USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Old landmarks and historic fields of Middlesex > Part 13
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CHAPTER VII.
LEE'S HEADQUARTERS AND VICINITY.
" Night closed around the conqueror's way, And lightnings showed the distant hill, Where those who lost that dreadful day Stood few and faint, but fearless still."
D ESCENDING into the valley between Winter and Pros- pect Hills, any search for traces of the works which existed here in 1775 - 76 would be fruitless ; every vestige had disap- peared fifty years ago. The site of the star fort laid down on the map was a little north of Medford Street and east of Walnut Street. The structure of the ground shows that there was once a considerable elevation here, which commanded the approach by the low land between Prospect, Winter, and Ploughed Hills.
On the little byway now dignified with the name of Syca- more Street stands the old farm-house which was the headquar- ters for a time of General Charles Lee. Its present occupant is Oliver Tufts, whose father, John Tufts, resided there in Revo- lutionary times, and planted with his own hands the beautiful elm that now stretches its protecting branches over the old homestead.
When the house was occupied by the mercurial Lee it had one of those long pitched roofs descending to a single story at the back, and which are still occasionally met with in our in- terior New England towns. The elder Tufts altered the exterior to what we now see it ; and although the date of the erection of the house, which once sheltered so notable an occupant, has not remained extant in the family, it evidently belongs to the earlier years of the eighteenth century.
The name and career of Charles Lee are not the least inter- esting subjects in our Revolutionary annals. A mystery, not
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wholly cleared away, has enshrouded the concluding incidents of Lee's connection with the American army. Whether the name of traitor is to accompany his memory to posterity or not, there is no question that he was at the beginning of the con- test a zealous partisan of the American cause. It is in this light we prefer to consider him.
When Lee came to join the forces assembled around Boston he was certainly regarded, in respect to military skill, as the foremost man in the army. His experience had been acquired on the same fields with the men he was now to oppose, and it is evident that neither Gage, Howe, Clinton, nor Burgoyne underrated his ability.
In a "separate and secret despatch " Lord Dartmouth wrote to General Gage to have a special eye on Lee, whose presence in Boston in the autumn of 1774 was known to his lordship. Lord Dartmouth's letter says : -
" I am told that Mr Lee, a major upon half pay with the rank of Lieut Colonel, has lately appeared at Boston, that he associates only with the enemies of government, that he encourages the dis- content of the people by harangues and publications, and even advises to arms. This gentleman's general character cannot be un- known to you, and therefore it will be very proper that you should have attention to his conduct, and take every legal method to pre- vent his effecting any of those dangerous purposes he is said to have in view."
General Lee was five feet eight, and of rather slender make, but with unlimited powers of endurance, as was fully proved in his rapid movements from Boston to New York, and from New York to the defence of the Southern seaports. His capa- city to resist fatigue was thoroughly tested at Monmouth, the only instance recorded where he admitted that he was tired out. Lee had visited most of the courts of Europe, and was a good linguist. He wrote well, but rather diffusely ; and although his language is marred by a certain coarseness, it is not con- spicuously so when compared with that of his contemporaries in the profession of arms.
" And more than that he can speak French, and therefore he is a traitor."
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Lee had lived for some time among the Mohawks, who made him a chief, and who, on account of his impetuous temper, named him, in their figurative and highly expressive way, " Boiling Water." He was more than half Indian in his ex- treme carelessness of his personal appearance, of what he ate or drank, or where he slept. He had lost two fingers in a duel in Italy, -one of many personal encounters in which he was en- gaged during his lifetime. Lee was cool, clear-headed in action, and possessed true military insight. The following is probably an accurate pen-portrait of this extraordinary man :-
" A tall man, lank and thin, with a huge nose, a satirical mouth, and restless eyes, who sat his horse as if he had often ridden at fox- hunts in England, and wore his uniform with a cynical disregard of common opinion."
There is a caricature of General Lee by Rushbrooke, which, if allowed to resemble the General, as it is claimed it does, would fairly establish his title to be regarded as the ugliest of men, both in form and feature. It should, however, be con- sidered as a caricature and nothing else.
