USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Proceedings of the Worcester Society of Antiquity, for the year 1881-1882 > Part 5
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They remained good Whigs when they became Republicans and were forecast Republicans while they were yet Whigs.
Referring again to Mr. Winthrop's tribute to Mr. Iludson, that accomplished gentleman who was in Congress with him, says of him what he had before said of him on a previous occa- sion before the same Society. "Ile was one of the ablest and honestest men Massachusetts ever had."
Mr. Hudson's residence in Worcester County closed in 1849, thirty two years ago. . A generation has passed away, and few of his cotemporaries remain, but our older residents many of them retain the impressions made upon their earlier manhood, by one who has been thus identified with important periods of our public affairs. His later public services may be briefly told. Hle refused a position in Gen. Taylor's cabinet as Secretary of the Interior, but for the four years of Fillmore's administration was Naval officer at the port of Boston. Ilis second Federal office was that of Assessor of Internal Revenue, in President Lincoln's first term of office.
I have left all too little space and time to speak of a most important part of Mr. Hudson's life-labors, which especially commend him to the grateful tributes of societies like our own. Few in his own time have equalled him as a laborious and intel- ligent compiler of local history. Mr. Winthrop long associated with him in the Massachusetts Historical Society of which he became a member in 1859, says of him :
"As a local historian few of his eotemporaries have done more. His his- tory of Marlborough, his native place; of Westminster where he long re- sided ; and still more, of the far famed Lexington where he lived still later, and where he died, make up a most important and interesting contribution to the illustration of our Commonwealth."
Mr. Hudson became a member of the American Antiquarian Society in this city, in 1841. His contributions to the Collect- ions of that and other Historical Societies including generally our own, in printed volumes, sketches, and papers in the peri- odicals of the day, or published among Society Transactions. are the sifted grain of history made ready for its permanent garners. In the last report of the Council of the American Antiquarian Society, Oct. 1880, reference is made to a class of sketches which
RUSSELL SC
RESIDENCE OF HON. CHARLES HUDSON, LEXINGTON, MASS.
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will worthily stand as Mr. Hudson's latest contribution to the history of his own time, his manuscript "Memoirs of the three Massachusetts Governors from Worcester," Levi Lincoln, John Davis, and Emory Washburn. "A Memoir of of George N. Briggs." "The American Trio, or the characters of Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and John C. Calhoun." "The lives of Edward Everett and Marcus Morton, as Governors of the State Contrasted." (Mr. Iludson was a member of Gov. Morton's Council) "A sketch of Horace Mann." These with the Me- moirs of Abraham Lincoln and the letter to Andrew Johnson, constitute a remarkable gallery of pen portraits from one to whose intimate association with his subjects, was joined rare power in preserving and analyzing their traits.
Though I have already too greatly taxed your patient hear- ing, I should not be faithful to the generous public spirit that kept the latest years of his life employed, did I fail to indicate though briefly the connection he maintained with the affairs of his historic town, Lexington. He personally organized and man- aged the great Lexington Centennial. His pen has helped make clear the story of Lexington fight ; and his labors in this direction are praised both in this country and in England. He made possible for Lexington her Town and Memorial Hall. The noble town library, adorned with its superb statues of Hancock and Adams, the Minute Man and the Boy in Blue ; and the last week of his life found him busy in labeling and arranging the Cabinet of minerals he had been long collecting for the Lexing- ton Town Library and Museum. Says Rev. Mr. Westcott, his pastor, in his remarks at the funeral of Mr. Hudson : "The in- scription on Sir Christopher Wren's monument might well be placed above the mortal form of our friend as it rests in the soil of the town he loved so well and labored so earnestly to improve .. "
"If you would see his monument look around you."
Mr. Hudson was twice married, his wives sisters, daughters of John Rider of Shrewsbury. A widow, a son and daughter survive him. In the late war of the Rebellion his second son, Lient. Col. John W. Hudson, represented the fourth succeeding generation of the name to bear arms for his country.
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No words from Mr. Hudson are more thrilling and deeply characteristic than those in which as their President he address- ed his venerable associates, the Veterans of the war of 1812. on the disbandment of their organization in 1879.
