USA > Massachusetts > Essex County > Salem > Sketches about Salem people > Part 7
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27
But feelings, though seriously wounded, have a won- drous power of recuperation. This was true in the case of Roger Williams, for within nineteen months, on Dec. 1, 1630, he and his wife Mary sailed from Bristol on the ship Lyon, bound for New England.
It should not be supposed, however, that the episode just related was a determining factor in his emigration. Williams belonged to the more radical party among the Puritans. His position before leaving England is made clear in his own words, when he says: "Master Cotton may call to mind that the discusser, riding with himself and one other of precious memory (Master Hooker) to and from Sempringham, presented his argument from Scripture, why he durst not join with them in their use of Common Prayer."
His attitude toward the Church of England was very different from that of most of the Puritans coming to Massachusetts Bay. Higginson probably voiced the atti- tude of the majority in the words which Mather says he spoke from the prow of the ship, as he and his fellow. emigrants set out for the New World in 1629. "We will not say as the Separatists were wont to say at their leaving England, 'Farewell, Babylon! Farewell, Rome !' but we will say, 'Farewell, dear England! Farewell, the Church of God in England, and all the Christian friends there! We do not go to New England as Separatists from the Church of England, though we cannot but sep- arate from the corruptions in it, but we go to practice
5
BY REV. MILO E. PEARSON, D. D.
the positive part of Church reformation and propagate the Gospel in America." This attitude is still further emphasized by a document which Hubbard says Mr. White of Dorchester was reported to have drawn up and which was to "the brethren in and of the Church of England, for the obtaining of their prayers and the re- moval of suspicions and misconceptions of their inten- tions." It says in part, "We desire you would be pleased to take notice of the principal and body of our company, as those who esteem it our honour to call the Church of England from whence we rise, our dear mother! and cannot part from our native country, where she espe- cially resideth, without much sadness of heart, and many tears in our eyes, ever acknowledging that such hope and part as we have obtained in the common salvation we have received in her bosom, and sucked it from her breasts. We leave not, therefore, as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished there, but blessing God for the parentage and education, as members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her good and unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow shall ever betide her, and while we have breath sincerely desire the continuance and abun- dance of her welfare, with the enlargement of her bounds in the kingdom of Christ Jesus."
The document of which this is a part was signed by : John Winthrop, Gov. Rich. Saltonstall,
Charles Fines, Isaac Johnson,
George Phillips, Theo. Dudley,
William Coddington
It was addressed "From Yarmouth, aboard the Arbella April 7, 1630."
But the position of Williams was otherwise. He dem- onstrates this immediately upon his arrival in New Eng- land. He evidently attracted the attention of Bishop Laud, who made life so uncomfortable for him that he left the country. In a letter to the daughter of Sir Ed- ward Coke he says: "I was persecuted in and out of my father's house. Truly it was as bitter as death to me when Bishop Laud pursued me out of the land, and my
6
ROGER WILLIAMS
conscience was persuaded against the national church and ceremonials and bishops."
Williams, as has been said, left Bristol with his wife on Dec. 1, 1630, and arrived at Nantasket the 5th of the following February. He was a man of ability and was welcomed as a great addition to the Colony. Some biographers make much of the fact that Winthrop spoke of him as a "Godly minister," but too great emphasis must not be placed upon this remark, as Winthrop spoke of most of the ministers in the same way.
It so happened that upon the arrival of Williams, Mr. Wilson, the minister of the First Church in Boston, was just leaving for England, where he was to remain for some time. Accordingly, the church extended a call to Williams to take up the work. Williams investigated and found that the church had not separated from the Es- tablished Church, so he refused to accept the call unless they would publicly declare their repentance for having communion with the Church of England while they lived there. Furthermore, he announced his opinion "that the magistrate might not punish the breach of the Sabbath, nor any other offence, that was a breach of the first table."
As the First Church was very proud of its position in the Colony, it is not difficult to imagine the answer, Williams received. However ill-advised his action may have been, Williams was taking an attitude consistent with his position expressed to Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker before he left England.