Mrs. John Adams, who first met General Lee at an evening party at Major Mifflin's house in Cambridge, describes him as looking like a " careless, hardy veteran," who brought to her mind his namesake, Charles XII. "The elegance of his pen far exceeds that of his person " says this accomplished lady.
Lee was very fond of dogs, and was constantly attended by one or more ; his favorite being a great shaggy Pomeranian, which Dr. Belknap says resembled a bear more than a harmless canine. Spada - that was the dog's name - was constantly at his master's heels, and accompanied him in whatever company he might happen to be.
It appears from a letter of John Adams to James Warren, - the then President of the Provincial Congress, - which was intercepted by the British, that Colonel Warren had no great opinion of General Lee, for Mr. Adams tells him he must bear with his whimsical manners and his dogs for the sake of his military talents. " Love me, love my dog," says Mr. Adams.
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General Lee used to relate with great gusto an anecdote of one of his aides who showed a little trepidation under fire, and who expostulated with his general for exposing himself. The general told his officer that his Prussian majesty had twenty aides killed in one battle. The aide replied that he did not think Congress could spare so many. Lee's first aide-de-camp was Samuel Griffin, who was succeeded by Colonel William Palfrey, the same who afterwards served Washington in a simi- lar capacity.
Lee's slovenliness was the occasion of a rather amusing con- tretemps. On one of Washington's journeys to reconnoitre the shores of the bay he was accompanied by Lee, who, on arriving at the house where they were to dine, went straight to the kitchen and demanded something to eat. The cook, taking him for a servant, told him she would give him some victuals di- rectly, but he must first help her off with the pot, - a request with which he readily complied. He was then requested to take a bucket and go to the well for water, and was actually engaged in drawing it when found by an aide whom Washing- ton had despatched in quest of him. The poor girl then heard for the first time her assistant addressed by the title of " gen- eral." The mug fell from her hands, and, dropping on her knees, she began crying for pardon, when Lee, who was ever ready to see the impropriety of his own conduct, but never willing to change it, gave her a crown, and, turning to the aide-de-camp, observed: " You see, young man, the advantage of a fine coat ; the man of consequence is indebted to it for respect ; neither virtue nor abilities without it will make you look like a gentleman."
It is somewhat remarkable that most of the officers of the Revolutionary army who had seen service in that of Great Britain, and of whom so much was expected, either left the army before the close of the war with damaged reputations or in disgrace. Lee and Gates, who stood first in the general estimation, suffered a complete loss of favor, while the fame of Schuyler and St. Clair endured a partial eclipse. Montgomery bravely fell,before Quebec. St. Clair married a Boston lady
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(Phæbe Bayard), a relative of Governor Bowdoin, and during the war placed his daughter in that town to be educated.
In the memorable retreat through the Jerseys Lee's conduct began to be distrusted. He was perhaps willing to see Wash- ington, whose life only intervened between himself and the supreme command, defeated ; but we need not go back a cen- tury to find generals who have been unwilling to support their commanders, even when within sound of their cannon.
Lee had a good private fortune. He was sanguine and lively, and a martyr to gout. He was fearless and outspoken, never concealing his sentiments from any man, and in every respect was the antipodes of a conspirator. Men, indeed, might say of him, -
" Yond' Cassius has a lean and hungry look ; He thinks too much ; such men are dangerous."
By his brother officers he was evidently considered a rival of the commander-in-chief, but we find no contemporary evidence that he was looked upon as a traitor until the day of Mon- mouth. The present generation, however, much wiser, has de- creed him faithless upon the evidence of a manuscript said to be in Lee's handwriting, and purporting to be a plan for sub- jugating the States. This precious document is without date or signature, but is indorsed by another hand, " Mr. Lee's plan -29th March, 1777." At this time the General was a prisoner in New York. The writing, which bears an extraordinary re- semblance to that of General Lee, is relied upon mainly to convict him of treason.
