USA > Massachusetts > Hampshire County > Northampton > The Northampton book; chapters from 300 years in the life of a New England town, 1654-1954 > Part 3
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On December 14, 1732, Seth Pomeroy married Mary Hunt, daughter of Jonathan and Martha (Williams) Hunt. They had eight living children and one still-born son. If one may judge by Pomeroy's letters to his wife and hers to him-and it is impossible to doubt the sincerity and depth of feeling expressed in them-it was a very happy marriage. On May 27, 1745, Mary Pomeroy writes to her husband: "O thou, my longed for, good and tender husband-my heart is with you, soul much distressed and pained for you ... My dear husband, suffer no anxious thought to rest in your mind about me ... neighbors and friends are ready on all occasions to afford their assistance when needed and required. I am in health, and the family. No evil at any time hath occurred since your departure. Mr. Pease hath been faithful in your shop business."
On June 4, 1745, her husband writes to her from Camp Cape Breton: "I received your letter of the 23rd of April . . . The great satisfaction and pleasure with which I read it, and do daily, I have no words to set it forth. But, my dear wife, or other self, I hope you have received some of my letters, and if you have, you can tell in part what I felt. I never new(sic) what love was be- fore. May these in health find the dearest of earthly companions. . . . Since I left my dear wife and those seven little parts of my- self, at that pleasant place in the middle of Northampton, in my own home."
Four days later he writes again, also from Camp Cape Breton: "The great distance of place and length of time cannot, as long as in the flesh, in the least take off the edge of my love . .. My dear, avoid all hard and tiresome work, and let not my long ab- sence trouble you . .. teach, instruct, and as you are able, learn those pleasant children to labor, so that they may be helpful to their dear mother . . . The business at home I can order nothing
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about, not knowing the circumstances of it, and I desire that you would not tease and trouble yourself about it."
On June 11, 1745, Ebenezer Pomeroy, Seth's father, reports to him as follows upon the family: "With respect to your business at home, it goes on well. Your wife manages the affairs with con- duct and courage, and, indeed, that business that she was unac- quainted with before you went away ... With a little addi- tional encouragement I promised them, the boys are industrious. The new pasture is fenced, the hay got in well."
On July 30, 1745, after the surrender of Louisbourg, Pomeroy writes to his wife from Boston asking her to send a horse for him to ride home, and also a shopping list! "What things I thought you would want for yourself and family I set down before I left Louis- bourg, but doubtless some I have slipt, being so long gone and not knowing what is needed. Please to send an account of everything that you can think of that is wanting and I will endeavor to get them." A couple of years later Pomeroy is again in Boston and writes to his wife on August 1, 1747, that he has engaged a maid for her, or, as he expresses it, "I have bought an English girl's time for five years . .. for I am determined, if it is in my power, that you shall have help by a maid to ease you of some of your heavy labor."
To the end of his life his military duties do not interfere with his thought for affairs at home. In the last letter to his family, written from Peekskill on February 11, 1777, he says: "I understand that some of the prisoners ... are sent to Northampton. If there should be a smith among them, I should be glad to have you try him at the smith's business, or you may find one that will suit for the husbandry business."
MILITARY CAREER
There are no records of Pomeroy's military service before January 23, 1743, but he must have served with some distinction in the local militia before that date, when he was commissioned by Governor Shirley of the Massachusetts Bay Province as Cap- tain of the third company of "Snow Shoe Men, to be raised within the County of Hampshire, in the regiment of militia whereof John Stoddard Esq. is Colonel." The duty of these Snow Shoe men, as explained by Governor Shirley in his report to the Home Government (March 19, 1742) was to "hold themselves ready at
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the shortest warning to go in pursuit of any party of Indians, who frequently make sudden incursions whilst there is a deep snow upon the ground." No record exists, apparently, of any move- ment of these Snow Shoe companies, and we do not know whether they ever went into action.
On August 31 of the same year Pomeroy was commissioned Ensign of the first "foot company in the town of North-Hamp- ton, in the regiment of militia within the County of Hampshire whereof John Stoddard, Esq. is colonel."
