USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Framingham > Sketches of Framingham > Part 3
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8
Your most obedt hble Servt.
JNo Nixon"
The situation continued without material change for several weeks. The encounter with Burgoyne which Schuyler foresaw as likely to come early in July did not develop until September nineteenth. He continued to appeal for troops, but Washington had his own prob- lems, not knowing when or where the attack from Gen- eral Howe might come, and after sending General Benjamin Lincoln and General Benedict Arnold, wrote that he could do no more. Schuyler's enemies were at work with Congress and finally Horatio Gates arrived August nineteenth to relieve him of the command of the northern army.
Burgoyne's advance, however, was only checked. But the tide was turning. The American success at Ben- nington under John Stark brought renewed courage. Gates received much that had been denied Schuyler and prepared for a battle with Burgoyne at Bemis Heights, a commanding position near Stillwater. In the forma-
40
ACTIVE HELPERS
tion of his line of defence he took personal command of the right wing, of which Nixon's brigade was a part.
These are the brief entries in the "Orderly Book" of Col. Thomas Nixon, which is in the Library of the New England Historic Genealogical Society.
"Sept. 9. Headquarters at Stillwater.
Sept. 16. Gen. Burgoyne's army is marching this way. Every man on this ground is to have two days of provisions cooked this morning.
Sept. 18. The commissary is to deliver half a gill of rum to every man in camp tomorrow morning.
Sept. 19. This day a battle was fought from three o'clock till a quarter after six in the evening."
Bancroft gives this description of the battle:
"At three the battle became general and it raged till after sundown. The battle was marked by the obstinate courage of the Americans, but by no manoeuvre; man fought against man, regiment against regimen't. An American party would cap- ture a cannon and drive off the British; the British would rally and recover it with the bayonet, but only to fall back before the deadly fire from the wood. Before the sun went down Burgoyne was in danger of a rou't, the troops about wavered - but reinforcements arrived and charged the Americans on their right flank. Evening was at hand, and those of the Americans who had been engaged for more than three hours had nearly exhausted their am- munition and they withdrew within their lines, taking with them their wounded and a hundred captives."
Although this battle was a draw, Burgoyne's invasion
41
FROM FRAMINGHAM
was stopped, and plans were made for the second battle at Bemis Heights which followed October seventh, to which there is this reference in Colonel Nixon's Order- ly Book: "This day a battle was fought on Bemis Heights and the enemy retreated; it began about 4 o'clock."
Encouraged by Burgoyne's retreat, Gates on the eleventh of October ordered his main body, led by Nixon's and Glover's brigades and by Morgan's sharp- shooters as advance guard, to cross the Fishkill toward Saratoga. This advance was in a fog, and Nixon had proceeded as far as Fort Hardy, capturing a picket of sixty men, when the fog lifted, and he was confronted by Burgoyne's main army prepared to receive the Ameri- can forces, having learned of Gates' plans. The advance guard retreated under fire, and Nixon himself barely escaped a cannon ball which passed so closely to his head as to impair permanently his sight and hearing.
An interesting account of this incident is found in Roads "History and Traditions of Marblehead," Page 182, taken from a report by General Glover, March 18,1785:
"On the following evening the British army re- treated to Saratoga; but owing to the badness of the roads and the heavy rain which prevailed, did not arrive there until the morning of the 10th. On the morning of the 11th, General Gates, under the impression that the main body of Burgoyne's army had retreated to Fort Edward, commenced an attack upon the camp at Saratoga. This was a great mistake and, but for a fortunate discovery by Gen- eral Glover, would have proved disastrous to the Americans. General Nixon's, being the oldest brig- ade crossed the Saratoga Creek first. Unknown to the Americans, Burgoyne had formed a line under
42
ACTIVE HELPERS
the cover of the woods, to support a post of artil- lery where the others meant to make their attack. General Glover was on the point of following Nixon. Just as he entered the water, he saw a British soldier making across, whom he called and examined. The soldier claimed to be a deserter, and said that he was going to the Americans. Glover asked him about Burgoyne's Army. The soldier answered, 'It is encamped the same as days past.' Glover told him, 'If you are found attempting to deceive me, you shall be hung in half an hour; but if you speak nothing but the truth, you shall be protected and meet with good usage.' He then asked him 'Have not numbers been sent off to Fort Edward?' The deserter replied, 'A small de- tachment was sent off a day or two ago, but are returned on finding the passes occupied by the Americans, and the whole army is now in camp.' Glover, though the junior officer to Nixon, sent off immediately to him, to desist and recross the creek; and at the same time despatched his aid-de camp, with the deserter behind him on horseback to General Gates; who having examined the soldier, hurried away the aid-de-camp, the adjutant-gen- eral and others to countermand the former orders and prevent the attack. General Nixon, upon re- ceiving Glover's message, retreated; but before he had recrossed, the fog cleared off, and the rear of his brigade was galled by the enemy's cannon, which killed several of his men .. . Glover's message was received by Nixon in the critical moment; a quarter of an hour later would probably have proved fatal to the whole brigade, and given a turn to affairs in favor of the royal army."