The so-called proofs of the treachery of Lee have been skil- fully put together by George H. Moore, but they contain other fatal objections besides the want of a signature; to the " plan." Proof is adduced to show that Lee was not a general, and at the same time he is accredited with having induced General Howe to adopt his " plan " and abandon one carefully matured by his brother and himself, as early as April 2, or four days after the date indorsed on the " plan." Moreover, a motive for Lee's defection is not supplied. He did not want money, nor sell himself, like Arnold, for a price. His fate, which at one time had
7
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trembled in the balance, - the king had ordered him sent home to be tried as a deserter, - was practically decided by Washing- ton's firmness long before the date of the "plan." There is no evidence to show he ever received the least emolument from the British government. Lee rejoined his flag, and his conduct at Monmouth appears more like vacillation than treachery ; for it will hardly be doubted that, had he so intended, he might easily have betrayed his troops into the hands of Sir Henry Clinton. If opportunity was what he sought to give effect to his treason, it must be looked for elsewhere than in this campaign, which he had opposed with all his might, and executed, so far as in him lay, with languor and reluctance. We can conclude Lee erratic, wayward, ambitious beyond his abilities, devoured by egotism, but not a traitor ; or if one, he was the most disinter- ested that the pages of history have recorded.
A British officer who knew Lee well gives this account of his capture : -
" He was taken by a party of ours, under Colonel Harcourt, who surrounded the house in which this arch-traitor was residing. Lee behaved as cowardly in this transaction as he had dishonorably in every other. After firing one or two shots from the house, he came out and entreated our troops to spare his life. Had he behaved with proper spirit I should have pitied him, and wished that his energies had been exerted in a better cause. I could hardly refrain from tears when I first saw him, and thought of the miserable fate in which his obstinacy had involved him. He says he has been mistaken in three things : 1st, That the New England men would fight ; 2d, That America was unanimous ; and 3d, That she could afford two men for our one."
Opposed to this narration is that of Major (afterwards Gen- eral) Wilkinson, who was with the General at the moment of his capture, but who made his escape. He was the bearer of a letter from General Gates, to which Lee was penning a reply, and saw from the window the approach of the British dragoons. He says : -
" Startled at this unexpected spectacle, I exclaimed, 'Here, sir, are the British cavalry !' 'Where ?' replied the General, who had signed his letter in the instant. 'Around the house'; for they had
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opened files and encompassed the building. General Lee appeared alarmed, yet collected, and his second observation marked his self- possession : 'Where is the guard ? Damn the guard, why don't they fire ?' and after a momentary pause, he turned to me and said, ' Do, sir, see what has become of the guard.' The women of the house at this moment entered the room, and proposed to him to conceal him- self in a bed, which he rejected with evident disgust."
The exact language used by Washington in the hurried alter- cation with Lee at Monmouth has been a matter of much curi- osity. The officers who overheard this celebrated colloquy exhibited at the trial a remarkable forgetfulness on this point. They agree, however, that His Excellency addressed his lieu- tenant " with much warmth," the conventional expression for strong language. Lafayette, who was both on the field and at the trial, is accredited with having related to Governor Tomp- kins, in 1824, that Washington called Lee "a damned pol- troon." "This," said Lafayette, "was the only time I ever heard Washington swear." *
After the battle Lee certainly wrote two very impudent and characteristic letters to the commander-in-chief. His subse- quent trial, equalled only in interest in our military annals by that of André, failed to fix any treasonable design on the gen- eral, though it punished his insubordination by a year's suspen- sion from command. His military peers evidently considered him unfit to command in conjunction with Washington.
Lee's encounter with the beautiful Miss Franks of Phila- delphia forms a humorous episode. The lady, who had been one of the bright stars of Sir William Howe's entertainment of the Mischianza, and was celebrated for her keen wit, had asserted that General Lee wore green breeches patched with leather. The General met the allegation by sending the unmen- tionables in question to the lady, accompanied by a letter, which Miss Franks received in very bad part.
The will of General Lee contains this singular request : -
" I desire most earnestly that I may not be buried in any church or churchyard, or within a mile of any Presbyterian or Anabaptist
* Note to Custis's Recollections, p. 218.