Six months later, on February 24, 1744, he was given the com- mission of Major in Colonel Samuel Willard's regiment of the forces raised for the expedition against Cape Breton Island and the great French fortress of Louisbourg.
Fortunately for the historian, Pomeroy kept a diary in a pocket- sized notebook which is now in safekeeping in the Forbes Li- brary. In it one has a day-to-day record of the entire campaign. The troops left Boston harbor on March 21, apparently in the teeth of a northeast gale-and anyone who has taken a trip, say from Boston to Provincetown, in one of the present excursion steamers under similar conditions will shudder to think what it must have been like in a small sailing vessel. It took them two weeks to reach Canso Bay and apparently many of them, includ- ing Seth Pomeroy, were very seasick most of the time. They stayed at Canso until the last day of April, when they made a land- ing on Cape Breton Island and succeeded in taking the Grand Battery.
At this point Pomeroy's training came into play. He was put in charge of a detachment of smiths to bore out the touch-holes of the cannon which the French had spiked before abandoning them.
On May 8 he writes to his wife: "I expect to be gone from home longer than I did when I left it, but I desire not to think of return- ing home until Louisbourg is taken." Two months later, on July 10, the French sent messengers from the city with flags of truce, and terms of surrender were finally agreed upon. Pomeroy's com- ment in his diary is as follows: "had it (the surrender) not been at that very time, the next day must have been the day to have made a bold push at the city .. . and if we had (done so) it must, in all human probability, have proved fatal to our army and de- stroyed a great part of them . .. they might have kept us out
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and destroyed us if we had gone on in the way we had just con- cluded upon."
After a sixteen day voyage from Cape Breton Pomeroy reached Boston ("which," he says in a letter to his wife, "seems to be home") on July 29, and the next day wrote to his wife to ask that a horse be sent to him for the trip back to Northampton, where he arrived on August 8.
He was, however, soon back in active service. On the 23rd of April, 1746, he was appointed by Governor Shirley "to be Com- mander of the military forces raised this day to be sent to the re- lief of such of the frontiers in the County of Hampshire as are annoyed by the common enemy," that is, the Indians.
On June 15 of the same year he was commissioned Captain in Colonel Joseph Dwight's regiment of troops being raised for an expedition against Canada under Lieutenant General St. Clair. This expedition never started for Canada, because everyone was too busy defending the frontiers against Indian attacks.
There had been several Indian, or French and Indian, raids on what is now Charlestown, N. H., on the fort at New Hopkinton, and Upper Ashuelot (now Keene, N. H.) was besieged. Pome- roy's company was more or less actively engaged until the end of 1747. On November 28 he received orders from Colonel Wil- liams to send 27 of his men to Colrain to relieve the troops already there. On April 17 orders reached him from Colonel Dwight to detach 35 of his company and send them at once "to Northfield for protection and relief in their present distress" and there to take orders for further movements from Captain Melvin "who is on the spot and therefore better acquainted with circumstances."
About June 1747 he received orders from Colonel Stoddard to take charge of the men raised for special service and march them to Deerfield; to go on from there the next day to Hoosac unless he receives news that renders this unnecessary. "You must march your men with care, silence, and watchfulness." The men are to carry their own provisions, and "if any of the men do not carry a weeks provisions, let them, and not the others, suffer by their neglect."
On July 7, 1747, orders came from Colonel Dwight for men to be sent to the relief of Fort Massachusetts: "As you and your company have hitherto had as easy a berth as any, I think it now falls to your lot, and you must immediately repair there with 30
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of your men and take command of the fortress." Another detach- ment of 30 men was to be sent with him. The duties of these troops were to be "watchings and wardings ... constant scout- ing by small parties to be maintained northward, westward, and eastward." Immediate notice was to be given of any hostile ap- proach toward the frontiers. On August 19 he is still at Fort Massachusetts, but is moved from there some time between then and the following year, when we hear of him as a member of a party of nearly 250 men from Northampton, Hadley, Hatfield, Springfield, and Brookfield sent to "scour the Indians from the frontier."
