History of the early settlement of Newton, county of Middlesex, Massachusetts, from 1639-1800. With a genealogical register of its inhabitants, prior to 1800, Part 42

Author: Jackson, Francis, 1789-1861
Publication date: 1854
Publisher: Boston, Printed by Stacy and Richardson
Number of Pages: 574


USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Newton > History of the early settlement of Newton, county of Middlesex, Massachusetts, from 1639-1800. With a genealogical register of its inhabitants, prior to 1800 > Part 42


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From the Massachusetts Spy, June, 1773.


TO THE FREE AND BRAVE AMERICANS.


BRETHREN, - Providence now offers us Freedom - it may be the last offer - therefore let us seize the prize with all our powers, before it shall be too late, that we and our posterity may henceforth live a life of liberty and glory. We have a glorious opportunity to recover and establish all the rights of America. How can this be done? Let all the people in every Colony sign a SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT, (which shall be sacred and binding as an oath,) that they shall not purchase any British goods, nor suffer any under them to do it, nor deal with any person who


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does, until all the rights of the Colonies are restored and confirmed, to the satisfaction of the Congress, which shall be appointed to act for the United Colonies. Those Colo- nies whose General Assembly is not now sitting, may send the members of their committee of correspondence for their Assembly, as it is necessary that the Congress should meet immediately. As the gentlemen who compose the committee of correspondence for the Assemblies in the sev- eral Colonies are distinguished for abilities and patriotism, they will be a good representative for all the Colonies ; and as they will be assisted by the communications from every part of the continent, by committees of correspondence and other ways in this grand representative body, they will be the collected wisdom of America. When those things are accomplished, we shall be in the high road to Freedom.


My brethren, let us now consider what consequences will follow, if we should be so infatuated as to submit to arbi- trary power, and yield the right of disposing of our own property, and making our own laws, into the hands of men in Britain.


1. This act of submission would annihilate all our prop- erty and liberty, strip us of everything but life, which in such a servile state would be of no value.


2. Being in the wretched condition of slaves, we should be exposed to the perpetual insults of tyrants and barbar- ous villains, who might be appointed our task-masters.


3. To make the tyranny permanent, all arts and sciences which enlighten and exalt the human mind, would be dis- couraged, and the people debased to that sordid state of ignorance and brutality, in which we find all nations who live under arbitrary government.


4. The people must pay tithes to lordly Bishops - next bow to their idle forms, and perhaps go a step farther, and acknowledge the supremacy of the Pope, or embrace fire


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and faggot. The least that we may expect, if we lose our liberties, will be far worse than death -therefore let us account life richly sold, to purchase freedom for posterity. By preserving the liberties of America, we may preserve Britain from impending destruction.


Let us consider some of the innumerable blessings that will result from the establishment of our rights.


Our liberties and property being secure, (which security is the spring of all noble exertions,) industry and learning, population, manufactures, and every thing which enriches and enobles a nation, will flourish here. -


Although stopping all commerce with Britain will hurt the trade of some of the merchants, (yet they may have a compensation hereafter, in a more advantageous trade,) it will enrich this country millions, by cutting off all superflu- ities, promoting our own manufactures, &c., &c .; advanta- ges too many to be enumerated.


My brethren, we have liberty and slavery set before us, therefore let us choose liberty, and maintain it till death.


If our rights were thus invaded by the French, should we once think of submission - and shall we submit to English tyranny ? Heaven forbid that Americans should ever impiously resign the gifts of God into the hands of tyrants. It will be infinitely better to die in the cause of our country, than to live in slavery - after the long and noble struggle we have made ; if we suffer tyranny to pre- vail, we shall be treated in the most brutal manner, and our land will be filled with innocent blood ! Our glorious pat- riots will be sacrificed by the infernal hand of tyranny. No man of honor or virtue will be safe - villains, robbers, murderers, and the vilest characters, will be our masters, and will tread the sons of honor in the dirt !


" It cannot be (says one) that our enemies will treat us so inhumanly." I could not, for a long time, believe their de-


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signs were so wicked, but now we know by our own sight and feeling, that we have nothing to expect from them but injury upon injury, unless we resolutely defend our liberties, or death release us from our miserable bondage.