So far as Williams writings are concerned, we would be led to suppose that after the difference of opinion in Boston he went directly to Plymouth. For in a letter to John Cotton, the younger, written March 25, 1671, Williams says: "Being unanimously chosen teacher at Boston (before your dear father came, divers years), I conscientiously refused, and withdrew to Plymouth, be- cause I durst not officiate to an unseparated people, as upon examination and conference I found them to be."
But on April 12th Winthrop makes this note in his journal: "At a court holden at Boston (upon informa-
In Salom the ofthe 8 monty als of 1635
Mmochnon fat A forward of Salom. faut Bartered and Soul sontgracias all and carry ) post of
n fip: / / Longo and afteris (formarli in fig: ruption ofme Bege williams, 2 tun I'm by Der from my Higenfor Couldinto mot is a quittante un oh ma
fils For muito betong unto it. tibent it; no F) Autorisent Higen for of Charter Count 8)
maut in alte
tas, in Bonfileration ky for
conte Com fillings to m. in fact"
L; 2 John wood Bury, in Diferente che Bab Bofe ffer fat querologin fo
23/20
DEED OF THE HOUSE IN WHICH ROGER WILLIAMS LIVED IN SALEM, John Woollcott to William Lord, 1635. The oldest deed extant of land in Salem,
7
BY REV. MILO E. PEARSON, D. D.
tion to the governor, that they of Salem had called Mr. Williams to the office of teacher) a letter was written from the court to Mr. Endicott to this effect: 'That whereas Mr. Williams had refused to join with the con- gregation at Boston, . . . etc .: therefore they marvelled they would choose him without advising with the coun- cil; and withal desiring him, that they would forbear to proceed till they had conferred about it."
Mr. Williams had been called to Salem to become associated with Mr. Skelton, as Mr. Higginson who first held the position had died. But we have little informa- tion about the whole matter. We do know that his stay in Salem was short. The reason for his departure we can only surmise. Evidently it was not the ill-will of the church for within two years he was back again minis- tering to the people. But whatever the cause, he with- drew to Plymouth where he would be out of the juris- diction of Massachusetts, and where he would be asso- ciated with a people who, like himself, were thoroughly Separatist in their principles. He was well received in the Plymouth Colony and was made assistant to the pastor, Mr. Ralph Smith.
The record of his life among the Pilgrims is meager. We know that he made good use of his time, in cultivat- ing good relations with the Indians and in becoming familiar with their language. He had a sincere interest in their welfare, and this action proved to'be of as much, or more, help to him than it did to them. For the con- fidence and friendship which he had won were of the utmost importance at the time of his banishment from the Bay, and in the later misunderstandings with the Indians.
He seems to have supported himself and family by his own efforts, and to have given his religious services to the people without charge. He says of himself: "At Plymouth I spake on the Lord's Day and each week day, and worked hard at my hoe for very bread." Williams was bitterly opposed to what he called a "hireling min- istry." His conviction about the self-support of the clergy was linked up with his belief that religion and the
8
ROGER WILLIAMS
church ought not to be sustained and supported by the state. He felt that the ministry would gladly be rid of the assistance of the Civil Sword were it not for thel economic interest and dependence. In "The Bloody Ten- ent" he makes his position clear. "Those worthy men, the authors of these positions, and others of their judge- ment have cause to examine their souls with feare and trembling in the presence of God upon this interogatory, viz; whether or no this be the bottom and root of the matter; If they could have the same supply of mainte- nance without the helpe of the Civil Sword, or were per- suaded to live upon the voluntary contributions of poore saints, or their owne labour, as the Lord Jesus and his first Messengers did : I say, if this lay not in the bottom, whether or no they could not be willingly shut of the Civil power and left only to their inoffensive libertie."
But to return to the Indians. During the months spent in Plymouth he became intimate with Massasoit, the Sachem of the Wampanoags, who were in that vicinity. He also became acquainted with Canonicus, Sachem of the Narragansetts. In speaking of his association with the Indians, Williams says: "God was pleased to give me a painful, patient spirit to lodge with them in their filthy smoke holes (even while I lived in Plymouth and Sa- lem) to gain their tongue."