"We have reason to rejoice that our lives have been prolonged to witness the extension and growth of our country, and the adaptation of our institu- tions both to peace and to war; and above all that we have lived to see the foul stain of human servitude blotted out from our escutcheon."
Words worthy to stand for his own final farewell.
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The reading of the above was followed by remarks by Hon. P. Emory Aldrich and others, eulogistic of Mr. Hudson. The President, Mr. E. B. Crane read a portion of his paper upon Shays' Rebellion ; the remainder, owing to the lateness of the hour, being postponed to the next meeting. Mr. Staples read a poem by St. John Honeywood, entitled "A Radical Song of 1786," illustrative of the spirit of the times. Mr. William S. Barton spoke briefly of the Dorr Re- bellion in Rhode Island. On motion of Mr. Henry M. Smith, a committee of four was appointed, con- sisting of Messrs. Smith, Lovell, C. R. Johnson and Clark Jillson, to act with the President in perfecting arrangements for the annual excursion of the So- ciety. The meeting was then adjourned. 1
At the July meeting held on the evening of Tues- day the 5th, the following gentlemen were present : President Crane, Clark Jillson, F. P. Rice, Lee, Tucker, Lawrence, Wm. A. Smith, Tolman, Hub- bard, Brady, Dickinson, J. A. Smith, F. C. Jillson, Howe, Cook, Knight, Staples, Lovell and the Rev. George Allen-19. Mr. Staples was chosen Secre- tary pro tem. Mr. Frank E. Blake of Boston was elected an active member of the Society. On mo- tion of the Hon. Clark Jillson it was voted,
"That five persons be appointed by the chair, who, together with the President, Vice Presidents, Secretary and Treasurer, shall constitute a committee to take into consideration some method of improving the financial condition of the Society and
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establishing a permanent fund, and that they have power to act in such manner as their best judgment dictates."
In accordance with this vote the following gentle- men were appointed : Clark Jillson, Nathaniel Paine, George Sumner, Augustus B. R. Sprague and Wm. A. Smith.
On motion of Mr. Staples, a committee of three was appointed to prepare for publication the Proceedings of the Society for the current year, and contract for the printing of the same. Messrs. Staples, Clark Jillson, Franklin P. Rice, and Henry M. Smith (who was afterwards added by vote) constitute this com- mittee .*
Mr. Crane presented the concluding portion of his account of Shays' Rebellion. The entire paper is here printed. The writer, while differing from ma- ny others in his estimate of this affair, has well forti- fied his position with facts. The popular knowledge concerning this outbreak of the people, is very mea- gre, as little in the form of consecutive narrative has been written about it. + A review from a stand point hitherto unrepresented will be considered with in- terest.
* Subsequently, at a meeting of the Committee, Franklin P. Rice was appointed to edit the Proceedings for the current year.
+ George Richards Minot's "History" is the only account in print that merits the name. The first edition was published in 1788, [Worcester : printed by Isaiah Thomas] the second in 1810.
SHAYS' REBELLION.
BY ELLERY B. CRANE.
F any person will take the trouble to run his eye along that portion of the history of our T country which portrays events of a century ago, and is not too superficial in his research, he may find that there then lived a man by the name of Daniel Shays ; that our country was struggling under the weight of a very heavy foreign and domestic debt ; that it was found to be impossible to provide means to meet the arrears of pay due the soldiers of the Revolution ; that Congress through the au- thority vested in it by the articles of confederation recommended that the individual states attempt to raise their respective pro- portion of the debt by direct taxation ; that this effort produced great excitement in many of the states ; and finally in 1787 a portion of the people of Massachusetts openly rebelled ; that Daniel Shays marched at the head of one thousand men and took possession of Worcester and prevented a sitting of the Su- preme Court, and that he repeated the same at Springfield ; that at last Gov. Bowdoin was compelled to call out several thousand militia under Gen. Lincoln to suppress the revolt ; that after capturing two hundred and fifty of the insurgents their power was broken ; and that this episode was known as Shays' Rebellion. The whole matter is disposed of in thirty or forty lines. From this meagre account given in our standard histori- cal works the student of history can illy form a correct idea of the magnitude of this revolt as it is called, which no more de- serves to be denominated Shays' Rebellion than our late war Lee's Rebellion. It might have been called Allen's Rebellion had Col. Ethan Allen, the Green Mountain hero, scen fit to have accepted the honor of commanding the army of the insurgents when it was proffered him by Shays, Parsons and Wheeler.