They who could make war upon an innocent people, from whom they had received great benefits, are capable of any- thing which is vile, and from such we can hope for nothing but barbarity. Therefore, my friends and brethren, let us all unite like one band of freemen, and trusting in God, go forth in defence of our rights, and either live a life of lib- erty, or die gloriously in defence of it.


From the Boston Gazette, September 27, 1773. -


The very important dispute between Britain and Amer- ica, has for a long time employed the pens of statesmen in both countries, but no plan of union is yet agreed on be- tween them; the dispute still continues, and everything floats in uncertainty. As I have long contemplated the sub- ject with fixed attention, I beg leave to offer a proposal to my countrymen, viz : - That a Congress of American States be assembled as soon as possible, draw up a Bill of Rights, and publish it to the world ; choose an Ambassador, to reside at the British Court, to act for the United Colonies; appoint where the Congress shall annually meet, and how it may be summoned, upon any extraordinary occasion ; what further steps are necessary to be taken, &c.


From the Boston Gazette, February 21, 1774.


TO AMERICAN FREEMEN.


So rapid have been the strides of tyranny, for a number of years past, that the continued succession of new injuries


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COL. JOSEPH WARD.


make us forget the former ones ; and a person must have the pen of a ready writer, to record the abuses this people receive from a despotic administration, who have evidently nothing less in view than the total abolition of all American liberties. This is evident from a thousand instances of arbitrary plans and proceedings; and I would at this time call the attention of my countrymen to a most glaring and capital instance of tyranny, which ought to make every villain bluslı, and every free mind kindle with indignation against the abandoned herd of tyrants and their tools, viz : the hydra courts of Admiralty. By the commission of a judge of one of these courts, published in the Pennsylvania Journal, of January 26, (and re-published in the Massachu- setts Spy, of Thursday last,) it appears that they were cal- culated, not only to annul the American Charter, but Mag- na Charta, and to overturn the whole constitution of the nation. Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, and also the Charter of the Colonies, hold the persons and property of the subject sacred; and no one shall be disseized of his property, nor imprisoned, without a trial by a jury of his peers or equals. But these commissions empower the bribed judge to trample upon all the fundamental laws of the constitution ; and in the face of all that is sacred in liberty and justice, give the said judge power to punish and imprison all persons guilty of a breach of the acts of trade, and to compel all manner of persons to assist in car- rying these laws into execution ; and this enormous power is extended not only to the seas and harbors, but to every " creek and stream of fresh water, and to banks and shores adjoining them," so that their powers have no bounds, for these judges, being enlightened with a bribe of £600 a year sterling, they will soon find that the whole earth is a bank to the seas; and therefore their authority must be univer- sal. I cannot doubt but this would be the case if the Ad-


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ministration had mercenary troops enough to enforce their wicked plans.


These unconstitutional and most abominable Courts of Admiralty are a clear demonstration that a system of tyranny has been formed, to enslave the Americans ; and if they had not made a resolute stand, they would not at this day have had anything which they might call their own.


The united wisdom and power of every friend to this country is now necessary, to oppose the combined efforts of our enemies, who are using every art which the father of lies can suggest to them, to destroy the liberties of America.


This is not a time to be silent. Liberty and conscience calls upon every man to speak and act in the cause of his country. May heaven give us wisdom and power to pre- serve the rights of humanity.


From the Massachusetts Spy, June 30, 1774.


TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND.


It is evident the British Empire now trembles on the brink of ruin. Civil war, confusion and destruction, are inevitable, if the Administration continues to invade the rights of the Americans; and therefore our most serious and attentive consideration should be applied to the great affair of restoring and preserving union and harmony be- tween Britain and America. It might be demonstrated by a million of reasons, that Britain cannot long rule the Americans by mere power, and hold them in servile sub- jection. This continent is more than a hundred times lar- ger than Great Britain; and according to the present in- crease of the people, in less than a century they will exceed


