USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Groton > Proceedings of the centennial celebration at Groton, Mass., July 4th, 1876, in commemoration of the destruction of the town, March, 1676, and the Declaration of Independence, July 4th, 1776. With an oration by Samuel Abbott Green > Part 3
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Several accounts of the war appeared in London in 1676, only a few months after the destruction of this town. They were written in New England, and sent to Old England, where they were at once published in thin pamphlets. The authors of them are now unknown; but they undoubtedly gathered their materials from hearsay. At that time, Indian affairs in New England attracted a good deal of attention in the mother country. One of these pamphlets is entitled, "A True Account of the most Considerable Occurrences that have hapned in the Warre between the English and the Indians in New England," " as it hath been communicated by Let- ters to a Friend in London."
This account says that, -
" On the 13th of March, before our Forces could return towards our Parts, the Indians sent a strong party, and assaulted the Town of Growton, about forty miles North-west from Boston, and burn'd all the deserted Houses ; the Garrison'd Houses, which were about ten, all escaped but one, which they carryed, but not the English in it ; for there was but one slain and two wounded." (Page 2.)
Another account, entitled, " A New and Further Narration of the State of New England, being a continued account of the Bloudy Indian-war," gives the following version : --
" The 14th of March the savage Enemy set upon a Considerable Town called Groughton, and burnt Major Wilberds House first
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(who with his family removed to Charls Town) and afterwards destroyed sixty Five dwelling-houses more there, leaving but six houses standing in the whole Town, which they likewise furiously attempted to set on fire ; But being fortified with Arms and Men as Garrisons, they with their shot, killed several of the enemy, and prevented so much of their designe ; Nor do we hear that any per- son on our side was here either slain or taken captive." (Page 4.)
A few pages further on, it says that "Grantham and Nash- away all ruined but one house or two." (Page 14.) Few persons would recognize this town under the disguise of Grantham.
Another one of these London pamphlets, bearing the title of "News from New England," says, ----
" The 7th of March following these blood Indians march't to a considerable Town called Croaton, where first they set Fire to Major Willard's House, and afterwards burnt 65 more, there being Seaventy two Houses at first, so that there was left standing but six Houses of the whole Town." (Page 4.)
After these attacks, the town was deserted, and the inhab- itants scattered in different directions among their friends and kindred. The war was soon ended; though it was nearly three years before the early pioneers ventured back to their old homes, around which still clustered many tender associations as well as sad recollections. It is recorded that other families came back with them. They returned, however, to meet hardships that would have overcome ordinary men. Several town-meetings were held to consider their present needs ; and it was voted at one of them to petition the General Court that they be relieved temporarily from country charges.6 The petition sets forth that, under Divine Providence, they had been great sufferers in the late war with the heathenish enemy; that they had been subjected to grievous losses and privations ; but, at the same time, they expressed gratitude to their Heavenly Father that they had the liberty and oppor- tunity to return. They saw with the eye of faith the hand of God in all their trials. This consolation alone supported them, for they knew that with Him on their side their troub- les would disappear, and all would yet be well. In their letters and petitions, their humble faith in the providence of
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God is conspicuous .. It furnishes the key-note to many of their actions that would otherwise seem unaccountable. In judging them, we should take the standard of their times and not that of our day. The scales should be carefully ad- justed to the habits of that period when there were no public amusements, no popular reading in the shape of books and newspapers, and but little relaxation from toil.
In those early days, there was no variety store, or trader's shop, as now, where people could collect to while away long evenings, and to interchange opinions. The roads were so rough as to be passable only with rude carts, and carriages were a luxury unknown. The men rode to church. on horseback, with their wives seated behind them on pillions. The woman made sure of her position by holding on to the man with her right arm. This mode of travel is supposed not to have been unpopular with the young folks.
At a very early period, the road to the Bay, as it was called, - that is, to Boston, -- was by the circuitous route through Chelmsford and Billerica, where there was a bridge built by several towns, - of which Groton was one, - and supported jointly by them for many years. In the year 1699, the towns of Groton, Chelmsford, and Billerica were engaged in a controversy * about the proportion of expense which each one should bear in building the bridge. The General Court settled the dispute by ordering this town to pay twenty-four pounds and ten shillings as her share in full, with no future liabilities.