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It is to be regretted that no narrative of this popular uprising against government has been furnished us by one who took sides against the Commonwealth, or whose sympathies leaned in that direction. So far as I have been able to learn the account giv- en by George Richards Minot, A. M., is the only one to be found either in print or in manuscript ; and he was an aristocrat, a na- tive of Boston, and Clerk of the House of Representatives from 1782 to 1791, and obviously in deep sympathy with the aristo- cratic side, which was the side of government. It is but a repetition in history of similar movements where the dominant party furnishes and and perpetuates their version of the action and by the rule of might crushes out and destroy's every vestige of the story told by their humiliated and suffering subjects.
The long controversy and fearful struggle for our National existence, had been brought to a close. A remarkable victory had been achieved by that stalwart band of patriots who had stood shoulder to shoulder through this severe contest, never wavering, but each and every man firm in the determination to rid the country of every vestige of british oppression or die in the attempt. The object which aroused and drew forth this noble spirit of patriotism and self sacrifice had been attained. England had been forced to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and her name had been stamped npon the roll with the other self-reliant nations of the world. The army had been disbanded and the men left to return to their several homes without having received their quota of money for their service for many months. In fact the publie treasury was en- tirely empty and the resourses of the whole country were well nigh exhausted. The war had left a debt including the promi- ses of the continental money of 270 millions of dollars, a con- siderable portion of which was owing by the individual states independent of the obligations of the general government. Bills of credit known as Continental money was first issned in 1775, and continued to be emitted to about 1780, when 100 millions of dollars were in circulation and 40 paper dollars were worth but one in specie ; and within a year from that time it was en- tirely worthless. Previous to the war the private state debt of Massachusetts was less than £100,000, now it was £1.300.000.
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besides £250.000 due her line of the army, and her portion of the federal debt was computed not less than one and one half million pounds. In addition to this every town was embarrass- ed by advances made on its own account to supply their full quota of men, and supplies to support the army.
It now remained for the people to perfect the union of the states and the articles of confederation that were to unite this new Republic. For many years a large share of the bone and sinew. the productive element of the land. was engaged in light- ing the battles for freedom. while the financial condition of the country was fast growing from bad to worse. and these men in the employ of government with families at home dependent upon their earnings for support were unable to render them the least assistance, and throughout the country considerable destitution and even suffering prevailed. It was found necessary to choose committees at town meetings to look after the families of soldiers in the field, and to supply them with the necessaries of life. The repeated failures of government to meet its promises to pay, cansed much dissatisfaction in the army, and the condition of the time may be illustrated by a brief notice of the action of a body of Pennsylvania troops who in Jannary. 1781, after asking in vain for aid forcibly left camp at Morristown, N. J., with the determination of marching to Philadelphia there to appeal personally to the national legislature for justice ; and when their action was opposed by their popular commander, Gen. Wayne, who by persuasion and threats sought to turn them back, they exhibited their tattered garments and emaciated forms, and warned him not to fire on them, for as much as they loved and respected him. should he do so, they would instantly take his life. They were determined to go to Philadelphia and do- mand from Congress redress for their grievances. This exam- ple set by the Pensylvania troops was followed soon after by some of those from New Jersey, and the feeling of discontent became alarming. Gen. Washington sent Gen. Robert Howe with five hundred men to restore order among the troops, and after hanging two of the poor unfortunates. perhaps among the most conspicuous, the remainder quietly submitted to the situa- tion.