43
FROM FRAMINGHAM
Burgoyne, however, was now exposed to the fire of the American forces which almost surrounded him, and on the fourteenth of October sent over a flag of truce and finally surrendered his army October 17, 1777.
After Burgoyne's surrender Nixon's brigade was ordered to Albany. The Diary of William McKendry, published by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1886, contains these entries.
"October 30, 1777 Albany Committee sent to Provide Barrack for Genl Nixon's Brigade.
Ditto 31st. The Brigade moved into the Town and Billeted in the houses."
The surrender of Burgoyne's soldiers brought the problem of what to do with them, and General Brick- ett's brigade was detailed to take them from Saratoga to Cambridge. General Nixon and General Glover ac- companied Brickett.
This return to Massachusetts permitted Nixon to give attention to his home, which must have been in sorrow and distress during his absence. His wife, Thankful, had died and there were little children, the youngest only three years old. And there was another family in distress, the widow and children of Nixon's faithful subordinate, Micajah Gleason. His widow, Hannah, was still conducting his tavern near Saxonville, and with such thrift that she was making money. John and Han- nah concluded that their burdens could be carried together to mutual advantage, and they were married
44
ACTIVE HELPERS
February 13, 1778. While Nixon was in Massachusetts he was still concerned with matters connected with his brigade. In the archives I have found his receipt for shoes and other necessaries delivered to him at Boston in April for his officers.
In January, 1778, while Nixon was with Burgoyne's soldiers, an interesting proposition was considered, which, if carried out, would have included Nixon's brigade. I refer to the abortive proposition, part of the plans of the so-called "Conway Cabal," favored by Congress but disapproved by Washington, to send Lafay- ette a't the head of an expedition into Canada. In the memorandum prepared by Congress for Lafayette's in- struction, special emphasis is placed upon the familiarity of the officers of Nixon's Brigade with the territory to be invaded by this expedition by reason of their former service. This was proposed without Washington's co- operation and intended possibly to bring about a mis- understanding between him and Lafayette. While this matter was under discussion we read that Lafayette gra- ciously proposed a toast to the Commander-in-Chief of the American forces thereby pledging his allegiance, and he compelled the officers with him, some of whom were Washington's critics, to join him.
According to Temple, Nixon's furlough at this time was extended to June. His brigade was then in the High- lands in the division commanded by Major-General William McDougall.
While Washington was at Valley Forge in the early spring he learned that a part of the British troops had gone from New York, and he wrote McDougall, March 31, 1778, to consider a possible attack upon this city "with Parson's brigade, Nixon's and the regiments of VanSchaick, Hazen and Livingston aided by the militia
45
FROM FRAMINGHAM
from New York and Connecticut." McDougall replied April 13 that the enterprise was not practicable.
Through July and August there are records showing Nixon's presence at White Plains. His colonels at that time were Greaton, Putnam and Nixon. A former colonel, Alden, had gone with Sullivan's expedition against the Indians, and he had fallen in the battle at Cherry Valley. I have a muster roll dated July 3, 1778, at "Chaterdons Hill" which overlooks the scene of the battle of White Plains.