The lives of our forefathers were one ceaseless struggle for existence ; and there was no time or opportunity to culti- vate those graces which we now consider so essential. If they were stern and austere, at the same time they were virtuous and conscientious. Religion with them was a liv- ing, ever-present power; and in that channel went out all those energies which with us find outlet in many different directions. These considerations should modify the opin- ions commonly held in regard to the Puritan fathers. The women then were content with domestic duties, and did not seek to take part in public affairs. It is wonderful that no
* Massachusetts Archives, CXXI. 99.
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murmur has come down to us expressive of the tyranny of man in withholding from them the rights which are now loudly claimed.
After King Philip's War, the Colonists were at peace with the Indians, but it was a suspicious kind of peace.7 It re- quired watching and a show of strength to keep it: there was no good-will between the native race and the white intruders.
Captain Francis Nicholson, writing from Boston to Lon- don, Aug. 31, 1688, speaks of the feeling here at that time. He says : * -
"Att night [August 19] I came to Dunstable (about 30 miles from hence) from thence I sent two English men and an Indian to Penecooke about sixty miles up the river Merymeck ; the men told me they should be 3 dayes in doeing of it ; soe next day I went through Groton and Lancaster, where the people were very much afraid (being out towns) butt I told them as I did other places, that they should nott be soe much cast down, for that they had the happinesse of being subjects of a victorious King, who could protect them from all their enemies."
The military company of the town was still kept up, and known as the Foot Company; and, during a part of the year 1689, was supported by some cavalry, under the com- mand of Captain Jacob Moore. James Parker, Sen., was appointed the Captain of it; Jonas Prescott, the Lieutenant ; and John Lakin, the Ensign : and these appointments were all confirmed by the Governor and Council, at a convention held in Boston, July 13, 1689 .; A month later (August 10), Captain Parker was ordered to supply Hezekiah Usher's garrison at Nononiciacus with "three men of the men sent up thither or of the Town's people, for ye defence of yt Gar- rison being of publique concernment." Groton was one of the four towns that were designated, August 29, as the headquarters of the forces detached for the public service against the common enemy; Casco, Newichewanick (Ber- wick), and Haverhill being the others. And we find, soon
* Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York, II. 551.
t Massachusetts Archives, LXXXI. 24.
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after, an order to send "to the head Quarter at Groton for supply of the Garrison there one Thousand weight of Bread, one barrell of Salt, one barrell of powder three hundred weight of Shott, and three hundred flints, Six quire of Paper." Eleven troopers were sent hither, September 17, under Cornet John Chubbuck, to relieve Corporal White, who was succeeded by John Pratt. The commissary of the post at this time was Jonathan Remington, who seems to have had but little duty to perform. Shortly afterward, the order came from the Governor and Council to discharge him, as well as Captain Moore and his company of cavalry,* from the public service.8
"Jnº Paige of Groten" i went in the expedition to Canada, in the year 1690, under Major Wade; was wounded in the left arm, and did not entirely recover for two years. His surgeon's bill, amounting to four pounds, was paid out of the public treasury.
These facts show that the carly settlers were not leading a life of peace at this time. The orders and counter-orders to even the small garrison tell too well that danger was threat- ening. The inhabitants had already experienced the cruelty of savage warfare, and knew it to their horror. For some years they had been on the constant alert, and held their lives in their hands. King William's War was now begun. The second attack on the town came in the summer of 1694, and the accounts of it I prefer to give in the words of con- temporaneous writers. Sometimes there are discrepancies in such accounts ; but, as a whole, they constitute the best authority.9
Cotton Mather, in his " Magnalia," thus refers to it : -
"Nor did the Storm go over so : Some Drops of it fell upon the Town of Groton, a Town that lay, one would think, far enough off' the Place where was the last Scene of the Tragedy.
" On July 27. [1694] about break of Day Groton felt some sur- prizing Blows from the Indian Hatchets. They began their Attacks at the House of one Lieutenant Lakin, in the Out-skirts of the Town ; but met with a Repulse there, and lost one of their
* Massachusetts Archives, LXXXI. 40, 60, 67, 71, 73, 74, SI, 13S.
f Massachusetts Archives, XXXVII. 62.