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These men were not traitors : they were compelled by sheer destitution to demand that which was rightfully their due. Congress saw the necessity and acted promptly, doing all in its power to relieve the army from its half-starved and half-naked condition. A committee was appointed to investigate and re- port on the condition of the army. They reported "That the army had not been paid for five months ; that its soldiers had but six days provisions in advance and on several occasions had been several successive days without meat ; that the medical department had neither sugar, coffee, tea, chocolate, wine or spirituous liquors of any kind ; and that every department of the army was without money and had not even a shadow of credit left." Congress asked the several states each to supply annually by direct taxation their proportion of the debt, but every state was groaning under its own obligations and Con- gress was too weak to enforce its demands, although the effort created great excitement in several states. Through this per- haps unavoidable failure of government to make good her re- peated promises, men women and children throughout the coun- try had been made to suffer, a fact that had been forgotten, and now that party which had broken faith with them was demand- ing through its agents, in many cases their last dollar to support, as the common people argued, a reckless and extravagant gov- ernment whose rulers and associates were clothed in purple and fine linen, faring sumptuously every day, while they were put to their wits ends to provide for themselves and their families suffi- cient food and clothing and avoid the common fate of the poor debtor, incarceration in the county jail.
Thus were matters discussed at home around the quiet open fire-place, on the street corner, by the road side and at the tay- ern over the social mug of flip. Men waxed earnest and carried the discussion into the town meeting ; resolutions were passed instructing their representatives to the general court to use their influence for such modifications of the laws of the Commonwealth as to relieve the people if possible from their unhappy condition. The argument continued, interest in the subject increased, con- ventions were called where towns and counties were represented by delegates, and where the numerous grievances were thor- oughly ventilated and numerous suggestions advanced for their
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remedy ; memorials were framed and addressed to the General Court praying for certain enactments that might bring relief.
The common people or laboring classes were indeed sorely pressed to meet their private obligations while levy after levy of public taxes were being laid upon them by the legislature. This condition brought a rapid increase of civil actions, giving the legal fraternity a grand opportunity of reaping a harvest ; and so well did they perform their services, and so vastly were their numbers increased that they became an eye-sore to the public. The lawyer was charged with having brought about a large share of the burdens which the people were laboring under. It was publicly demanded that this profession should be abol- ished ; that its members certainly should not be allowed to hold public office, and in many cases the representatives chosen for the year 1786 were instructed by their constituents to anihilate them. It was hard indeed to see honest and industrious men, valuable helpers in society, dragged off to prison or their lands seized and sold to satisfy a debt or for the payment of overbur- densome taxes. The people were driven to desperation by such ocenrrences, and their attacks were first made on the lawyers who brought suits, then on the courts who passed sentence ; and is it to be wondered at that they desired to stay proceedings in the lower courts until such time as the legislature, through their representatives, might relieve them by new enactments ? This was the feeling of a certain element among the insurrectionists, but there were other factions at work in and out of these con- ventions. There were those who entertained an honest differ- ence of opinion regarding the construction of the constitution, or articles of confederation. Some considered them sadly de- fective and were striving for their revision. The fiat money man was there claiming that an increase of paper dollars would re- lieve all trouble. The tory was also at work adding fuel to the flame hoping that the fire might consume the machinery of the new government and that the people would be compelled to re- turn to the protection of Great Britain.
According to the mode of taxation of those days one third part of the whole was to be paid by the ratable polls alone, which numbered at that time a little more than 90,000. In 1784, the
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legislature voted a tax of £140,000, for the purpose of re- ducing the army debt that amount. Two years later they assessed £100,000 more for a similar purpose. The inequality of taxation and valuation of property to be assessed gave rise to considerable dissatisfaction in many parts of the Common- wealth. Public taxes took precedence over private debts when the searcity of specie was offered as an excuse for not paying both, and as a relief the Tender Act was passed July 3, 1782, enabling individuals to pay private contracts on other property, the value of which was to be fixed by impartial men under oath. This act opened the way for hostilities between debtor and creditor and undoubtedly had its influence in the general move- ment.
