USA > Massachusetts > Norfolk County > Quincy > Some account of the early history and present state of the town of Quincy, in the commonwealth of Massachusetts > Part 2
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" In breife, mine host must indure to be their prisoner untill they could contrive it so that they might send him for England, (as they said), there to suffer according to the merit of the fact which they intended to father upon him; supposing (belike), it would prove a hainous crime.
" Much rejoicing was made that they had gotten their cappitall enemy, (as they concluded him,) whome they purposed to hamper in such sort, that hee should not be able to uphold his Plantation at Ma-re-Mount.
"The conspirators sported themselves at my honest host that meant them no hurt, and were so joccund that they feasted their bodies and fell to tippeling, as if they had obtained a great prize: like the Trojans, when they had the custody of Hippeus' pine-tree horse.
" Mine host fained greefe; and could not be persuaded either to eate or drinke; because he knew emptiness would be a meanes to make him as watchfull as the Geese, kept in the Roman Cappitall; whereon the contrary part, the conspirators would be so drowsy that hee might have an opportunity to give them a slip insteade of a tester. Six persons of the conspiracy were set to watch him at Wes- saguscus. But hee kept waking, and in the dead of night, (one ly- ing on the bed for further suerty,) up gets mine host, and got to the second dore that hee was to passe, which, (notwithstanding the lock )
* The historians, in speaking of Morton's arrest, say nothing of his being taken first at Weymouth. It may have been so. however, and have been passed over in silence.
: New English Canaan. p. 137.
hee gut open; and shut it after him with such violence, that it ut- frighted some of the conspirators.
" The word which was given with an alarme was, O he's gon, he's gon, what shall we doe, he's gon. . The rest half asleep start up in a maze, and like rames ran theire heads one at another full butt in the darke.
" Their grand leader, Capt. Shrimp, tooke on most furiously, and tore his clothes for anger, to see the empty nest and their bird gone. *
"In the mean time, mine host was got home to Ma-re-Mount through the woods, eight miles round about the head of the river * Monatoquit, that parted the two Plantations-finding his way by the helpe of the lightening, (for it thundred, as he went, terribly,) and there he prepared powther, three pounds dried for his present imployement, and four good gunnes for him, and the two assistants left at his howse with bullets of several sizes, three hundred or there- abouts, to be used if the conspirators should pursue him thether; and these two persons promised their aides in the quarrell, and confirmed that promise with a health in good rosa solis.
" After holding a Councell," continues Morton, " Capt. Shrimp takes eight persons more to him ;- and like the nine worthies of New Canaan, they imbarque with preparation against Ma-re-Mount, where this monster of a man, (as their phrase was,) had his denne-the whole number, (had the rest not bin from home,) being but scaven. would have given Capt. Shrimp, (a quondam Drummer, ) such a well -. come as would have made him wish for a Drume as bigg as Dioge- nes' tubb, that hee might have crept into it out of sight.
"Now the nine worthies are approached and mine host prepared; having intelligence by a Salvage that hastened in love from Wessa- guscus to give him notice of their intent.
" The nine worthies coming before the Denne of this supposed monster, (this seaven headed hydra as they termed him,) began like Don Quixote against the wind-inill, to beate a parly and to offer quarter, (if mine host would yeald,) for they resolved to send him for England, and bad him lay by his armes.
*
" But mine host had no sooner set open the door, and issued out, but instantly Capt. Shrimpe and the rest of the worthies stepped to him, lay'd hold of his armes; and had him downe, and so eagerly was every man bent against him, (not regarding any agreement made with such a carnall man,) that they fell upon him as if they would have eaten him.
" Captain Shrimpe and the rest of the nine. worthies made them- selves, (by this outragious riot,) masters of mine host, of Ma-re- Mount, and disposed of what he had at his Plantation."t
* This river is in Braintree, and is one of considerable importance. The name was probably given by the Indians. In the old records of the first Church, that part of the town which was afterwards known as the Middle Precinct. is often spoken o! under the name of Monatoquit.
+ New English Caraon pp. 130.1 !!
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In the same English Canaan, Morton goes on to say, that " they passed sentence that mine host should be sent to England, but," as he says, " when he was brought to the shipp for that purpose, no man durst be so foole hardy as to undertake to carry him. So these worthies set mine host upon an island, without gunne, powther, or shot, or dogge, or so much as a knife to get any thing to feede upon; or any other cloathes to shelter him. with at winter than a thinne suite which he had one at that time. Home liee could not get to Ma-re-Mount. Upon this island he stayed a moneth at least-and was receved by Salvages that took notice that mine host was a Sach- em, of Passanogessit, and would bring bottles of strong liquor to him, and unite themselves into a league of brotherhood with mine host, so full of humanity are these infidels before those Christians."