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fifty millions. Can it be supposed that this vast people will be slaves and vassals of tyrants in Britain ? Surely no man of any consideration can entertain such a thought. But as distant danger does not affect ministerial men, who " live by the hour," and are eager in pursuit of fortunes and plunder, let us consider that your danger is near, and now even at the door. It is well known that (under Prov- idence) interest governs all nations ; and it is an important question, how can the Colonies affect your interest, and the interest of other nations, for the grand purpose of securing the liberties of America? The answer is short and con- vincing ; the Colonies will withhold their trade from you, and give it to other nations. This stroke of policy will be effectual and decisive, and as it is seen to be the only thing which will answer the grand purpose of preserving liberty, it will be pursued with ardor, and persevered in with firm- ness. To demonstrate the practicability of this measure, let it be considered and seriously attended to, that the trade of America is a prize, for which the commercial States will all contend, and embrace every opportunity to acquire, - therefore by this will the Americans command respect, alliances, and the fleets of Europe. British ships cannot block up all the ports of America, which are extended more than three thousand miles, on the Atlantic ocean, and are commodious for the commerce of the world. Such is the fertility of America, the people never can be starved into a submission to tyranny, by the modern scheme of blockade; and their internal strength is greatly superior to any force that can ever be sent against them. They could, at any time in the space of ten days, assemble an army of fifty thousand men, and a great part of them experienced in war ; the last war with Canada having disciplined vast numbers of men, who are now qualified for any command or any action. It is in the nature and common course of


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things, utterly impossible that Britain (or any other nation) should subdue the combined force of the Americans ; she may injure and distress them for a short time, but they will at last rise superior to all her arts to deceive and efforts to subdue, and the day that crowns their liberty (if they are obliged to gain it by force) will seal her doom. But I will dwell no longer on the gloomy idea of Britain's fall. It is my warmest wish, next to the liberty of America, that she may live forever. And I will now attempt to point out the means by which her prosperity, and that of the whole em- pire, may be increased and made permanent.


To impose arbitrary government on any part of the empire, particularly America, which is so extensive and im- portant a part, will destroy that equilibrium which is the basis of the whole, by forming a separate interest, and thereby take away all motives to preserve the union, in those who are deprived of liberty, which will cut the bond of empire, and like the once august Roman empire, it will be split into different kingdoms and commonwealths. There- fore the equilibrium, equal liberty, must be preserved in every member of the great body, the first and essential principle of government. The empire standing upon these great principles of equity and equality, no just cause would ever exist for disunion, between Britain and America, and the British dominions might, upon this basis of justice and liberty, extend farther and farther, to the remotest regions of the earth, and Britain remain the centre of union, wealth, and splendor ; reign sovereign of the ocean, and mistress of the world. Reason and interest would be the cords of union, while all the Colonies receive nothing but justice from Britain ; they would then love the parent country, and glory (as they have done in time past) in her prosper- ity and magnificence ; she would rise in proportion to the increase of the Colonies; and the American navigation


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would be a growing nursery for seamen to man the British navy, as well as a source of wealth to support it. In short, while union and harmony are preserved between the two countries, no nation can ever vie with the English, and the blessings that would accrue to the empire from such a sys- tem of liberty and justice, cannot be numbered or named, they are so many and great.


Englishmen ! you were once too generous and brave to enslave others, or to be enslaved yourselves - may your ancient ardor for liberty arise and animate your bosom with passions as Godlike as your sires !


In addition to his public letters and essays, Col. Ward wrote numerous private letters to influential men, and to members of the Continental Congress, urging them to strike for independence, and cut the connection between the Colonies and the mother country. To one of those let- ters, addressed to John Adams, then a member of Congress sitting in Philadelphia, Mr. Adams thus replies, under date of April 16, 1776 :


" You seem to wish for Independence; do the resolves for privateering and opening the ports, satisfy you ? If not, let me know what will. Will nothing do, but a positive declaration that we never will be reconciled, upon any terms? It requires time to bring the Colonies all of one mind, but time will do it."


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COL. JOSEPH WARD.


October 31, 1776.


TO THE INDEPENDENT SONS OF AMERICA.


" What's human life ? to gaze upon the sun, And go the vulgar round of useless years ? Or is it to be free ?" Taste Independence ; Blissful moments ! Defend it till ye die !


