USA > Massachusetts > Bristol County > Rehoboth > The History of Rehoboth, Bristol County, Massachusetts, 1836 > Part 8
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During the life of the " good old Massassoit " the relations between the English and the Indians of Pokanoket were pacific, and their intercourse was usually amicable and friendly. His death occurring, as is believed, in the winter of 1661-2, he was succeeded by his eldest son Alexander ; and he dying the same year with his father, Philip, alias Pometacom, the second son of the benevolent old sachem, became, by the order of succession chief of the Wampanoags. Things for a while wore a pacific
* His Indian name has usually been written Metacom; but this appears to have been an abridgement of his real name, Pomctacom. See Drake's Book of the Indians, b. 3, c. 2, p. 13. 3d edit. Boston, 1834.
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aspect, though it is evident, that, from his accession, Philip cherished feelings of jealousy and hostility towards his English neighbours ; and that, sensible of their growing power, and the rapid decrease of the Indians, and seeing the inevitable fate that awaited him and his people, should the English be left to spread themselves thus unmolested, he determined to make one des- perate effort to free himself and his country by a war of utter extermination. The better to effect this, and disguise his in- tentions, he amused the English by professions of friendship and submission ; renewed the treaties which his father had made ; disposed of his lands, and gave quit-claims of those before sold by his father and brother, to raise the means for supplying his men with fire-arms and ammunition; cultivated the friendship of the neighbouring tribes of Indians, smothering the feuds and reconciling the quarrels of centuries ; and thus, by deluding the English, and strengthening himself by increasing his connexions and alliances, he was preparing secretly and silently the war which was to shake New-England to its centre and deluge the land with blood.
In the spring of 1671, Philip's hostile preparations and move- ments began to excite the fears of the frontier towns of Plymouth colony. A conference having been obtained with him at Taun- ton, he replied to questions respecting his unusual preparations for war, that they were intended for defence against the Narra- gansetts. But, it having been fully demonstrated before him, that he was on better terms with that tribe than he ever had been, and that he had planned an attack upon Taunton, See- konk, and other places, he was overwhelmed with confusion, and confessed the truth of these charges. So greatly was he in- timidated, that he signed a submission to the English, and deliv- ered to them all the fire-arms which he and his men had with them, promising to send all that he had in his possession : this promise, was, however, only to a small extent complied with.
After this pacification, nothing occurred for more than three years to excite the suspicions of the English; yet, during that time, Philip, though more cautious and guarded in his move- ments, was no less active and successful in maturing his grand plan of exterminating the English. He conciliated a peace with the Narragansetts ; visited in person the tribes of New-Eng- land ; and even travelled as far west as the Mohawks, por- traying in vivid colours the encroachments of the whites, and
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endeavouring to rouse them to make common cause against the English.
The Narragansetts had engaged to join Philip, with their whole strength, amounting to four thousand warriors. The spring of 1676 is said to have been the period agreed upon for the general onset. And had not Philip been obliged, by an unforeseen occurrence, to commence the war before his pre- parations were completed, the overthrow of the colonies, must, in all human probability, have been complete. But his plot having been prematurely developed, he was forced to commence the war under many disadvantages.
Philip's designs were made known to the English by John Sausaman, an Indian whom Philip had employed for some time as his private secretary. Sausaman had received from the ven- erable Eliot an English education, and had been employed by him in teaching school at Natic, a town of "Praying Indians."* But in consequence of some misdemeanor, Sausaman left Natic and repaired to Philip, at Mount Hope, and was by him em- ployed as his private secretary. Sausaman, naturally shrewd and plausible, managed to gain the confidence of Philip and make himself master of his most secret plans. By the solicita- tions of his former instructer, Mr. Eliot, he was induced to re- turn to his christian friends, and once more to submit himself to the church, from which, during his residence with Philip, he had apostatized. He was received into full communion by the church, and appointed a preacher at Natic. While at Natic, having occasion to visit Namasket (in Middleborough,) he fell in with many of Philip's tribe, and frequently with the chief himself. He soon ascertained to his own satisfaction that the designs of Philip towards the English were of the most dan- gerous character. He secretly communicated his apprehensions to the Governour of Plymouth, at the same time expressing fears for his own life, should the fact of his having made such communications come to the ears of Philip. Many circumstan- ces corroborating the truth of Sausaman's story, Philip and several of his Indians were examined, who, although nothing could be proved against them, "could not," says Hubbard, "free themselves from just suspicion." Sausaman was soon after murdered on Assawampset pond in Middlebury, and his body
* An appellation given to those Indians who had embraced christianity.