" From this place for England, sailed mine host in a Plimmoth shipp, (that came into the land to fish upon the coast;")- " and he stayed in England until the ordinary time for shipping, to set forth for these parts, and then returned. Noe man being able to taxe him of any thinge."*
Morton has recorded a Poem called Baccanall 'Triumphe, to the derision of the Seperatists, on account of their discontent at his return. - beginning thus:
" I sing the adventures of nine worthy wights.
And pity 'tis I cannot call them Knights."
But it is rather enigmatical, and would hardly be found interesting by any reader.
Afterwards, following his account, f" a Court is called of purpose for mine host ;- he there convented; and must heare his doom before he goe; nor will they admit him to capitulate, and know wherefore they are so violent to put such things in practice against a man they never saw before; nor will they allow of it though he decline their jurisdiction."
"There they all, with one assent, put him to silence, crying out, heare the Governor, heare the Governor-who gave his sentence against mine host at first sight, that hee should be first put in the Bilbowes, his goods should be all confiscated; his Plantation should be burned cleane to the ground, because the habitation of the wick- ed should no more appeare in Israell; and his person banished from these territories, and this put in execution with all speede."
į" The smoake that did ascend appeared to be the very sacrifice of Kain. Mine host, (that a farre of abourd a shipp did there behold this wofull spectacle,) knew not what he should doe in this extremity ; but bear and forbeare, as Epictetus sayes ;- it was booteless to ex- claime.
§" The Seperatists, after they had burned Mare-Mount, they could not get any shipp to undertake the Carriage of mine host from thence either by faire meanes or fowle."
" At last, however," he says, " one was found who took him off." This man he calls "Mr. Wethercock, a proper mariner." |" Hec
New English Canaan, p. 144. + Page 163. tp. 161. 6p. 180. | n. 182
1
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hoyst the sayles and put to sea; since which mine host has not trou- bled the brethren."
Such is the account, given in the New English Canaan, of the formal change of the name of Mount Wollaston to Mare-Mount, and of the arrest of mine host and his subsequent fate. In the main, the statements are true; that is, they agree with what we find in other histories of good authority. Thus his arrest, as he has recorded it, agrees well enough with the same as given by Prince, the best au- thority.
" Upon this they see no way but force, and therefore obtain of the Plimouth Governor to send Capt. Standish with some aid to take him. The Captain coming, Morton ** * bars his doors, sets his powder and bullets on the table ready. The Captain summons him to yield, but has only scoff's, &c. At length, Morton fearing we should do some violence to the house, he and some of his crew came out to shoot the Captain. At which the Cap- tain steps up to him, puts by his piece, takes him, enters the house, disperses* the worst of the company, leaves the more modest there, brings Morton to Plimouth, where he is kept till a ship going from the Isle of Shoals to England. He is sent in her to the New Eng- land council, with a messenger and letters to inform against him, and yet they do nothing to him, not so much as to rebuke him, and he returns next year."t
Princet has recorded the following public notice, taken of him, Sept. 7, 1630.
" Second Court of Assistants, held at Charlestown. Present, Gov- ernor Winthrop, Deputy Governor Dudley, Sir Richard Salton- stall, Mr. Johnson, Endicott, Sharp, Nowell, Coddington, Ludlow, Rossiter, Pynchon, Bradstreet. Ordered that Thomas Morton, of Mount Wollaston, shall presently be set in the Bilbowes, and after sent prisoner to England by the ship called the Gift, now returning thither; that all his goods shall be seized to defray the charge of his transportation, payment of his debts, and to give satisfaction to the Indians for a Canoe he took unjustly from them; and that his house be burnt down to the ground in sight of the Indians, for their satis- faction for many wrongs he has done them."§
This was put in execution; and, while in England, he joined with others in a complaint to the King against the colony, and proved, also, in this way, not a little troublesome to the early settlers. An order was, by his means, issued from the King in 1633, to prevent all further emigration to this Country, but it did not continue long in force.
* There is a tradition, that, at the time of this arrest of Morton, one Gardiner, who had been engaged with him in his hostile conduct to the other settlements, fearing their vengeance, fled into the woods, and there got bewildered in a swamp, and died; from which circumstance the swamp has been called Gardiner's Swamp to this day.
t Prince's Chronology, Vol. I. p. 177.