By the favor of Providence we have reached that politi- cal point which the wise have long seen to be the only foundation of safety and independence ; our work is now plain before us - to persevere to the end in supporting the declaration we have made to the world. To do this, every consideration urges us ; to retreat is death, is slavery, ca- lamities of every name, and all the gloomy horrors of the most odious and execrable tyranny ; before us is all the glory of freedom, pregnant with every felicity our wishes can grasp, or human nature enjoy. If we continue our, exertions with that wisdom and magnanimity with which we began, liberty will soon triumph, wealth flow in through ten thousand channels, and America become the glory of all lands. Tyranny is now exerting her utmost power, and if resisted a little longer, George and all his murderers must bid adieu to America forever ; then we shall have the double honor and happiness of subduing the tyrants and enjoying liberty; the expense and danger it has cost us will sweeten the blessing. If we have not suffered enough yet, to make us duly prize the inestimable jewel, let us patiently bear what is yet to come. But if we continue in the ways of well doing, we shall certainly succeed ; for unerring wisdom has told us, "If we trust in the Lord and do good, we shall dwell in the land and be fed," therefore. we have nothing to do but be faithful to God and our coun-


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try, and the blessings we contend for will be the portion of us and our children. The prize of liberty is not to be gained in a day, nor bought with a small price, but is the reward of long labor and unremitted exertions ; and a peo- ple are commonly made to realize their dependence on hea- ven for so great a favor, before they are crowned with com- plete success.


From the Continental Journal, July 13, 1780.


By the grace of God we are free and independent, and have entered the fifth year of our national sovereignty, and therefore we have a certainty of being gainers by the con- test. The time we have already enjoyed freedom and independence, is worth an eternity in subjection to the British tyrant. But it is said, " mean souls give no credit to the sentiments of heroic minds, and slaves affect to turn the cause of liberty into ridicule," and therefore we may expect to hear from dastardly wretches speaking in favor of their former bondage, to what they ridiculously call the mother country, while they talk of liberty as an unmeaning phantom. Surely such servile spirits are unfit associates for the liberal and heroic citizens of America. Those who prefer present ease and interest to the salvation of their country, ought to be despised, and treated with contempt. Our indignation should kindle at every suggestion deroga- tory to the majesty and sovereignty of the United States. We should not patiently hear pusillanimous wretches talk of what they call "accommodation," and " reunion." We spurn the idea with sovereign contempt, as the sugges- tion of Satan. What! the sovereign States of Amer- ica (one of which is almost as big as the whole island of Britain) bow the knee to, and lay their majesty at the .foot


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of the most accursed, the most cruel and brutish tyrant of Britain -form a connection with a monster who is a curse to his own nation, a disgrace to human nature, and a blot in creation - with a murderer, a thief, a liar, a perjured vil- lain - one who is black with the most shocking crimes, and has not one virtue, to mingle its rays with the darkness of his detestable character ! What then must be the character of such as wish for a reunion with a Devil incarnate! Are not such either fools or villains? And should not the virtu- ous citizens treat them as enemies ? There are marked To- ries, who, upon any misfortune to the States, cry aloud that we shall be ruined, and pretending great distress for their country, whine and groan, and fear every thing. These wretches go whining and groaning about the country, with a view to diffuse a spirit of timidity among weak and fear- ful people. Such groaners, therefore, should be discoun- tenanced, and treated with contempt, at least. If nothing else will satisfy these despairing wretches, the best way is for the parish sexton to provide a grave for their spiritless bodies - it being much better for the community that they should be under, than above ground.


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From the Exchange Advertiser, December, 1784.


TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.


After extirpating the tyrants of Britain, establishing a glorious independence, and gaining the completest triumph of liberty that the sun ever saw ; now, to copy the manners and fashions of the same wretches who have burnt and desolated your country, shed your blood and murdered your friends ; who aimed, and still aim, to be your masters, must


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be extremely degrading to Americans; and not only de- grading, but as dangerous as it is infamous.