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concealed under the ice. The murderers, having, after some length of time, been discovered, were executed at Plymouth, three in number ; two of whom denied their guilt ;- but one confessed, immediately before his death, that his father, one of the counsellors and immediate friends of Philip, was one of the two that murdered Sausaman, and that he himself only looked on. Thus suspicions were excited that Philip was the instiga- tor of the murder.
Philip, apprehensive, perhaps, that he might be selected as the next victim to justice, and aware, at least, that his plot was discovered, kept his men constantly armed, marching them from place to place and receiving all the strange Indians that he could gather from all quarters.
The Court of Plymouth took no farther notice of this than to forbid, on a penalty, the lending of arms to the Indians, and to direct a military watch to be established in the towns border- ing on Philip's territory, hoping that Philip, finding himself not likely to be arraigned on account of the murder, would remit his hostile preparations and remain quiet.
On the 14th of June, at the urgent solicitations of Mr. James Brown of Swansey, (but formerly of Rehoboth,) the Gover- nour despatched a letter to Philip filled with amicable professions and disclaiming all hostile intentions, but complaining of his movements, and advising him to dismiss all the strange Indians that had resorted to him, and to give no credit to the sinister reports made to him of the English. This letter he answered only with threats and menaces of war. Church relates that the Indians with Philip, " would fain have killed Mr. Brown," who, with Mr. Samuel Gorton and two other men, bore the let- ter, " but Philip prevented it; telling them that his father had charged him to show kindness to Mr. Brown."*
Church was also informed at the same time by Peter, the hus- band of Weetamore the "Squaw Sachem of Pocasset," as she was termed, that the Indians with Philip were so impatient for war, that " Philip was forced to promise them, that, on the next Lord's day, when the English were gone to meeting, they should rifle their houses, and, from that time forward, kill their cattle."*
Church received this information on June 15th, and hasten- ing immediately to Plymouth, communicated it to the Gover-
* Church's Hist. of Philip's War, ed. by Drake, 1829, page 29.
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nour early the next morning, that he might expedite his prepar- ations for the defence of the colony.
Governour Winslow, now convinced that war with Philip was unavoidable, ordered the whole force in the vicinity to march towards Mount Hope, and despatched messengers to the Governour of Massachusetts, informing him of the hostile move- ments of the Indians, and soliciting immediate assistance.
On the Sabbath, June the 20th, Philip, according to promise, permitted his men to march out into the neighbourhood of Swan- sey, and to annoy the English by killing their cattle ; thus hoping to provoke them to commence the attack : for it is said, the Indians had a superstitious idea, that the party which began first would finally be conquered .* So insolent was the deport- ment and language of the Indians, that an Englishman under the impulse of anger fired + upon one of them and wounded him. This was the signal to the Indians for commencing open- ly the war.
An anonymous author, § who wrote several letters to London respecting Philip's war, that were published at the time in the form of tracts, although he says nothing of their killing any cattle, relates the following circumstances of this hostile visit of the Indians. " About the 20th of June last, seven or eight of King Philip's men came to Swansey on the Lord's day, and would grind a hatchet at an inhabitant's house there ; the master told them, it was the Sabbath day, and their God would be very angry if he should let them do it. They returned this answer, ' They knew not who his God was, and that they would do it for all him or his God either.' From thence they went to another house, and took away some victuals, but hurt
* Hutchinson I. 261.
t Hubbard's Nar. p. 59. The edition of Hubbard to which reference is made in this history was printed at Boston in 1775.
# Tradition informs us, that the Indian who was wounded, after killing some animals in a man's field, went to his house and demanded liquor; and being refused, attempted to take it by violence, threatening, at the same time, to be revenged for such usage : this caused the Englishman to fire on him.