In the last and the greatest of the French and Indian Wars, Seth Pomeroy reached new heights as a colonial military leader. Early in 1755 the expedition against Crown Point which had been post- poned in the previous Indian war was definitely launched, and on March 29, 1755, Seth Pomeroy was commissioned as Lieuten- ant Colonel. The regiment did not start for Crown Point until July 1.
On this expedition, as on that to Louisbourg, Pomeroy kept a daily record of events. On July 1, 1755, he notes that he "set out from home on the expedition to Crow (sic) Point." On July 1I he was in Albany and was entertained with the other field offi- cers by Governor Shirley. On July 17 the forces left Albany, but made slow progress because, as Pomeroy notes, they had to clear and mend the roads and repair bridges. Part of the stores were sent up the river in "battoes" (the American version, apparently, of the French bateaux), and part by road in wagons with a guard of about 100 men.
On July 29 they reached Saratoga-not the present city of that name, but a town on the Hudson opposite Schuylerville, which was the site of an old fort, and for long the farthest north of the English settlements. Here this army of thrifty New Englanders went to work to dig up the old cannon balls, of which they re- trieved some 1100. On August 1 they left Saratoga and started upon the difficult job of getting their stores up the river, with stops at each "Carrying Place." "A very grate fatigue," as Pom- eroy remarks in his diary.
Late on August 3 they reached Fort Nicolson, where they stopped to build two storehouses with a guardhouse and stock- ades and a trench for defense. Pomeroy's comment on this con-
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struction is: "If I was to judge by the appearance of things, an ill-contrived piece of fortification." At this point they were joined by General Johnson and his Indian troops. A council of officers was held on August 15 and it was decided to send out a call for more troops. New York was asked to send 400 men, Con- necticut 500, and Massachusetts 500.
On August 18 Pomeroy wrote to his wife that "perhaps a better set of field officers have not been together in an Army." There was however trouble with camp-followers, for Pomeroy notes that the officers felt obliged to vote "that all the women be sent out of the camp at the first opportunity of conveyance, and not to return to it again."
On August 26 orders arrived to march, with about 2000 men, and wagons to bring cannon and stores. They set out the next morning, but progress was slow as the work of clearing the roads was still going on.
There were at this time about 200 of General Johnson's In- dian troops with the army. Pomeroy is apparently very dubious about the expediency of having them. "They seem," he says, "to be engaged in our interest, but time alone will prove their sin- cerity."
On September I Pomeroy notes in his journal "a great uneasi- ness tending to mutiny." This must have been successfully dealt with, for nothing further is said about it.
On September 8 occurred the Battle of Lake George, which Pomeroy sums up as follows: "The fire began between 11 and 12 of the clock and continued until near five in the afternoon. The most violent fire, perhaps, that ever was heard in this country in any battle. Then we beat them off the ground. We took the French General, wounded, and near 30 of his men. A consider- able number dead on the ground, and by the account of the Gen- eral and others we took the grater part of his officers. The army was broken to pieces. The enemy losses must have been 4 or 5 hundred men."
The next day was occupied with the "melancholy work of burying the dead." They also retrieved a quantity of arms, am- munition, and stores abandoned by the French and built tem- porary fortifications or battlements to stand behind to fight "in case the enemy should attack us again, which we daily expect."
On the same day, September 9, Pomeroy reported by letter to
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Colonel Israel Williams as follows: "Yesterday a memorable day. I, being the only field officer in Colonel Ephraim Williams' Regi- ment supposed to be now living, think it my duty to let you know what happened the 8th of this instant, which was yesterday. ... News as follows." He then gives a detailed account of the battle. "Such a battle, it is judged by all that I have heard was never known in America. The enemy fought with undaunted courage and the greatest part of the English with heroic bravery until about 5 o'clock in the afternoon. Then we got the ground. Among the prisoners taken were the French General and his aide de camp." From the papers of these officers they learned the strength of the French army at Lake George and also at Crown Point. They also got the French plan of operations, a map of the American fort at the Carrying Place and of the camp, and a state- ment of the number of men in the American forces. "The French General (Baron de Dieskau) came with full assurance to lodge in our tents that night, which, to his great surprise, he did ... but, Blessed be God, as a wounded captive." Seth Pomeroy's brother Daniel was among the officers killed in this battle.