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Crew. Nevertheless, in other Parts of that Plantation, (where the good People had been so tired out as to lay down their Military Watch) there were more than Twenty Persons killed, and more than a Dozen carried away. Mr. Gershom Hobart, the Minister of the Place, with part of his Family, was Remarkably preserved from falling into their Hands, when they made themselves the Masters of his House ; though they Took Two of his Children, whereof the one was Killed, and the other some time after happily Rescued out of his Captivity." (Book vii. page S6.)
Charlevoix, a French missionary in Canada, gives from his own standpoint another version,* as follows : -
" The Abenaqui chief was Taxous, already celebrated for many exploits, and commendable attachment to our interests. This brave man, not satisfied with what he had just so valiantly achieved, chose forty of his most active men, and, after three days' march, by making a long circuit, arrived at the foot of a fort [at Groton ] near Boston, and attacked it in broad day. The English made a better defence than they did at Pescadoue [Piscataqua]. Taxous had two of his nephews killed by his side, and himself received more than a dozen musket-balls in his clothes ; but he at last carried the place, and then continued his ravages to the very doors of the capital."
The loss of life from this attack was considerably greater than when the town was destroyed and deserted in the year 1676. There were twenty-two persons killed and thirteen captured. The settlement was now more scattered than it was then, and its defence more difficult. For this reason more persons were killed and taken prisoners than when the place was assaulted eighteen years previously. It is said that the scalps of the unfortunate victims were given to Count de Frontenac, Governor of Canada. Among those killed were William Longley, his wife, and four or five of their children ; his eldest one, Lydia, a daughter of twenty, and a son named John, were taken prisoners. These two of his family escaped the fury of the savages and were spared. Lydia's name is found in a list of prisoners who were held in Canada, March 5, 1710-II. Within a few years past, a Genealogical Dictionary of Canadian families has been pub- lished, from which additional facts are gathered concerning
* Ilistory of New France, IV. 257, Shea's edition.
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her. This book (page 9) gives her name as Lydia Made- Jeine Longley, and says that she was the daughter of William and Deliverance [Crisp] Longley, of Groton, where she was born, April 12, 1674. In another place (page 396), she is spoken of as Sister St. Madeleine. She was captured by the Abenaquis, a tribe of Indians who inhabited the territory now included in the State of Maine. She was baptized into the Roman Catholic Church, April 24, 1696, and lived at the Congregation of Notre Dame, in Montreal. She was buried, July 20, 1758.
Her middle name, Madeleine, was doubtless given her when she joined the Roman Church. It is possible that she may have lived for a time among the Indians, as many of the prisoners taken at the same assault were held by them.
John Longley was twelve years old when he was captured. Hle was carried away, and remained with the Indians for more than four years, - a part of the time being spent in Canada, and the remainder in Maine. At length he was ransomed, but he had become so accustomed to savage life that he left it with great reluctance ; and those who brought him away were obliged to use force to accomplish their purpose. He was afterward a useful inhabitant of the town, holding many offices of trust and responsibility .10
It is recorded that two children of Alexander Rouse, a near neighbor of William Longley, were also killed in the assault of 1694.
Among the English captives redeemed by Mathew Cary, from Quebec, October, 1695, was Thomas Drew, of Groton, and he probably was taken at this same assault .* There was one "Tamasin Rouce of Grotten " received, Jan. 17, 1698-9, on board the " Province Gally" at Casco Bay ; and she probably was one of Alexander Rouse's family. She had, doubtless, been a prisoner for four years and a half, -- the same length of time as John Longley's captivity. There are many instances of children who were kept for a long time by their captors. We can now hardly realize the bitter anguish felt by the parents over the loss of their little darlings. Bring. the case home, and think for a moment, what your feelings
* Massachusetts Archives, XXXVIII. A 2.
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would be, if that curly-headed boy or smiling girl was snatched from your sight at a moment's notice, and carried off by the wild men of the woods for an uncertain fate. The kidnapping of one little boy in a distant city in our times has caused the hearts of all the mothers in the land to thrill with horror as they heard of the atrocious deed, and to throb in sympathy with the bereaved parents.
In the year 1694, an Act was passed by the General Court, which prohibited the desertion of frontier towns by the in- habitants, unless permission was first granted by the Governor and Council. There were eleven such towns, and Groton was one of them. The law required the inhabitants of these out-towns, who owned land or houses, to take out a special license, on pain of forfeiting their property, before they could quit their homes and live elsewhere. It was thought that the interests of the Crown would be prejudiced, and encour- agement given to the enemy, if any of these posts were deserted, or were exposed by lessening their strength. Many towns were threatened by the Indians about this time, and a few were attacked. It is recorded that some of the settlers here left the town, and there was probably a move- ment among the inhabitants in other places, to do the same. This fact, undoubtedly, occasioned the enactment.