§ These tracts are entitled " The present state of New-England with respect to the Indian War," &c. " faithfully composed by a merchant of Boston, and communicated to his friend in London." They were published at London in 1675 or 1676. A part of them were reprinted at Boston in 1833 by Samuel G Drake ; to whose politeness I acknowledge myself indebted for the loan of a copy of those not reprinted. I have followed the paging of the London edition.
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no man. Immediately they met a man travelling on the road, kept him in custody a short time, then dismist him quietly ; giv- ing him this caution, that he should not work on his God's day, and that he should tell no lies."
" These things," continues the same writer, " happening with many others of the like nature, gave the Rehoboth and Swan- sey men great cause of jealousies ; which occasioned them to send to Plymouth and to the Bay (i. e. Boston,) for some assistance, in case they should need it. But before any came to them, they of both towns were gathered together into three houses, men, women, and children, and there had all the provis- ions in common, so that they who had nothing wanted not."
The " Three houses " juto which " the inhabitants of both towns " (Rehoboth and Swansey,) were gathered, and where they rendezvoused during the war, were called garrison-houses. They were fortified and continually guarded in time of danger ; and were sometimes so strong, as to enable a few men to sustain a long siege against a large body of savages. The three prin- cipal garrison-houses maintained in Rehoboth and Swansey dur- ing Philip's war, and which were probably meant by the writer last quoted, were, one in Rehoboth North Purchase (now At tleborough,) called "Woodcock's Garrison," another on the south end of Seekonk Plain (now Seekonk Common,) and the third near Miles's Bridge, in the Northern part of Swansey ; this last was called " Miles's Garrison," from the Rev. John Miles, the minister of Swansey, whose house was garrisoned. It stood a short distance west of Miles's bridge,* probably near the site
of the tavern of Mason Barney, Esq.t Woodcock's garrison was named from John Woodcock, who built the house and oc- cupied it before the war and after it, during his life, for a public tavern. The following is the record of the license granted him for this purpose by the Court of Plymouth. "July 5th, 1670, John Woodcock is allowed by the Court to keep an Ordinary at the ten mile river (so called,) which is in the way from Reho-
* This bridge is over Palmer's river, about 3 miles north of Warren, R. I.
t In the year 1833, in digging or enlarging a cellar on this spot, a large number of cannon balls were dug out of the ground ; which leads me to sup- pose, that this was the site of the garrison. It is not mentioned by any histo- rian, that cannon were used by the English at Swansey at the time of Philip's war. But I know of no other purpose for which these balls could have been deposited there. The place where they were found I conjecture to have been the spot of Mr Miles's cellar.
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both to the Bay ; and likewise enjoined to keep good order, that no unruliness nor ribaldry be permitted there." [Plym. Colony Record.]
This garrison was in Attleborough, near the Baptist Meeting House, on the spot where Hatch's tavern now stands. A public house has been kept there, without intermission, from July 5, 1670, to this time, September, 1835, a period of nearly one hundred and sixty five years ! It is situated on the Boston and Providence turnpike. The old garrison was torn down in 1806, and a large and elegant building erected on the spot, 58 feet by 60, three stories high. The old garrison had stood one hundred and thir- ty-six years, when it was pulled down ; yet a great part of the timber was said to be perfectly sound, -"pierced however," says Dagget, " by many a bullet received in Philip's war." A small remnant, one room of the old garrison, may still be seen adjoining the wood-house. A relic of it also, it is said, is pre- served in the archives of the Mass. Historical Society. For a more particular account of Woodcock and his garrison, see His- tory of Attleborough, by John Dagget, Esq., 1834.
The principal garrison-house at Seekonk stood on the south- east side of the Common, on the spot occupied by the house of Mr. Phanuel Bishop.
Several other houses were occupied temporarily as garrisons ; but the three described were the strongest, and were always resorted to in times of the greatest danger. One of these tem- porary garrisons stood on the west side of the road between the house of Mr. Welcome Allen and the Orleans Factory, about fifty rods from the former. Remains of the cellar are still to be seen, and also the well, the stoning of which is standing entire.
Church mentions a Major Brown's* garrison, where a part of the Plymouth forces, on their arrival at Swansey, were posted. Where this garrison stood it is impossible now to determine ; though I have the impression, from the fact that Mr. Brown's father owned land very largely at Wannamoiset, which had now descended to his son, that it was in the same part of Swansey with Miles's garrison.