I have also found the following report made directly to Washington in July 1778, describing movements of troops in the neighborhood of White Plains:
"Camp White Plains July 1778
Sir:
On the 22d Instt I marched the Party under my Command consisting of about 2000 Foot & 200 Cavalry in the following Order -
I detached Genl. Parsons with Colo. Wylly's, Meiggs, Hazens & Grahams Regts together with One half of the Cavalry under the Command of Lt. Colo. Blagdon, to proceed on the East Side the Brunks down to East & West Chester, with Orders to make the best Disposition of his party, which would most effectually Answer to the driving in to our Camp all the Stock from that Quarter, while I marched with Colo. Greatons, Putnam & Nixons Regts down on the West Side the Brunks to Mile Square, together with the remainder of the Cavalry under the Command of Colo. Shelden, and One piece of Artillery. And when Arrived I made a Disposition of the Troops under my immediate Command as follows - Ordered Colo. Greaton
46
ACTIVE HELPERS
with his Regt & a party of Cavalry to Occupy the Road leading from Kings Bridge to Phillips and to Send off Partys on the Road leading from thence to Dobb's Ferry and Saw Mill River Bridge, in order to collect all the Stock on them Roads. - Colo. Putnam with his Regt & a party of Cavalry Occupyed the Road leading from Kings Bridge to Mile Square & to Send a party on the Road leading to this place on the West Side the Brunks. - I re- mained on Vollentines Hill with Colo. Nixons Regt, the remainder of the Cavalry & the Artillery after Detaching a party from that Regt on the mid- dle Road to collect the Stock. - Remained on the Ground till about Sun rise at which time, I ordered the several Regts to take the same Routs on which they had detached their respective partys, in order to collect such Stock as might escape them.
As to the particulars of Genl Parsons progress, I shall refer your Excellency to his Return to me, which I have enclosed.
Seven Deserters from the Queens Rangers with their Arms and Accoutrements, joined me in the course of the Night, which I sent to Head Quarters the 23d Instt. -
I send you by the Bearer, John Johnston, James Pell, David Bonnet & Ned Pell a Negro, mentioned in Genl Parsons's Return.
Sir I am with great Esteem Your Excellency's most Obedt Humb Servt
Jno. Nixon B. G.
His Excellency Genl Washington."
47
FROM FRAMINGHAM
In September, 1778, came the order for a Court Martial, to hear the charges of "neglect of duty" against Philip Schuyler which Schuyler himself demanded should be heard. This, to me, seems the most important Court Martial of the Revolution, because of the per- sonality of the defendant, the crisis in our affairs which' it embraced, the loss of Ticonderoga and the oncoming of Burgoyne and the injustice which had been done by Congress.
Washington selected thirteen distinguished officers to sit on this Court. The names of most of them are com- monplace in our history. Benjamin Lincoln, George Clinton, Anthony Wayne, John Peter, Gabriel Muhle- burg, John Greaton, Rufus Putnam, William Grayson and Return Jonathan Meigs are among them. And John Nixon was the senior brigadier, next in order to Major-General Lincoln, President.
The details of the trial are given in full in the Pro- ceedings of the New York Historical Society. The find- ing was "Not Guilty" and acquittal "with the highest honor" and was unanimous.
Nixon at this time was a member of the Council of War called by Washington to decide as to the disposi- tion of the Army during the coming winter, an im- portant question in view of the experience at Valley Forge in 1777-78. Questions were put to the members of this Council, and I have here Nixon's answers ad- dressed to His Excellency General Washington under
48
ACTIVE HELPERS
date of October 19, 1778, in substance advising a division into two camps, one in the mountains, and the other at Danbury.
"Upon mature Deliberation of his Excellency's Questions Laid before the council of war, relative to the Disposition of his Army, this winter, I would beg leave to Suggest my Thought, in the following Manner with my reasons for the Same, - as to ye whole of ye army being in a Compact Body - these are some Difficulties which operate against it - which (in my opinion) Counter Ballence ye ad- vantages resulting therefrom - such as ye Diffi- culties of Supplying the Soldiers with Necessarys conducive to their Health & Constitution, as also in subjecting them to Dangers Shd ye Enemy make an Excursion from ye Sound to get in our Rear, likewise in procuring sufficiency of Forrage for those Cattle & Horses which would be necessary to keep in Camp to perform the necessary Duty there- of. To divide ye army exclusive of ye necessary Posts In ye Jerseys & West Point - into two grand divisions appears most elegible to me, - one in ye Gorge of the Mountains & ye other at Danbury. Viz. about 5 or 6 Brigds at Danbury & ye others between ye Mountains, - Shd ye Enemy salley out of N York and attempt to come up ye North River, the Troops Stationed at Danbury might be a timely Succour to those at ye Mountains, or Should they land a Body of Troops at ye Sound to Penetrate thro ye Country to get in ye Rear of West Point and ye army posted near there, those Troops at Danbury would be ready to annoy them till they could be succoured from ye other Division - also they might be more commodiously supplied with
49
FROM FRAMINGHAM
comfortable necessarys during the winter Shd they remain undisturbed, another Reason is - Shd ye Enemy unexpectedly attempt to Capture Count Destang's Fleet - attack Boston &c those Troops at Danbury would be much nearer to march to their assistance.