Early in the year 1784, the towns of Wrentham and Medway invited their sister towns in Suffolk county to meet in con- vention for the purpose of consulting together to the end that some measures might be adopted to relieve the people from their many grievances. About the same time the town of Sutton is- sued a circular letter calling a convention for Worcester county. Although the meeting was convened, it adjourned without adopting any strenuous measures. On Tuesday the 22d day of August, 1784, a convention was held at Hatfield, Hampshire county, at which fifty towns in that county were represented by delegates. Benjamin Bonney was chosen presiding officer. They were in session three days and drew up the following list of grievances, which they termed some of the sources of that discontent so evident throughout the Commonwealth : 1st, the existence of the Senate ; 2d, the present mode of representation ; 3d, the officers of Government not being annually dependent on the representatives of the people, in General Court assembled, for their salaries ; 4th, all the civil officers of Government not being annually elected by the representatives of the people, in General Court assembled ; 5th, the existence of the courts of Common Pleas and General Sessions of the Peace ; 6th, the fee table as it now stands ; 7th, the present mode of appropriating the import and excise ; 8th, the unreasonable grants made to some of the officers of Government ; 9th, the supplimentary aid ; 10th, the present mode of paying the governmental securities ;
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11th, the present mode adopted for the payment and speedy collection of the last tax ; 12th, the present mode of taxation as it operates unequally between the polls and estates, and between landed and mercantile interests ; 13th, the present method of practice of the attornies at law ; 14th, the want of sufficient medium of trade to remedy the mischief's arising from the scar- city of money ; 15th, the General Court sitting in the town of Boston ; 16th, the present embarrassments on the Press ; 17th, the neglect of the settlement of important matters depending between the Commonwealth and Congress relating to monies and averages ; 18th, voted this convention recommend to the several towns in this county, that they instruct their representa- tives to use their influence in the next General Court, to have emitted a bank of paper money subject to a depreciation, mak- ing it a tender in all payments, equal to silver and gold, to be issued in order to call in the commonwealth's securities ; 19th, voted that whereas several of the above articles of grievances arise from defects in the constitution, therefore a revision of the same ought to take place ; 20th, voted that it be recommended by this convention to the several towns in this county, that they petition the Governor to call the General Court immediately together, in order that the other grievances complained of may by the legislature be redressed : 21st, voted that this convention recommend it to the inhabitants of this county, that they abstain from all mobs and unlawful assemblies, until a constitutional method of redress can be obtained ; 22d, voted that Mr. Caleb West be desired to transmit a copy of the proceedings of this convention to the convention of the county of Worcester ; 23d, voted that the chairman of this convention be desired to trans- mit a copy of the proceedings of this convention to the county of Berkshire ; 24th, voted that the chairman of this convention be directed to notify a county convention, upon any motion made to him for that purpose, if he judge the reasons sufficient, giying such notice together with the reasons therefor in the pub- lic papers of this county ; 25th, voted that a copy of the pro- ceedings of this convention be sent to the press in Springfield for publication.
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These twenty-five articles were the deliberate expression of delegates representing fifty towns in Hampshire county, which was then the largest county in area in the Commonwealth .* Through the medium of town meetings and conventions the people throughout the state, particularly the western and mid- dle portion, had become thoroughly aroused upon the subject of their grievances and the best manner of redressing them. It was made the issue at the ballot box, and representatives were sent to the General Court to work out these much needed reforms. A bill was introduced in the legislature authorizing the issue of an adequate amount of paper money ; and to avoid the difficulty of redeeming it, the bill provided for its depreciation at fixed rates in certain given periods, until at a suitable time the whole should be extinguished. But this was too wild a scheme to succeed, and failed to receive the requisite support to become a law.
The resolution passed by Congress Oct. 21, 1780, allowing officers in the army half pay for life had, on account of the lack of funds, proved ineffective, and on the 22nd day of March, 1782, a resolution was passed commuting it to five years' full pay. This last act of Congress gave rise to a general expression of dissatisfaction among the officers and people not only in Massachusetts but in all the states. It seemed to offer a pre- cedent for partial if not complete repudiation. If Congress could by a single vote cancel an obligation to pay a debt simply for the reason that they had not the ready money with which to satisfy that obligation, why could not the poor people of the country be relieved from the payment of their private debts for a like reason, especially those persons who were to be defrauded by the late action of Congress?
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