After the battle "the main body of our Indians went off," says Pomeroy in his diary, "with a quantity of plunder. ... They carried off no doubt many of our goods. ... If they had never come among us it had been better for us."
On September 10 Pomeroy was commissioned as Colonel to fill the place of Colonel Ephraim Williams, killed during the battle. As soon as the fighting was over the troops proceeded at once to fortify the camp against future attacks, building battle- ments and mounting their cannon. Wagons, stores, and new re- cruits came flocking in. On October I Pomeroy tells us that some five or six hundred men are at work building a fort (to be known as Fort William Henry). The question of proceeding at once against Ticonderoga was decided in the negative because of insufficiency of men and of provisions and of the fact that many of the men who were there were incapacitated by illness.
Pomeroy himself was soon on the sick list. He noted in his diary on September 20 that he was "in an ill state of health by a grate (sic) cold," but he continued on duty, getting worse and worse until on October 19 he was finally obliged to ask for sick leave, and was granted it. He set out for home on horseback on the 20th accompanied by Titus Pomeroy, one of his nephews, but by the
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time they reached "Saratoga" at night on the 2 Ist he was too sick to ride. A "Dutch bunk" was procured, with straw for a mattress, and lying in this he was rowed down the river in a "battoe." In this way he got as far as "the Flats," where he was taken to Colonel Schuyler's house and remained there, very ill, for about ten days. By November 17 he had recovered sufficiently to set out on the journey home. His wife and eldest son evidently came part of the way to meet him, for he mentions them as accompany- ing him on the trip from Kinderhook to Northampton. They reached home on the 2 Ist. He notes in his diary, "Came to my own house about 2 of the clock after noon. ... All good weather since we set out, which was a grate favor, especially for me when just recovered from sore sickness." His name was carried on the rolls as Colonel of his company until December 10 of that year (1755), when he must have reported his disability for further active service.
However, in August 1757, during the invasion by Montcalm, Pomeroy marched as "Colonel Cadet" with volunteers under Colonel Israel Williams to the defense of Fort William Henry. The regiment was in service only about two weeks.
On October 20 of 1759 a letter from Thomas Hubbard, Indian Commissioner, notified him that he was to proceed to Fort Massa- chusetts and West Hoosac (later Williamstown) to view the situations of both garrisons and to dispose of the men in each as he shall think best. Two days later orders reached him from Gov- ernor Pownal, putting him in charge of the frontier garrisons and ordering him to see to it that scouting parties are sent out between garrisons. On November 6 he reported to the Governor on conditions at the frontier and on the measures he had taken to improve and strengthen the defenses. On January I following, the Governor wrote approving what had been done: "I have the pleasure to see everything done in a prudent and soldier-like man- ner." From April 16 to June 20, 1760, Pomeroy was in active com- mand of the frontier forts, with men distributed at Colrain, Charlemont, West Hoosac, and Fort Massachusetts.
From then until the beginning of the Revolution there seems to be no further record of activity on the part of Colonel Pom- eroy, and one must assume that he was peacefully occupied at home as smith and farmer.
The part played by him in the events leading to the Revolu-
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tion and in the Revolution itself is treated in Chapter Five in Northampton's Part in the Revolution. He was presumably (al- though not mentioned by name) one of the Hampshire County officers who upon the outbreak of the Revolution formally re- nounced their British commissions. On February 9, 1774, the Provincial Congress appointed him "General Officer," and on October 27 of the same year he was named as "third in command" of the Massachusetts forces. In May of 1775 he was commissioned as Major General, and on June 16 of the same year the Conti- nental Congress appointed the first Brigadier Generals in the American Army, with Pomeroy's name heading the list. He, ap- parently, never accepted the appointment. His name appears, however, at the head of the list of our first Brigadier Generals on the tablet at West Point.