To build Hutts compact for ye conveniences of the army whether they Shd be seperated or formed into One Body appears to be necessary - for the Defence - good Government & Regulation of the Troops, should the Enemy remain in their present situation
Sir
I have the honr to be with profound respect you Excellencys most obedt & very humble Servt Jno Nixon B G
Fredericksburg 19th: Octor 1778
N.B.
I Beg Leave to Suggest to your Excellency the Expediency posting the Troops, belonging to Massa- chusetts Bay as near each other as ye service will admit, for ye Conveniency of their equally receive- ing the Benefit of those Necessarys which may be sent from Time to Time from Sd State.
His Excellency Genl Washington."
Soon after submitting this report, Nixon requests a furlough in his quaint letter of October 27, 1778.
"Most Respectful Sir,
The circumstances of my family are such as re- quire my immediate attention, which lays me under
50
ACTIVE HELPERS
the disagreeable necessity of soliciting a furlough for a reasonable time.
It is with great reluctance I trouble Your Ex- cellency at this time, and was not the situation of my numerous family very singular, I should not have done it. Col. Greaton who is an able good officer would command the Brigade in my absence.
I shall therefore cheerfully submit my request to the candor & benevolence of him whose tender feelings of humanity will ever prompt to every pos- sible indulgence not inconsistent with the public interest, and the dignity of his character.
I have the honor to be,
Yr Excellency's most faithful Servt
Jno. Nixon B. G.
Camp New Milford 2nd Oct. 1778"
This was granted, and Nixon was able to give assist- ance to his new wife to meet the hardships of winter, probably bringing together into one camp the children of the two families.
He was recalled February 26, 1779. Here is the order. "You will be pleased as soon after the receipt of this as you possibly can to repair to your command in the army. General Patterson has obtained leave of absence which makes your presence necessary."
At this time Nixon made an appeal to Washington for special discount in the purchase of clothing by his officers, and his letter is evidence of this very common hardship of the revolutionary service.
51
FROM FRAMINGHAM
"Colla Bargh near Croton River May 3d 1779 Sir
It has been represented to me by the Command- ing Officers of the 4th and 5th Massachusetts Bat- tallions, that the Officers of those Regiments have had no Opportunity to furnish themselves with Cloathing, at a price below the usual Rates, in any of the Continental Stores, as has been allowed by a Resolution of Congress; whilstmany Regiments in different parts of the Army, has been Amply Sup- plied.
I could wish therefore that the Officers of those two Regiments, (Namely Putnam's and Nixon's) if your Excellency should think it fit, might have an Opportunity of furnishing themselves with Cloathing in the public Stores to a reasonable amount, so as to put them upon an Equal footing with the rest of the Army in General. Especially as they are very destitute in some particular Articles.
I have the Honour to be with the highest respect Sir Your Excellencies most Obedient Humble Servant
Jno Nixon B. G.
His Excellency General Washington"
The spring of 1779 was a period of watchful waiting in the New York area. Manhattan remained in the possession of the British, and the Americans occupied various posts along and near the Hudson, with Wash- ington nearby in personal command. There are refer- ences in the Orderly Books to Nixon's presence in the Highlands, at Middlebrook, New Windsor, Continental
52
ACTIVE HELPERS
Village and other points. His brigade was in the division of Major-General Heath. I have found reports made by Nixon to Heath at this time.
"Continental Village, July 20th, 1779.
Sir:
I have Intelligence that the Enemy marched about Eight o'clock this morning from their En- campment below Croton, New Bridge down the Road towards Tarrytown - and that all the Ship- ping below Kings Ferry are on their way down the River.
I removed my Brigade last Night to the village on account of the Rain, having no Tents to Cover them, and shall still remain here (if agreeable to your Honor) till my Teams (which I have sent for) arrive to bring on my Tents etc.
I have Party of Infantry gone down to make fur- ther discovery; Immediately upon their return I shall transmit to your Honor whatever Intelligence they may Bring.
I am Sir with due Respect
Your most Obedient Humble Servant
P.S. I Gratefully Acknowledge)
your favour of last Evening ) and thank you for your Kind present Major Genl Heath"
This postscript indicates that they were on terms of friendly association. Another report follows the next day.