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meeting-house; for since I have resided in this country I have kept so much bad company when living that I do not choose to continue it when dead."
General Lee died at an obscure inn (the sign of the Conestoga Wagon, in Market Street, Philadelphia), October 2, 1782. The last words he distinctly articulated were : "Stand by me, my brave grenadiers."
Prospect Hill, second in the line of investment, had formerly two eminences, both of which were strongly fortified. The citadel, defended by outworks, was on the most easterly sum- mit, and covered with its fire the road coming from Charles- town, which winds around its base, Cobble Hill (McLean Asylum), and the low ground towards Mount Benedict. Both eminences were connected by a rampart and ditch, which, after being carried the whole length of the summit, were continued, along the lower plateau of the hill in a northerly direction, till they terminated in a strong redoubt situated very near the pres- ent High School. On the Cambridge side the works joined Fort No. 3 by redoubts placed on each side of the road from Charlestown.
It was here Putnam took his stand after the retreat from Bunker Hill, and the next day found him busy intrenching himself in full view of the late battle-field. Putnam was, per- haps, the only general officer then willing to take and hold so advanced a position. He says he halted here without orders from anybody ; it was expected the British would follow up their success, and he placed himself resolutely in their path.
A foreign officer of distinction, who examined the works on Prospect Hill five years after the events of the siege, says of them : -
" All these intrenchments seemed to me to be executed with intel- ligence; nor was I surprised that the English respected them during the whole winter of 1776."
Nearly fifty years afterwards a visitor thus records his obser- vations of the same lines : -
" The forts on these hills were destroyed only a few years ago, but
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their size can be distinctly seen. On the southern eminence the fort is still entire, and the southwest face of the hill is divided into several platforms, of which I cannot exactly understand the use. There are also evident marks of the dwellings of the soldiers. The extensive view from this hill, the walk on the ancient ramparts, and the site of the various stations occupied by the American army, will render this hill at a future period a favorite resort."
After the arrival of General Washington the army was regu- larly brigaded, and General Greene was assigned, under the orders of Lee, to the command at Prospect Hill. He accord- ingly took up his quarters there on the 26th of July, with Sullivan on his left at Winter Hill, Patterson at his feet in No. 3, and Heath on his right. Greene had with him his own Rhode-Islanders that had been encamped at Jamaica Plain, and the regiments of Whitcomb, Gardner, Brewer, and Little, - a fluctuating garrison of from three to four thousand men. The leader was the right man in the right place.
Nathaniel Greene is one of the grandest figures of the Revo- lution. He is known to us as the man whom Washington deemed most worthy to be his lieutenant, and how he vindi- cated that confidence the pages of history relate. It is said he was the only general officer who testified his gratification at the appointment of Washington by presenting an address from himself and his officers to the General upon his arrival at Cambridge, - a circumstance not likely to escape the memory of the commander-in-chief. At his decease, which occurred in 1786, Congress voted to raise a monument to his memory. It was never erected, and we are left to reflect
" How nations slowly wise and meanly just, To buried merit raise the tardy bust."
General Knox, the bosom friend of Greene, said to a dis- tinguished son of Carolina : -
" His knowledge is intuitive. He came to us the rawest and most untutored being I ever met with, but in less than twelve months he was equal in military knowledge to any general officer in the army, and very superior to most of them."
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His ability as commissary-general of the army is well known, as is the fact that he would not retain the office unless per- mitted to command in the field. On relieving General Gates after the disastrous battle of Camden, Greene sat up the whole night with General Polk of Gates's commissariat, investigating the resources of the country ; and, as was stated by that officer, Greene better understood what those resources were on the fol- lowing morning than Gates had done in the whole period of his command. His treatment of General Gates on this trying occasion was remarkable for delicacy and magnanimity.
Greene was seen, in 1774, in a coat and hat of the Quaker fashion, attentively watching the exercises of the British troops on Boston Common. Perhaps Knox, whose shop in Cornhill he frequented for certain treatises on the art of war, was his companion. Such was the primary school in which these two great soldiers were formed.