* This was James Brown, son of Mr. John Brown, frequently mentioned in the early history of Rehoboth, (see year 1662.) He was very active during the war; and was one of the Governour's Assistants for the years 1665 and 1666, and between 1670 and 1675 .- [Morton's Memorial, ed. by Judge Davis, pp. 297, 315, 318, 348.]
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Mr. Baylies, in his " Memoir of Plymouth Colony," [vol. II. pt. 3. p. 33,] mentions a garrison at the house of one Bourn, at Metapoiset, twelve miles distant from Swansey. Though in this he follows Hubbard [133] yet this distance,-"twelve miles," is undoubtedly an error. Hubbard, in another place, calls Metapoiset, " a small neck of land in the bottom of Taunton Bay, in the midway between Mount Hope and Pocasset neck ;" and mentions it as being twelve miles from Rehoboth .* This would make the distance between Miles's garrison and Meta- poiset six miles ; the former being six miles distant from Reho- both, and in the direction of the latter. Metapoiset neck is the same as is now called Gardner's neck, in Swansey, which runs into Mount Hope Bay, early called Taunton Bay.
The Court of Plymouth, on learning of the hostile visit of the Indians at Swansey, on the Sabbath, June the 20th, besides ordering the forces of the colony to march to that quarter, pro- claimed a fast in view of the threatened difficulties with the Indians, to be observed throughout the colony, on the following Thursday, June 24th. The following is an exact copy of this proclamation ;; and though little connected with the particular history of Rehoboth, yet, as it has never before been published, a desire to gratify the curiosity of the reader may, perhaps, be received as an apology for inserting it.
"The Council of this Colony, taking into their serious considera- tion the aweful hand of God upon us, in permitting the heathen to carry it with insolency and rage against us, appearing in their great hostile preparations, and also some outrageous carriages, as at other times, so in special, the last Lord's day to some of our neighbours at Swansey, to the apparent hazard if not real loss of the lives of some already ; do therefore judge it a solemn duty, incumbent upon us all, to lay to heart this dispensation of God, and do therefore commend it to all the churches, ministers, and people of this colony to set apart the 24th day of this instant, June, which is the 5th day of this week, wherein to humble our selves before the Lord for all those sins whereby we have provoked our good God sadly to interrupt our peace and com- fort, and also humbly to seek his face and favour in the gracious continuance of our peace and privileges, and that the Lord
* Hubbard's Nar. p. 70.
t This is transcribed from the Cotton MSS. in the Lib. of the Mass. Hist. Soc. It is in the handwriting of Mr. John Cotton, but subscribed by Mr. Morton.
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would be entreated to go forth with our forces and bless, suc- ceed, and prosper them, delivering them from the hands of his and our enemies, subduing the heathen before them, and return- ing them all in safety to their families and relations again; and that God would prepare all our hearts humbly to submit to his good pleasure concerning us.
" By orders of the Court of N. P. " NATHANIEL MORTON, Secretary. " Plymouth, June 22, 1675."
Concerning the day when the first English blood was spilled at Swansey, in this war, there seems, among historical writers, to be some discrepancy ; and the time of the arrival of the Plymouth forces at Swansey is also left in doubt.
They are thus stated in a " Description of Bridgewater,"* published in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections, vol. VII. p. 156, Second series. " At the commencement of hostilities, June 21, 1675, seventeen of their number," (of the people of Bridge- water,) " well armed and furnished with horses, 'the first that were on their march in the country,' went to Metapoiset, a small settlement about twelve miles from Swansey, ' to streangth- en the garrison at that place.' They were met by people from Swansey, driven from their habitations, and filled with terror, who advised and persuaded them to return ; but they fearlessly pursued their course and accomplished their object. They were in 'many perils' while there, but returned safe ; after the greatest part of the garrison, consisting of seventy persons, most of whom were women and children, were safely conducted to Rhode Island. Six persons, who were killed at that time, as they were, with their teams, conveying their corn into the garri- son, were the first that fell in that war."