One cannot help admiring this man with his attractive personality, his ability, his individuality, and initiative, but when the record has been read, one is inclined to wish that God had given him the power to exercise some of the patience toward his brethren, which he lavished on the Indians. And one is further inclined to believe that the patience of which he spoke must have been pain- ful to such a censorious and disputatious man.
Even in Plymouth, where he was among kindred spir- its, his contentiousness annoyed and divided the people. Strauss, in his life of Roger Williams, remarks: "It is only within our generation that the history of New Eng- land is beginning to be truthfully written, and the Puri- tan Fathers-the Winthrops, Dudleys, Endicotts, Cot- tons and Mathers-are appearing as creatures of flesh
9
BY REV. MILO E. PEARSON, D. D.
and blood, clothed with their qualities and defects, their virtues and their faults." The same may rightfully be said about Roger Williams. He was a man of remark- able honesty and integrity, but he was not angelic in his nature, nor was he a paragon of virtue in all re- spects. He, too, was "a man of flesh and blood, clothed with faults and virtues." He could be very blunt and arrogant in the expression of his opinions, as is recalled in his second letter to Lady Barrington. Even in Plym- outh he spoke very severely to the people. He was given to proclaiming unique ideas-and then to defending them with vehemence.
An example of the depths to which he could go in his trivialities is shown in a Plymouth experience. It was the custom of the time for people in ordinary walks of life to address each other as "Goodman." Williams op- posed the practice, and more than that, branded it as blasphemous. His argument was arranged from an in- genious interpretation of Scripture, where Jesus said, "Why callest thou me good? There is none good but one, that is God." The trivial question was carried so far that the Colony became divided. Finally when Gov. Winthrop and Rev. Mr. Wilson paid a visit to Plymouth the question was submitted to them. Winthrop ap- proached the matter in a common-sense way and said that the term was only a conventional greeting, and had no theological implications, and that it was hardly worth an argument. And with this the matter was dropped. It seems strange that the question should ever have been raised.
Perhaps it was because of his liking for an argument that the people in Plymouth welcomed his departure as well as his arrival.
Bradford gives us the following account of him: "Mr. Roger Williams (a man Godly and zealous, having many precious parts, but very unsettled in judgmente) came over first to ye Massachusetts, but upon some discontent left yt place and came hither (where he was friendly entertained-according to their poore abilitie) and exer- cised his gifts amongst them, and after some time was
10
ROGER WILLIAMS
admitted a member of ye church and his teaching well approved, for ye benefite whereof I still bless God, and am thankful to him, even for his sharpest admonitions and reproufs, so far as they agreed with truth. He this year begane to fall into some strang oppinions and from oppinions to practise; which caused some controversie between ye church and him, and in ye end discontente on his parte, by occasion whereof he left them something abruptly. Yet afterwards sued for his dismission to ye church of Salem, which was granted, with some caution to them concerning him, and what care they ought to have of him. But he soon fell into more things ther, both to their and ye government, troble and disturbance. I shall not need to name particulars, they are too well known now to all, though for a time ye church here went under some hard sensure by his occasion, from some that afterwards smarted themselves. But he is to be pitied, and prayed for, and so I shall leave ye matter and de- sire ye Lord to shew him his errors, and reduce him into ye way of truth, and give him a settled judgmente and constansie in ye same; for I hope he belongs to ye Lord, and yt he will shew him mercie."
In August of 1633 a daughter was born to Mr. and Mrs. Williams. She was named Mary after her mother. Shortly after this the family is found back in Salem. The exact date of their arrival seems not to be known. We know he was in Salem by October 11th, for Winthrop tells how Mr. Skelton and Mr. Williams (who had come from Plymouth but who did not hold any office) objected to the practice of the ministers of Boston and Saugus who were accustomed to meet once a fortnight at one of their houses, where they debated some important ques- tion. Skelton and Williams feared that these ministers" meetings might develop into a presbytery or some form of superintendency, which would be antagonistic to the liberty of the churches.
In a very short time Williams was in trouble, for on the 27th of December the governor and Council held a meeting in Boston at which time they considered a treat- ise which Williams had written while still in Plymouth.