I have long held, with painful solicitude, the gradual de- clension of American manners, and the introduction of British fashions. The future prosperity and national glory of America, so essentially depend upon forming a national character, that every citizen should make this a serious point, and exert all his influence to establish it. It is as essential to your well-being to form your own customs and manners, as to make your own laws. *


To justify these remarks, review your past and present conduct. In your early contest with Britain, you adopted new manners and fashions, pursued a line of dignity and frugality - you shunned the expensive and trifling customs of Britons, and the more so, because they were British. Now see, and seriously consider what are the present man- ners and customs in America! In dress, there is a growing imitation of the Britons. Your former significant and manly fashion of wearing for mourning, only a small piece of crape on the arm for men, and a black ribbon for women, is gradually going out of use, and a servile imitation of Britons, in wearing a black dress, is taking the place of that frugal and sentimental fashion, which gave an honorable distinction to the free and brave citizens of America. This leads to a dissolution of your frugal and patriotic establish- ments, and a sacrifice of American character.


I cannot but express my surprise, while I observe many who are in authority, and who have had the character of wise men and patriots, leading the people by their example, to violate a fashion which bore the certain mark of patriotic and republican wisdom ! In a future paper I shall mention other lines in the progress of Britainism. Ye Americans ! correct me if I am wrong. If I am right, correct your- selves.


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COL. JOSEPH WARD.


From the Massachusetts Centinel, February 4, 1786.


TO THE PEOPLE.


We are citizens of a Nation, as well as of a State, and as the former is the greatest, it claims the highest obliga- tion. But in the appellation of sovereignty, belonging to each State, we are apt to lose the idea of national obliga- tions, and obedience to national authority.


From this capital error, hath proceeded the numerous evils we now suffer, and hence it is that some important acts of Congress are so little regarded, not only by our own people but by other nations, taught by our example. This certainly is the way to ruin. Who that is a real citizen of America, can sit unconcerned and see the piddling members of some Legislatures, debating whether they shall (grant, as they absurdly term it) comply with the requisitions of Congress. With equal absurdity might every town, upon the receipt of a tax bill, first debate whether it was proper they should grant said tax. Certain it is, we cannot remain a free people, without decision in Congress, and obedience from the people to their constitutional authority. There- fore the States are now brought to the touchstone, to comply or not to comply, and the whole people ought to remember, and never to forget, that there is but one step from freedom to tyranny ; that if they have not virtue to pay the price of their independence, and to support their government, they may be an easy prey to a tyrant. Let us lay this to our hearts ; it is a truth stamped by the experience of ages.


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CONCLUSION.


We cannot close this scanty and imperfect notice, without reiterating the dying words of Col. Ward, " calling on all good men to aid his injured family in obtaining justice from the Commonwealth of Massachusetts." The people of Massa- chusetts, certainly the people of Newton, and Newton peo- ple, wherever they are, should listen to those parting words, and if possible, respond to the call. Four of Col. Ward's children still live. Should they determine to ask the Leg- islature of Massachusetts to fulfil its promises to their hon- ored father, the people of his native Town should petition in aid of such an application, and instruct their Representa- tives to use their influence in obtaining justice for his in- jured family.


It is never too late to ask that justice may be done. Time cannot change wrong into right.


It is of the utmost importance to the State of Massachu- setts, that her credit, at home and abroad, should be un- doubted. Massachusetts cannot afford to dishonor her promises, old or new, and be classed with the repudiating States.


Whatever Massachusetts may do, or deny, we are sure that the public services and private virtues of Col. Ward, the teacher of youth, and counsellor of manhood, ought to be remembered and perpetuated in some way, by the erec- tion of a monument to his memory, or otherwise.


To the people of his native Town, we submit this sug- . gestion for their consideration.


INDEX.


A. Angier's Corner, 234. Ancient Houses, 9.


B.


Badger, Rev. Stephen's letter, 85. Baptists, 133, 148 - Declaration of Faith, 150, 450. Bills of Credit, 130. Billerica Lands, 25.


Boundaries, 11 to 20, 49, 50, 98. Blanden's Lane, (Pond st.) 76, 317. Brooks - Smelt, 111; Palmer's, 110; Cheese Cake, 111; South Meadow, 110.