53
FROM FRAMINGHAM
"Continental Village July 21st 1779 Sir
Lieut. Cloyes (who Commanded the party I sent out yesterday down to Mathews's house near Colla Bargh) made no discovery of any of the Enemies Troops below Ver Planks Point, excepting those on board the Ships, where he Discovered the boats shifting the Troops from one Vessel to another - He informs me that Twenty three sail of Vessels lay at Anchor yesterday at three o'clock P. M. be- tween Kings Ferry and Fallers Point. He discovered about fifty tents pitched on Ver Planks Point near Port De La Fayette; the Troops kept close within their works - none to be seen but Sentinels.
Lieut. Cloyes discovered no Troops upon Stony Point.
I shall use my utmost endeavour to collect and send You the Best Intelligence in my power.
I am with due respect
Sir
Your most obedient Humble Servant
Jno Nixon B. G.
Major Genl Heath"
On June twenty-fourth there is a general order in anticipation of an attack which apparently did not come that the troops lay in a supply of hard bread and salt provisions enough for two days, and that Parsons and Nixon prepare for a junction upon an attack, the warning of which was to be given by Nixon's artillery.
On July fifteenth an attack was made on Stony Point, below West Point, led by Anthony Wayne, one of the most daring in the Revolution, which gave the Ameri-
54
ACTIVE HELPERS
cans possession for a few days of that headland, long enough to destroy the fortifications which the British had occupied. This was the westerly end of Kings Ferry. The easterly end was Verplanks Point, and this still re- mained in possession of the British. Washington re- quested advice of his Generals as to a further attack so as to take and hold both points. Nixon's reply is as follows:
"Continental Village July 27th 1779 May it Please Your Excellency,
My thoughts Respecting the Disposition of our army - the expediency of making an attack upon Stony & Verplans points, you have in the following.
The Disproportion of the Two armies, as to their Strength - renders the Disposition of our army very Difficult - to act offensively in any Capital Instance except (against the Two points) would be very hazardous, the improbability of success would be so grate that I should rather decline such an at- tempt, except, some favourable opportunity should present, in which ye advantage should be evidently in our favour.
Should it be judged inexpedient to act offensive- ly the next object to be considered is the most proper, Distribution of our troops - so as to best secure the property of the Inhabitants who are most exposed to the Depradations of the Enemy, to effect which after leaving one brigade in the Clove, & about three thousand to Garrison west point and its Dependencies. I should think the right wing of our army shd be posted at or near the Continental Village, & a Line to be formed to ye Left so as to extend our Left wing at Least as far as Byfield, to
55
FROM FRAMINGHAM
counter act the enemy, Shd they make another ex- coursion into Connecticut. from such a Disposition of our army, we might procure an ample supply of forrage for our Teams & Horses - and also Vegi- tables for our troops - which would contribute much to their Health in this sickly Season of the year, we might Likewise (in a great measure) pre- vent ye enemy from forrageing &c.
This Disposition appears to me the most elegible if an attack upon their army sho'd be Judged inex- pedient.
To attack Verplanks Point, with any Degree of Probable Success, unless by Regular approaches, appears to be impracticable, & in this case, unless some plan could be adopted to prevent Genl. Clin- tons marching up to their assistance, it would be altogether fruitless. We should be under ye Dis- agreeable Necessity of raising the Siege.
The same reason could not operate respecting an attack upon Stony Point, because that post must be carried by storm, & if Successful would be car- ried before any reinforcements could be sent them, a faint upon Verplanks point at ye same time, might prevent their sending over any assentance. How- ever considering the great effusion of Blood in taking Stony point, it might more then Counter- vail, the advantage we should gain thereby. I could not therefore advise to an attack upon either, unless upon both at ye Same time, upon Verplanks point by Regular approaches - & upon Stony point by assault in ye Nights abody of troops to be sent Down on ye East Side ye River at ye Same time to prevent the enemy from advanceing into the rear of ye Beseagers to cut of their retreet - whereby
56
ACTIVE HELPERS
their artillery at Least would be grately Indangered - What I have suggested is Humbly Submitted to your Excellencies Superior Wisdom - while I have the Honor to be with the utmost Esteem Si Your Excellencies Most Obediant Humble Servt
Jno Nixon B G
His Excellency Genaral Washington"
In the fall of 1779 Nixon was under the immediate command of Washington at West Point. The situation on the Hudson for another spring remained unchanged. There are references in the Orderly Books of a routine nature showing Nixon's presence at different points. The scene of the war was shifting to the South, although the necessity of keeping troops along the Hudson still continued. Nixon's health was impaired and thoughts of his home duties must have been frequently in his mind. Finally, in September 1780, he presents his resig- nation to Washington, sending a copy to his Major- General Robert Howe as follows:
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.