11
BY REV. MILO E. PEARSON, D. D.
According to his own word it was not written for the. public but rather for the private perusal of Governor. Bradford. But the news of it caused considerable con- cern among the leaders of Massachusetts, who no doubt were influenced to a great degree by the ministers. The causes for their concern were very real. Williams had taken some very pronounced positions. He contended that they had no right to the land in New England unless they had bought it from the Indians. In this he stood on good moral grounds. But many of the people were equally sensitive about this matter, and further- more, his views coincided very largely with the company for Massachusetts, for in 1628 instructions were sent to Endicott to liquidate any equitable claims which were presented by the aborigines.
But Williams had made far more dangerous state- ments. He struck directly at the patent, which was the basis of the political existence of the Colony. First, he- said that King James had told "a solemn public lie, be- cause, in his patent, he blessed God that he was the first Christian prince that had discovered this land." Sec- ond, he charged the king and others "with blasphemy, for calling Europe Christendom or the Christian world." Third, he applied to the then King Charles, three pas- sages found in Revelation. These passages are not known, but undoubtedly they were far from compli- mentary.
The governor wrote to Endicott about this matter and received a "discreet answer." Williams then wrote to the governor and to the rest of the Council in a concilia- tory tone, saying that he had not intended it for the pub- lic, that it was not his purpose to carry it any further ; and "offering his book or any part of it to be burned."
In January the governor and council met again, and considered Williams communication. It is significant that Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wilson were present and gave their advice. They finally decided that the "offensive passages" were not as dangerous as they had supposed. No doubt their decision was influenced by two facts : first,' that Williams had written in an obscure manner, and in
12
ROGER WILLIAMS
a way which "might well admit of doubtful interpreta- tion"; and second, that he had been so conciliatory in his letter that they took it as a tacit agreement not to offend again.
But Williams was headstrong and impulsive as well as exceedingly conscientious, and so the next year Win- throp reports that the governor and assistants were in- formed that Williams had broken his promise and was teaching publicly against the patent, and about their great sin in claiming the country. Williams was sum- moned to appear before the court at its next session.
Not a few of the defenders of Williams commend him strongly in this matter, and by the same token, denounce the magistrates for their unreasonableness and severity. Strauss contends that Williams had made no promise whatever. However all this may be, any one conversant with the political situation can hardly fail to understand how inevitable was the concern of the magistrates.
Shortly before Williams left Plymouth word came from England that Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mason, being influenced by Gardiner, Morton and Ratcliff, who had been deported from the Colony, had petitioned the council against the people of Massachusetts, and had brought many false accusations against them. The chief thing which they urged was that they had letters written by some of the colonists against the church government in England. But owing to the help and defense given by some friends of the Colony, who were in London, noth- ing was done about the matter.
Then in May, 1633, two ships, the William and Jane and the Mary and Jane arrived from London. They brought further news of the charges which were being pressed against the Colony. They were accused of in- tending to rebel; of casting off their allegiance, and of separating themselves from the laws and the Church of England. Also it was charged that the minister and the people were continually railing against the state, church and bishops. This time they had been saved through the influence of Mr. Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Humphrey and Mr. Craddock, and they were assured by some of the
13:
BY REV. MILO E. PEARSON, D. D.
council that "his Majesty did not intend to impose the ceremonies of the Church of England upon them."
The delicacy of the situation, however, may be sur- mised from two letters written at the time to John Win- throp the younger. On March 18th, 1632-3, Edward Howes wrote expressing his strong conviction that they needed able friends to protect and defend their cause at court. He spoke feelingly of the ever-present danger. Then, on March 26th, Francis Kirby wrote saying, "Your friends here, who are members of your plantation, have had much to do to answer the unjust complaints made to the king and council of your government there." And he proceeds to say, "I know I need not advise you, that the prayers for our king be not neglected in any of your publick meetings; and I advise that you differ no more from us in church government, than you shall find that we differ from the prescript rule of God's word."