Bridges - The Great, 36, 37, 62 ; Waltham, 44; Upper Falls, 42, 100; Weston, 42, 43; Lower Falls, 41, 103; Kenrick's, 44. Burying Grounds, 71-Centre, 72; West Parish, 74; South, 74, 75 ; Lower Falls, 75.


C.


Cambridge-Named, 6, 17; Canal, 5, 12.


Cambridge Village, 6, 8 - Set off, 7,49, 60.


Cotton, Rev. John, 127 - House burnt, 130.


Census, 198, 222.


Common - Centre, 76, 77, 78 ; West, 78.


Constitution - Mass., 193, 194, 195; United States, 214, 410. Common Lands divided, 24, 25. Corn Currency, 138.


Charles River, 98-Diverted, 106 ; Bridges and Dams, 105.


Church Records burnt, 136-Cov- enants, 144, 150, 160, 171-Ex- communications, 155.


D.


Dams across Charles River, 105. Davie, [Davis,] Old Goody, 267. Deacons, Ist Church, 147-West Church, 162.


Division of Common Lands, 24, 25. Direct Tax, 1798, by Congress, 223. Donations to the Town, by John Jackson, Sen., 71, 326. Jona. Hyde, Sen., 30, 77, 317. -Elder Wiswall, 77.


-Abraham Jackson, 65.


-Ed. Jackson, Sen,, 122, 123.


-Dea. John Staples, 134, 406.


Judge Abraham Fuller, 284.


-Samuel Miller, 34, 365.


-Aaron Cheney, 256.


- -Col. Nathan Fuller, 74.


-Amasa Winchester, 75.


-- Capt. Joseph Fuller, 34.


-John Kenrick, 357.


E. Early Grants and Boundaries, 11 -Conveyances, 21 to 35. Early Baptists, 133, 136, 148. Education, 63 to_70. Eliot, the Indian Apostle, 79. Eliot, Rev. John, Jr., ordained, 117, -Homestead, 34-death, 120- Will, 275.


Ecclesiastical History, 115. Emancipation of Slaves in Mass- achusetts, 95.


F. Falls, Upper, 98-Lower, 103. First Grist Mill, 111. Fish, 102, 107, 108. Fortification about Newtown, 6.


Four mile line, 7, 18.


Fuller Farm, 45, 278.


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554


INDEX.


G.


Garrison House, 429. Genealogical Register, 231. Grants, 13-Special, 20.


H.


Harvard College, 6. Haynes, Gov. John's Farm, 20, 113. Homer, Rev. Jonathan's History, 83, 139.


Hobart, Rev., 122, 124, 125.


Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 11, 16, 115. Hibbins, William's Farm, 13. Highways, 36 to 46, 332. Hull, Gen. Willianı, 211, 312. Hyde, Rev. Jonathan, 132.


I.


Indians, 79 to 87, 102, 103. Independence Vote, 186.


Instructions to Representatives, 177, 179, 190, 208. Iron Works, 100, 103.


Insurrection in Mass., 210, 213, 214.


Intolerance to Baptists and others, 131, 132, 133, 148, 149. Jackson, Jonathan, first Nail ma- ker in New England, 334.


K.


Kenrick Fund, 357. King Philip's War, 50, 272.


M. Manufactures encouraged, 178, 334.


Meadow, Bald Pate, 44-Great, 45. Middlesex Deeds, 26.


Mills, 99, 103, 105, 111, 258.


Ministers, 1st Church, 146-Bap- tist, 158.


Monument to first Settlers, 73.


Muddy River, 13, 15, 16.


Meriam, Rev. Jonas, made a slave frce, 367.


N. New Town, origin of the name, 5, 63


New Town, [Newton,] 6, 7, 8- Corner, 234.


New Cambridge, 7. New Lights, 132, 432, 450. Nonantum, 6, 81-House, 235. Noon Houses, 77, 131.


0. Order of Court about Titles, 21. Ordination of Eliot and Wiswall, 117. Nehemiah Hobart, 122 -Deacons Oliver and Jackson, 126. John Cotton, 128. Jonas Meriam, 135.


- -Edward Jackson, 353.


-Jonathan Homer, 141.


William Greenough, 161. -Joseph Grafton, 157.