In the following quotation from " Baylies' Memoir of Plym- outh Colony," [vol. II. pt. 3d, p. 33,] they are stated to have been slain on the 22d of June. " The Bridgewater company reached Swansey on the twenty-first of June, and were ordered by Capt. Bradford to proceed to Metapoiset, which was within
* This article was furnished by the Hon. Nahum Mitchell, late of East Bridgewater, now Librarian ofthe Mass. Hist. Soc. Boston. His authority for this statement, though not cited in the sketch, is, he informed me, in Hub- bard's Narrative, p. 133.
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the township of Swansey and next Mount Hope, but twelve miles distant. The design was to strengthen the garrison at the house of one Bourne, where seventy persons were collected, sixteen only of whom were men, the remainder women and children. On their march they were met by a number of peo- ple who had abandoned their houses, and were flying from the enemy, filled with terror, 'wringing their hands and bewailing their losses.' They urged the Bridgewater force to return, and magnified the danger of advancing, but these brave men proceeded and reached Metapoiset in safety. A son of Mr. Brown, the assistant, went with them as a guide. On the next day, a small party, who had been sent out to guard him home, on their return fell in with a party of thirty Indians. As their orders were positively to act only on the defensive, they quietly passed them, and reached the garrison. A party had been sent from the garrison with carts to bring in a quantity of corn from a deserted house ; the guard who had accompanied Mr. Brown, meeting with these carts, informed the drivers that the Indians were out, and advised them not to proceed ; but heedless of the advice, they went on, and were surprised and attacked. Six were killed or mortally wounded. One Jones escaped with a mortal wound, and barely reached his friends to die in their arms. The noise of the firing was heard at the garrison, but before the soldiers could reach the place, the affair was over. On the next week, fifteen of the soldiers were ambushed by twenty Indians, but they escaped without loss. They remain- ed at the garrison until they were reinforced, and then the house was abandoned, and its inmates transported in safety to Rhode Island. The gathering storm had now burst upon the devoted town of Swansey. The first English blood was shed at Meta- poiset."*
The following is Church's account of this affair. " An ex- press came the same day (Sabbath, June 20) to the Gover- nour, who immediately gave orders to the captains of the towns, to march the greatest part of their companies, and to rendez-
* Though no authority is given for this statement, yet I believe it agrees main- ly with Hubbard's Nar. [p. 132 to 135.] except in the date of the shedding of the first blood, which Hubbard makes June 22d. It is to be regretted, that, in a work of so much labor and research as the " Memoirs of Plymouth Colony," the learned and distinguished author should have almost entirely ne- glected to give authorities for the historical facts contained in what, had authorities been cited to enable us to accompany the author in his researches, would have been, to the historical treasures of New-England, an invaluable addition.
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vous at Taunton on Monday night, where Major Bradford was to receive them, and dispose them under Captain (now Major) Cudworth of Scituate. The Governour desired Mr. Church to give them his company, and to use his interest in their behalf, with the gentlemen of Rhode-Island. He complied with it and they marched the next day : " (this must have been Monday, June 21st.) " Major Bradford desired Mr. Church, with a com- manded party, to march in front, at some distance from the main body. Their orders were to keep so far before as not to be in sight of the army. And so they did, for by the way they killed a dear, flayed, roasted, and eat the most of him before the army came up with them. But the Plymouth forces soon arrived at Swansey, and were chiefly posted at Major Brown's and Mr. Miles's garrisons, and were there soon joined with those that came from Massachusetts, who had entered into a confederacy with their Plymouth bretheren against the perfidious heath- ens."*
" The enemy, who began their hostilities with plundering and destroying cattle, did not long content themselves with that game; they thirsted for English blood, and they soon broached it ; killing two men in the way not far from Miles's garrison, and soon after eight moret at Metapoiset :¿ upon whose bodies they exercised more than brutish barbarities, beheading, dismember- ing and mangling them in a most inhuman manner, which gashed and ghostly objects struck a damp on all beholders." [Church's Hist. of Philip's War, pp. 30, 31, 32.]
In the anonymous letters to London (entitled "The Present
"* The author seems to be a little before his story concerning the Masachu- setts men, for we know they did not arrive till the 28th June, and their arrival is related before the first men were killed."-Part of a note appended by Drake, the ed.
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