# Vol. I. p. 248.
§ This was, no doubt, somewhat in anger against Morton. His general condue+ towards the Indians was far from being of this nature
18
In Governor Bradford's Letter Book* is recorded the Assessment of the expenses of his first arrest, in 1628; which, besides that it gives a view of the comparative strength of the different settlements at that period, will also be found an interesting record, from its con- nexion with the character to whom it refers :--
From Plymouth, 2
1.
'S. 10
Naumkeak, (Salen,) 1 10
Piscataquack, (Mason's Company,) 2 2 00
Mr. Jeffrey and Mr. Buslem,
10
.‹ Natascot, 1 10
Mrs. Thompson (Squantum Neck,) 0 15
Mr. Blackston, (Boston,) 0 12
Edward Hilton, of Dover, 1 00
1. 12
It may be well supposed that this was a severe tax on the good people of New England, for those days of poverty; but even this was not all the expense into which they were led. "It cost us," says Gov. Bradford, f " a great deal more, and yet to little effect as the event showeth."
After being first sent to England, he returned in 1629, "and went," as Gov. Bradford says, " to his old nest at Merry Mount."- There he renewed his evil conduct, and became once more the sub- ject of public odium.
When again sent to England, in 1634, besides his book before published, he wrote a letter to one Jeffries, in New-England, which was perfectly in character with him. In it, he says, " Of these things I thought good, by so convenient a messenger, to give you notice, lest you should think I died in obscurity, as the brethren vainly in- tended I should." For this, and for his book, when he returned to New-England again, as he did in 1643, he was fined by the Court 100l. He was poor, and could not pay it. Hutchinsonį remarks, that "nothing but his age saved him from the whipping-post. He went to Acamenticus, and there died a year or two after." Morton, in his Memorial, says, |" After being grown old in wickedness, he, at last, ended his days at Piscataqua." Probably this was the same place under a different name.
Thus lived, and thus died, Thomas Morton.§ For the welfare of the plantation here, and for the comfort and quiet of the other set- tlements, it might be wished, that he had never come over from England.
There is no account to be found of the latter part of the life of Wollaston. It was a remark of President Adams, senior, that he was lost at sea. Whether this was gained from tradition or history, is uncertain.
-
* See Gov. Bradford's Letter B. in Col. Hist. Soc. III. 63.
t Historical Collection, III. 64.
Į See Hist. Vol. I. p. 32, note. || N. E. Mem. p. 141.
§ It was always the opinion of President Adams, senior, that Morton was support- ed in his conduct here, by Archbishop Laud, of noted memory ; and that it was his object to destroy here, as every where else, even the shadow of religious liberty.
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After this, the settlement was quite reduced. It is supposed, from the language of the historians, that a few were left here; whence we lay claim to the oldest permanent settlement* in the Massachusetts.
In a short time, Mount Wollaston was made a part of Boston, though still distinguished by the name of the Mount; and different portions of land were allotted to different fgentlemen, who came out and established themselves as farmers, so that here were the earli- est cultivated farms in New-England. Hancockt says, " that the lands were granted to Boston by the General Assembly of Massa- chusetts, in 1634, and that the settlement was soon carried on by sundry inhabitants, who came out, chiefly from Boston, and had grants of land from that town, for their encouragement." "The words of the grant in the public records of the province, run thus: " At a Generall Court, held at Newton, Sept. 3, 1634, it is ordered, that Boston shall have enlargement at Mount Wollaston, and Rum- ney Marsh. The bounds were settled April 13, 1636."
In the records of the Town of Boston, I find mention made of sev- eral of these first grants of land, and also other records, which may not be found uninteresting.
§ " 13th 2d mo., 1635. At a generall meeting upon publique no- tice, imprimis, it is agreed by generall consent, that our Pastor, Mr. "John Wilson, shall have libertie to improve what ground may be for him at Mount Woolistone, with free reserving unto him his grant at Mystick, until his coming home for further agreement with the in- habitants."
The lands this gentleman improved lay on what is called the Farms. TT The Quincy farm was among the earliest grants, as will appear from what follows.
" 14th, 10th mo., 1635. ** At a generall meeting upon publique notice, imprimis, it is agreed by generall consent, that Mr. William Colborne, Mr. William Aspynwall, Mr. John Sampford, William Balstone, and Richard Wright, shall, in the behalfe of the town, go and take view at Mount Woolistone, and bound out there, what may
*Mr. Savage, in his valuable notes to Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. p. 43, is inclined to believe that Quincy is the oldest permanent settlement in the Massachusetts Col- ony. Weymouth alone can dispute the claim, and there is but little reason to be- lieve that any of Weston's company remained there, when the settlement was made from Weymouth, in England. It is to be remembered that Plymouth was a separate Colony.
tIt may appear surprising, why, at this early period, such a disposition existed for the formation of a settlement in Braintree. The simple state of the case is, that the land was all cleared up, and therefore, on this account, was more convenient. The residence of Chickatabat, in these parts, was the reason of its early cultivation.
