no
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honor at Baltimore yesterday, may His Providence still watch over him. For I do not wish to see that strong man grinding in the prison-honse of the Philistines. .. . " The immense applause showed that the mighty blow had stricken from its place the idol which so long had held the first place in the worship of that audience.
Governor Davis, then Senator of the United States, ex-Governor of the Commonwealth, was referred to . as having written a cordial letter favoring General Taylor, and again Mr. Allen was cheered to the echo; and then he clinched his charges. "If Governor Davis denies that I have spoken the truth of him, I will prove it. If Governor Lincoln denies that I have spoken the truth of him, I will prove it. Most of us have belonged to the Whig party. We have professed to be averse to the extension of slavery. The ques- tion is not here whether we would eradicate it where it exists, but we are opposed to its extension. Well, gentlemeu, I did not eat my words at Philadelphia. Will you at the polls? When I declared that the Whig party was dissolved, I declared a fact. The undertaker may preserve the corpse for a little time, but it will soon be offensive to the smell and the sight, and must be removed from the sight of the people."
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