Any thing relating to the brave men who suffered in the Indian wars is now of interest to us, and I offer no apology for giving incidents that may to some persons seem trivial. .
Cotton Mather mentions, in his "Magnalia," some in- stances of "mortal wounds upon the English not proving mortal," and gives the case of an inhabitant of this town, who was in a garrison at Exeter, New Hampshire, when that place was assaulted, July 4, 1690. He says that, ---
" It is true, that one Simon Stone being here Wounded with Shot in Nine several places lay for Dead (as it was time !) among the Dead. The Indians coming to Strip him, attempted with Two several Blows of an Hatchet at his Neck to cut off Head, which Blows added you may be sure, more Enormous Wounds unto those Port-holes of Death, at which the Life of the Poor
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Man was already running out as fast as it could. Being charged hard by Lieutenant Bancroft they left the Man without Scalping him : and the English now coming to Bury the Dead, one of the Soldiers perceived this poor Man to fetch a Gasp ; whereupon an Irish Fellow then present, advised 'em to give him another Dab with an Hatchet, and so Bury him with the rest. The English detesting this Barbarous Advice, lifted up the Wounded Man, and poured a little Fair Water into his Mouth at which he Coughed ; then they poured a little Strong Water after it, at which he opened his Eyes. The Irish Fellow was ordered now to hale a Canoo ashore to carry the Wounded Men up the River unto a Chirurgeon ; and as Teague was foolishly pulling the Canoo ashore with the Cock of his Gun, while he held the Muzzle in his Hand, his Gun went off' and broke his Arm, whereof he remains a Cripple to this Day: But Simon Stone was thorougly Cured, and is at this Day a very Lusty Man ; and as he was Born with Two Thumbs on one Hand, his Neighbours have thought him to have at least as many HIcarts as Thumbs!" (Book vii. page 74.)
Many families trace back their line of descent to this same Simon Stone, who was so hard to kill, and to whom, fortu- nately, the finishing " Dab with an Hatchet" was not given.
Josiah Parker, of Cambridge, petitions the Governor and General Court, May 31, 1699, setting forth the fact that his brother, James Parker, Jr., and his wife were both killed, and several of their children taken prisoners by the Indians, in their assault on the town, in 1694. One of these children, Phinehas by name, was redeemed after four years of cap- tivity at the eastward, by the master of a vessel, who paid six pounds for him. The uncle of the boy represents in the petition that he himself had reimbursed the master, and now wished that this sum be allowed him from the public treasury, which request was duly granted. This poor little orphan boy was only seven years old when carried off by the sav- ages, and the petition relates that he was lame in one of his legs, brought on by the cruelty of his captors. 11
It was probably during the attack of 1694, that Enoch Lawrence was wounded. He represented in a petition * to the Governor and Council, that he was a very poor man by reason
* Massachusetts Archives, LXX. 583.
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of wounds in his hands received during a fight with the Ind- ians in the former war, which almost wholly disabled him from earning a livelihood for himself and family. In conse- quence of these representations, the House of Representatives allowed him, October 17, 1702, exemption from taxes, and an annual pension of three pounds during life.
Governor William Stoughton issued a proclamation,* Jan- uary 21, 1695, and refers to the " tragical outrages and bar- berous murders " at Oyster River (now Durham, N. H.) and Groton. He says that several of the prisoners taken at these places "are now detained by the said Indians at Amaras- coggin and other adjoining places."
Cotton Mather says that one man was killed here in 1697, and another, with two children, carried into captivity. The prisoner was Stephen Holden, who was captured, with his two oldest sons, John, and Stephen, Jr. John was released in January, 1699, at which time the father and the other boy were yet remaining in the hands of the savages. It was not long, however, before they too were freed ; for, in the follow- ing June, the House of Representatives voted three pounds and twelve shillings for the expenses that had been incurred in bringing them back.12
After these attacks, there was a short respite, which con- tinued till 1704, when the frontier towns were again exposed to savage warfare ; and this town suffered with the others.