In July of 1634, some months before Williams was summoned to appear before the court for publicly de- nouncing the patent, and breaking his promise, as they considered, news came from Mr. Craddock that he had been ordered to return the patent, so he wrote demand- ing it. Thereupon the governor and council held a meet- ing and decided to answer the letter, "but not to return any answer or excuse to the council at that time."
A little later another communication was received from Mr. Craddock enclosing a copy of the council's order whereby they were commanded to return the patent. This time they held a long consultation and finally de- cided to answer Mr. Craddock's letter, and excuse them- selves for not complying with the command, on the ground that it could be done only by order of the Gen- eral Court, which would not meet until the following September.
At the meeting of the court on Sept. 18th, £600 were- voted for the fortification. This was done because two- ships had arrived bringing "a copy of a commission granted to the two archbishops and ten others of the council, to regulate all plantations, and power given them or any five of them, to call in all patents, to make laws,.
14
ROGER WILLIAMS
to raise tythes and portions for ministers, to remove and punish governours and to hear and determine all causes, and inflict all punishments, even death itself." The Col- ony was advised that this was meant especially for them, and that ships had been provided to take soldiers and the new Governor to Virginia, but it was suspected that it was all destined for Massachusetts, the idea being to force upon the Colony this new governor and the discip- line of the Church of England, along with the laws of the Commissioners. Winthrop records that this caused the magistrates to hasten their work on the fortifications. So great was the concern that the governor and assistants voted £500 more toward the fortifications.
Under the circumstances who can blame the magis- trates for being somewhat nervous, and for being perhaps unduly suspicious of any in the Colony who by word or deed might cause them to be further suspected of dis- loyalty, not only to the church, but also to the crown.
Unfortunately within a month and a half of the last meeting of the court, complaint was made to the gover- nor and the assistants, that the ensign at Salem had been defaced, by cutting out the red cross. Richard Daven- port, the ensign bearer, was ordered to report at the next meeting of the court, to make answer to the charges. No doubt Winthrop tells the truth when he reports that "much matter was made of this, as fearing it would be taken as an act of rebellion, or of like high nature, in defacing the king's colours." Winthrop then goes on to explain that this was not the case, but rather "it was done upon this opinion, that the red cross was given to the king of England by the pope, as an ensign of victory, and so a superstitious thing, and a relic of antichrist."
No doubt this feeling was shared by many, if not by a great majority in the Colony, as will appear later. In fact, Bradford gives us telling testimony of the fear of Winthrop himself, concerning the cross. When Gov- ernor Winthrop and Mr. Wilson were on their way to Plymouth as previously recorded, they came to a river over which they were carried by Luddam, their guide. So the Governor called the place Luddam's Ford. Then
15
BY REV. MILO E. PEARSON, D. D.
they came to a place called Hue's Cross. Here "The gov- ernor being displeased at that name, in respect that such things might hereafter give the Papists occasion to say that their religion was first planted in these parts, changed the name and called it Hue's Folly."
But it was one thing to take the cross out of a name. It was quite another to take it out of the king's colors. No wonder that the magistrates were aroused. There would be even stronger feeling today, at any mutilation of the flag. Endicott was the man charged with the actual deed. He was later brought to court and severely censured, and was sentenced to be disabled to hold any public office for the period of one year. The reason why a heavier sentence was not imposed was that the commit- tee was persuaded that "he did it out of tenderness of conscience, and not of any evil intent."
The magistrates were greatly alarmed, not so much concerning the deed itself, as about the interpretation which might be placed upon it in England and the con- sequent effect upon the Colony. A meeting of the gov- ernor and assistants, therefore, was hastily called, at the house of the governor, on Nov. 27, 1634. In order to avoid suspicion it was decided that a letter should be sent to Mr. Downing, the brother-in-law of Mr. Win- throp, who was in London; that it should be signed by all present; and that they should express their disap- proval of what Mr. Endicott had done, and should re- cord their purpose of punishing him. But they were very careful in the wording of the letter, writing as Winthrop said, "with as much wariness as we might," for they themselves were doubtful about the lawful use of the cross in the ensign, although it seemed in this case that the act was most unlawful.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.