¿ Hancock's Century Sermon, p. 21, and note.
§ Records of City of Boston, Vol. I. p. 5.
|| Mr. John Wilson was the first minister in Boston, settled over the First Church and Society, now known as the Chauncey Place Church.
TI There is a tradition, that either Mr. Wilson, or some of his descendants, owned the place now owned by Mr. Edmund Billings. It was long known as the Wilson Place.
** Rec. City Boston, Vol. I. p. 4
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bee sufficient for William Coddington* and Edmund Quinsey,[ tu have for their particular farmes there; and, accordingly, as they five or foure of them shall agree upon to stand, and the same to be enter- ed in this booke."
Then is recorded a vote, to this effect: {" Item, it is agreed, that all the allottments at Mount Woolystone shall be set out by Mr. Coddington, William Collborne, William Aspynwall, Edmund Quin- sey, and Richard Wright, or some foure of them; and that every allottment shall have a convenient proportion of Meadowe thereunto, according to their number of Cattell that have the same. 4th 11th mo. 1635."
Even after the forination of the Church, and the incorporation of the town, the former in 1639, and the latter in 1640, grants were still made. Thus, §" 27th 7th mo., 1641. There is granted unto Job Judkin, to have a great lot for five heads, at Mount Wollaston, at Braintry." And on the ||24th 12th mo., 1639, " To Peter Brack- ett, of Braintry, for twelve heade, 48 acres." This last, I suppose, though granted before the preceding, was not recorded till. after the place was incorporated as the town of Braintree.
About the year 1642, Boston resigned all title to lands in Braintree, except certain portions reserved for Commons, as appears by this vote: "" 4th 1st mo., 1642. At a generall Towne's meeting, upon lawfull warning, It's ordered, that the residue of the Towne's lands, not yet disposed of, excepting those that are lay'd out for Commons at Boston, Braintry and Muddy river, shall be devided amongst the present Inhabitants, together with such as shall be admitted within two months now next following; and that, in this manner, viz. a greater proportion to them that have had lesse than their due, and the lesse to them that have had more, and proportionable to them that have had none, and this is to be done by the select-men, chosen for the Towne's business."
By the following vote, it would seem, that a parcel of land, esti- mated at forty acres, had been allotted to two gentlemen, and that the lot was afterwards found to contain more. One would have sup- posed, that, though bread and money were not abundant, yet that land was of so little value that this scrupulous exactness might have been spared. ** " There is liberty granted Goodman Basse and Goodman Baxter, to buy the overplus that remaineth in the three hill Marish, (marsh,) at Braintry, above their forty acres."
Two years after the preceding, we find that some of the common land in Braintree, belonging to Boston, was sold for the benefit of the clergyman, Rev. Henry Flynt. tt " 29th 5th mo., 1644. The land within the common fence at Braintry, neere the Knights' necke,
* Mr. Coddington's farm was the Mount Wollaston Farm, now owned by Hon. John Q. Adams. A descendant of this Coddington afterwards gave certain portions of land, lying towards Mount Wollaston, to the town of Braintree for the support of schools, as he said, " that the next generation might not be as ignorant as the pres- ent is."
1 Edmund Quinsey's Farm was the one now owned by Daniel Greenleaf, Esq.
# Rec. City Boston, Vol. I. p. 5 .- § Ibid, p. 55 .- ||Ibid, p. 38.
T Rec. City Boston, Vol. I. p. 59 .---** Ibid, p. 63.
tt Rec. City Boston, Vol. I. p. 71.
belonging to Boston, is hereby sold unto - Matson, James Peu- niman, Moses Payne, Francis Eliot, for 5s. per acre, be it more or lesse, to be pay'd in corne or cattle, within one moneth, into the hands of Mr. Henry Flynt, of Braintry, for his own use, on consid -. eration of his late great losse, through the hand of God's Providence, by fire."