When Greene was selected by the commander-in-chief to command the Southern army, he urged in the strongest terms the superior qualifications of Knox for that position. With his usual modesty, the Quaker General said : "Knox is the man for that difficult undertaking; all obstacles vanish before him ; his resources are infinite." Washington, in admitting the truth of all Greene had advanced, replied, in effect, that these were the very reasons that impelled him to retain Knox near his person.
It was General Greene's fortune to preside over the board of officers at Tappan which condemned the chivalric but ill-starred André. That board was composed of the most distinguished men of the army. Among them all, we will venture to say, no heart was wrung more acutely by the inexorable necessity for the vindication of military law than was that of the president. Alexander Hamilton said, near the close of the war, while opposing reprisals for the death of Captain Huddy : " The death of André could not have been dispensed with ; but it must still be viewed as an act of rigid justice."
General Greene retired from the army in very embarrassed circumstances. Like the other general officers, he had received
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no equivalent for the sums he was compelled to disburse for his support while in the field. These officers were obliged to apply to Congress for "relief," such being then, as now, the legal phraseology of an application of a creditor when government is the debtor. Greene met with losses at the South which hurt him. He turned to the soil; but the season was un- kind, and his first crop was a failure. Congress voted him military trophies, but these did not afford him the means of living.
It is pleasant to turn from the contemplation of the neglect which Greene experienced as a general to examine the inner characteristics of the man. These cannot better be illustrated than by the following extracts from a letter written by him in the autumn of 1781, from his camp on the High Hills of Santee. Henry Jackson, of whom the General speaks, was the burly, good-natured colonel of the 16th, sometimes called the Boston Regiment.
" We have fought frequently and bled freely, and little glory comes to our share. Our force has been so small that nothing capital could be effected, and our operations have been conducted under every dis- advantage that could embarrass either a general or an army. .
" How is my old friend Colonel Jackson ? Is he as fat as ever, and can he still eat down a plate of fish that he can't see over ? God bless his fat soul with good health and good spirits to the end of the war, that we may all have a happy meeting in the North."
One who had frequent opportunities of observing the General has admirably painted his portrait. Fortunately for us, beards were not worn at the Revolution, so that we are enabled to trace the lineaments of celebrated public characters of that time with a degree of satisfaction that will hardly reward the future biographers of the men of the present day.
" Major-General Greene in person was rather corpulent, and above the common size. His complexion was fair and florid, his counte- nance serene and mild, indicating a goodness which seemed to soften and shade the fire and greatness of its expression. His health was delicate, but preserved by temperance and regularity."
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" On martial ground the school of heroes taught, He studied battles where campaigns were fought; By valor led, he traced each scene of fame, Where war had left no spot without a name. Great by resolve, yet by example warned, Himself the model of his glory formed."
General Greene's wife (Catharine Littlefield) was every way worthy of her distinguished husband. Her conversation and manner were fascinating and vivacious. It is noteworthy that Eli Whitney conceived the idea of his wonderful machine while under Mrs. Greene's roof at Mulberry Grove, Georgia, in 1792. Whitney, then a poor law-student, was protected by Mrs. Greene, who provided him an apartment, where he labored and produced his cotton-gin.
The high elevation of Prospect Hill exposes it on all sides to the chill wintry winds. Even now a residence there has its drawbacks, in spite of the charming panorama constantly un- folded to the eyes of the residents. What, then, was it during the winter of '75 -'76, when the ground was held by men who slept in barracks rudely constructed of boards, through the crev- ices of which the snow drifted until it sometimes covered their sleeping forms ? Greene wrote to his neighbor, Sullivan, the last of September, that his fingers were so benumbed he could scarcely hold his pen. The General occupied a hut in the rear of his encampment, where he was visited by his wife shortly after he assumed the command on Prospect Hill.
As what we desire to give the reader is as accurate a view as possible of the Continental camps during the period we are considering, we cannot do better than to exhibit their resources, and especially how they were provided with artillery to defend such extensive lines. In so far as such testimony is attainable, the evidence of the actors themselves or of eyewitnesses is preferred.
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