Samuel Penhallow, in "A History of the Wars of New "England," published in 1726, thus refers to the attack on this place, in August, 1704 :-
The Indians " afterwards fell on Lancaster, and Groton, where they did some Spoil, but not what they expected, for that these Towns were seasonably strengthened. . . .
" And yet a little while after they fell on Groaton, and Nasho- way [ Lancaster], where they kill'd Lieut. Wyler [Wilder] and sev- eral more." (Page 24.)
A party of Indians, about thirty in number, made their appearance in town, and killed a man on the night of Octo-
* Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, Ix. 613, 614.
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ber 25, 1704. Pursuit was at once made for them, but it was unsuccessful.13
It is not surprising that the inhabitants, upon the renewal of hostilities, were obliged to ask for help from the General' Court. They had already suffered much in life and property, and were little able to bear new burdens. They represented to the Governor that they had been greatly impoverished by their losses of horses and cattle, of corn and hay, and that they were scarcely able to hold out much longer; but the crowning calamity of all was the illness of the minister, Mr. Hobart, which prevented him from preaching. Their means were so limited, that they could not support him and supply his place besides. They were obliged to earn their living at the peril of their lives ; and some were thinking of leaving the town. They spent so much time in watching and guard- ing, that they seemed to be soldiers rather than farmers. Under these discouraging circumstances, they asked for help, and were allowed out of the public treasury twenty pounds, to assist them in procuring another minister, besides ten pounds to be divided among those who were the greatest sufferers in the late attack upon them.1
Two years later, another assault was made on the town, though with little damage. I again quote from Penhallow : "[July 21, 1706.] Several Strokes were afterwards made on Chelmsford, Sudbury and Groton, where three Soldiers as they were going to publick Worship, were way-laid by a Small Party, who kill'd two, and made the other a Prisoner." (Page 36.)
A few additional particulars of these "strokes" are found in the Reverend John Pike's "Journal," under this entry : *
"July 21, 1706. Sab : 2 souldiers slain & one carried away by the enemy at Groton. They were all new-Cambridge [Newton] men, & were returned to their Post from one Bloods house, who had invited ym to Dinner."
The Reverend Mr. Homer, in his " History of Newton," gives the names of these men as John Myrick, Nathaniel Healy, and Ebenezer Seger, and says they were all three * Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1875-76, page 143.
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killed by the Indians. This statement is not quite accurate, as John Myrick was alive after this date. Only two were killed.
Penhallow gives several instances of extreme cruelty to the prisoners on the part of the savages, and mentions the follow- ing case of a man who was captured in this town : -
" A third was of Samuel Butterfield, who being sent to Groton as a Soldier, was with others attackt, as they were gathering in the Harvest ; his bravery was such, that be kill'd one and wounded an- other, but being overpower'd by strength, was forc'd to submit ; and it hapned that the slain Indian was a Sagamore, and of great dexterity in War, which caused matter of Lamentation, and enrag'd them to such degree that they vow'd the utmost revenge ; Some were for whipping him to Death ; others for burning him alive ; but differing in their Sentiments, they submitted the Issue to the Square Widore, concluding she would determine something very dreadful, but when the matter was opened, and the Fact consid- ered. her Spirits were so moderate as to make no other reply, than, "Fortune L'guare. Upon which some were uneasy ; to whom she answered, If by killing him, you can bring my Husband to life again. I beg you to study what Death you please ; but if not let him be my Servant; which he accordingly was, during his Captivity, and had favour shewn him." (Pages 38, 39.)
Butterfield remained a captive for more than a year. It is not known how he obtained his release. We find his peti- tion, * dated April 10, 1706, to the General Court, which sets forth the fact that he was an inhabitant of Chelmsford, and was sent by Captain Jerathmel Bowers to Groton, to help Colonel Taylor, in August, 1704, when the enemy came upon the place. He was ordered, with some others, to guard a man at work in the field, when the Indians attacked them, killed one, and captured another besides himself. Butterfield represents, in the petition, that he " made all the resistance possible, killed one, and knockt down two more after they had seized him, for which yo' Petitioner was cruelly used by them afterwards & threatened to be burnt, several times." He says that he " was very well accoutred in all respects when he was taken, and then was stript of all and was be- tween fourteen and fifteen months a Captive expos'd to great
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