How early the regulation of all matters concerning the Mount, came entirely into the hands of those who held possessions here, can- not be precisely determined. Without doubt, after the incorpora- tion* of the town, its inhabitants had the sole management of its con- cerns: although, even then, and for one hundred and fifty years af- ter, it was a part of Suffolk, and intimately connected with Boston. 1" At a generall Court of Election, held at Boston, May 13th, 1640, the petition of the Inhabitants of Mount Wollaston was voted and granted them to be a Town, according to the agreement with Boston, and the Town is to be called Braintree." The name, according to all accounts, was given to it from a town of the same name, in Eng-' land. į" Braintrey was a Village in England, near Chelmsford, where Mr. Hooker was the preacher." This was a common prac- tise with those who were engaged in the first settlement of the coun- try. An anecdote is told of the first minister of Boston, that when the Bostonians, who came from a town of that name, in England, wrote home, inviting their minister to join them, he first answered, " I will come, brethren, on condition the place is called Boston."- And it was so. Nor is it at all to be wondered at. Their thoughts naturally turned back to the delightful land they had left forever :-- and it was but in consonance with the best feelings of the heart, to wish to preserve, though it were but in a name, some memorial of the spot which was known to them as the scene of their childhood, the dwelling place of their kindred and friends, where stood the tombs, and where rested the bones of their fathers and brethren.
In 1640, as appears from the votes recorded in the first volume of the Braintree records, the inhabitants began to lay out their public roads; and as early as that, therefore, they exercised the power of a distinct town within themselves.
The following is a copy of the vote, for laying out the county road through the town.
" 25th 12th mo. 1640.§ At a Towne meeting, there being pres- ent Captain William Tinge, Samuel Basse, Steven Kinsly, Martin Sanders, Benimin Alber, Matthew Barnes.
At a meeting, this day, it was agreed by us and by Thomas Hool-
* The town soon became, after its incorporation, of considerable importance .- This appears from two circumstances recorded by Hutchinson. In 1637, Massachu- setts sent 160 men, together with some sent from Plymouth and Connecticut, against the Pequod Indians. The several towns are mentioned, with the number of men furnished by each-thus : Boston 26, Charlestown 12, Weymouth 5, Hingham 6, &c. But none were sent from the Mount. They probably could send none. Look at the place in 1642, and we find it bearing an equal tax with Weymouth. A tax of 800l. was apportioned as follows : Hingham, 20l., Weymouth, 14/., Braintree, 14/ .. Boston 1201. &c.
t See Hancock's Cent. Serm. p. 21, note.
# Winthrop's New-England, Vol. I. p. 87, note by Savage.
§ Braintry Rec. Vol. I. p. 7
brooke, and Henry Kingman, and Nathamel Adams, a Committee from Waymouth, to lay out the County way through Brantry to Dor- chester; that the same high way shall lye the full breadth of four rods wide, from Waymouth to Brantry meeting-house. And where- as, at the same meeting-house, the way cannot conveniently be liad at one end, we appoint two rods at one end thereof, and two rods at the other end, and then to fall to four rods againe, at a marke stumpe, a little beyond the meeting-house, and so that breadth to a stumpe of a tree, at *Goodman Neale's house, and then to be carryed the same breadth to the lot, called Hudson's lot, rectifying the present way, which now is, by taking it off by several noueks, as we have marked the same, at the same breadth to the going downe of the hill; and toward the brooke, from which hill to the brooke, six rods, and so runs one, (on,) four rods to Dorchester bounds, as it is already set out by severall marke trees for that purpose; and this we present to the honored Courte, to be recorded for the County high way for- ever."
In the records just alluded to, and from which the preceding is taken will be found, the votes passed for most of the old froads in the town. Some of these, from being unused, have become closed up, and now make a part of private property. One of these, which would be found, at the present day, very convenient, was the road leading from the corner of the land of Thompson Baxter over to the county road. . When the old stone meeting-house was no longer used as a place of worship, it became of less importance. There is now prospect of having this road again laid open.
In these records, moreover, are the votes passed, relative to the grant from the General Court of 6000 acres, to this town. The first is in this form.
" In the year 1667, the grant, March 1669, the vote passed by the Towne, at a generall meeting. The Honored Generall Courte, in way of answer to a petition, presented by the Deputy of our Towne, granted six thousand acres of land to the Towne of Brantry. In case this say'd grant be layed out, and confirmed by the Court, it is the vote of the Towne, that every accepted inhabitant, which is an householder in the Towne of Braintry, shall have an equal interest in the land granted, and that every such inhabitant and householder shall bear his equall portion of charge in the seeking of it, and lay- ing of it out, and all other charges as shall follow, and every man shall bring in his portion, in money, at the present time, at or before the 8th day of this instant March."
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