Origin Crane, 168. -Wm. S. Leavitt, 173.


P.


Petition for secession from Cam- bridge, 50.


Plan of Newton, 112 & Appendix. Poor, 67, 70.


Ponds, Wiswall's, 20, 109, 113 ; Hammond's, 109.


Population, 222.


Proprietors' Records, 5, 23. Powder House, 78.


Prentice, Capt. Thomas, 389 and Appendix.


R.


Rebellion, Shays, 210, 213, 214. Remonstrance of Camb. against Division, 47, 53.


Representatives to General Court, 221.


Religious Societies, Centre, 116.


-West Parish, 158.


-


-First Baptist, 149.


Second Baptist, 166.


Episcopalian, 162.


Methodist, 165.


-Universalist, 168.


Eliot, 169.


- First Unitarian, 173.


-Second Unitarian, 175.


Resolutions by the Town, 179, 181, 214.


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INDEX.


River, Charles, 98, 106-diverted to Neponset, 106, 108-Dams, Bridges, 105.


S.


Seating the Meeting-house, 126, 130, 131, 135, 142.


Seger's Narrative, Appendix. Selectmen, 216.


Slavery, Slave Code, 87. Slaves and Slaveholders, 88, 9.


-Gov. Bradstreet's Letter, 90.


-Judge Tucker's Letter, 90. -Dr. Belknap's Letter, 91. -Emancipation in Massachu- setts, 95.


Survey of the Town by Burnap, 127, 128.


Separation from Cambridge, 60- Church, 47.


Schools, 65-School houses, 65, 66, 67, 69-Districts, 67, 70-Ap- propriations, 68.


Stocks, Church, 137.


Stoves, Church, 142.


Stamp Act, 177, 178.


Shay's Rebellion, 210, 213, 214.


Shepard's Letters, Appendix.


Soldiers of the Revolution, 200, 201.


T.


Tate & Brady's Psalms, 136. Taxes, Town, 220-United States, (1798,) 223.


Town Meetings, first & second, 61. Tea Tax, 180-Its use discour- aged, 182-Pledge Signed, 182. Tories, 192.


Town Clerks and Treasurers, 215. Titles, Order of Court, 21.


Training Field, Centre, 76, 77, 78 -West, 34, 71, 78.


U.


Upper Falls, 98.


United States Tax, 223.


W.


War of the Revolution, 177.


-Stamp Act, 177, 178.


-Resolutions, 179, 181.


-Instructions, 177, 179.


-- Tea Duty, 180, 183.


-Provincial Congress, 183.


- Field Pieces, Fire Arms, 183.


Minute Men, 183.


Battles of Lexington and Concord, 184.


-Province Tax voted, 184.


Independence voted, 186. Soldiers, 201.


-Money Borrowed, 187, 190, 191, 193.


-Gen. Burgoyne captured, 193. - -Lord Cornwallis captured, 196.


-Treaty of Peace, 197.


-Gen. Washington resigns, 197. Watts' Psalms, 141. Wears for Fishing, 13, 101, 107.


Work House, 67, 70.


Ward, Rev. Nathan's Memorial, 132.


Ward, Col. Joseph, 435 and Ap- pendix.


Waban, 79, 83.


Wiswall, Elder's Letter, 121.


Williams' Farm, 113, 438.


Williams, Col. Ephraim, Founder of Williams' College, 329, 441 and Appendix.


Whitefield, Rev. George, 131, 132. Winchester, Rev. Elhanan, 149 and Appendix.


ERRATA.


Page.


20, sixth line from top, for 1847, read " 1849.


259, thirteenth line from bottom, erase "2d w. Sarah d. 1783, æ. 32," and insert " Wid. Hannah d. 1802."


259, third line from bottom, after Clark, Capt. Norman, insert " (s. of William, Jr.) "


260, top line, after Clark, Norman, insert " Jr."


260, fourth line from top, after 2d, erase " w. d. 1783, 3d."


260, erase the eighth and ninth lines from bottom.


262, to Moses Craft, add, "Lieut.," and for æ. 64, read " æ. 66," and add, " She d. 1789."


The reader is requested to make these corrections with pen or pencil.





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