Seth Pomeroy's last service to his country was (in spite of the remonstrances of his family and his doctor) to leave home, at the age of 71, and proceed to Peekskill on the way to join Washing- ton at Morristown. From Peekskill he writes to one of his sons on February 11, 1777: "I go cheerfully, for I am sure that the cause we are engaged in is just, and the call I have to it is clear, and the call of God. With that assurance, who would not go on cheerfully and confront every danger?"-the final expression of the firm re- ligious faith that is manifest throughout his letters and his diaries.
His health and his age, however, were not as strong as his spirit, and a week after writing the letter just quoted he died in Peeks- kill and was buried there with military honors. His sword, form- erly owned by the Seth Pomeroy Chapter of the Sons of the American Revolution in Northampton, has been placed in Forbes Library.
One cannot study Seth Pomeroy's letters and diaries without developing a very great admiration for his integrity, his simplicity, and his kindliness, as well as for his qualities of courage and leadership. Both as a citizen and as a soldier he is a son of whom Northampton has every reason to be proud.
Chapter Five
The Part Played by Northampton in the Revolution
By ELIZABETH A. FOSTER
I N September of 1774 a call was issued by the leading citizens of Northampton and Springfield for a convention to be held in Northampton on September 22. Northampton was repre- sented by Joseph Hawley, Ezra Clark, Josiah Clark, Jr., Ebenezer Hunt, Jr., and Ephraim Wright. After a full discussion of the ac- tion of the British Parliament in taxing the American Colonies and in "subverting the Constitution of the Province," a commit- tee was appointed to consider the subject. This committee re- ported on the following day. The main points of their report are as follows:
I. As true and loyal subjects of his Majesty George III, King of Great Britain ... we by no means intend to withdraw our al- legiance from him so long as he will protect us in the free and full exercise and enjoyment of our charter rights and liberties. 2. This charter should be kept sacred and inviolate by both parties and cannot be altered in any respect by one party only without a most criminal breach of faith. We know of no instance in which the inhabitants of this Province have violated this compact. 3. Sev- eral acts of the British Parliament infringe the just rights of the Colonies and of this Province in particular. 4. In reference to the summons issued by Governor Gage for representatives to be sent to the general court or assembly of this province at Salem on Oc- tober 5th, called by Governor Gage, the town should consider whether such representatives can do any one act in concert with His Excellency Thomas Gage Esq. and his council without an implied acknowledgment of the authority and force of the above said Acts of Parliament. 5. All collectors and other officers who have or shall have moneys collected upon the provincial assess-
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The Part Played by Northampton in the Revolution
ments, shall delay payment of them until the civil government of this province is placed upon a constitutional foundation; said moneys to be deposited in the treasuries of their respective towns or districts. 6. The inhabitants of the towns and districts within the county are advised to acquaint themselves with the military art under such leaders as they shall choose, and to furnish them- selves with the full lawful quantity of ammunition and good ef- fective arms as soon as may be.
The above resolutions of the Convention were approved by Northampton in a town meeting held on October 29.
On November 10 and II of the same year the officers of the first Hampshire militia regiment met in Northampton. They formally renounced any authority that they might have "by vir- tue of any commission from Thomas Hutchinson Esq., late Gov- ernor." This regiment covered Northampton, Southampton, Hat- field, and other towns. Its commanding officer was Colonel (later General) Seth Pomeroy of Northampton, a veteran of the French and Indian Wars.
In this same year Northampton was represented by Joseph Hawley and Seth Pomeroy at the first Provincial Congress, which met in October in Concord and then in Cambridge. On October 14 Colonel Pomeroy was sent to Boston as member of a commit- tee appointed to talk with General Gage. Both Joseph Hawley and Seth Pomeroy also represented Northampton at the meetings of the Second Provincial Congress, and Joseph Hawley and Elias Lyman at the third.
The Provincial Congress recommended the formation of com- panies of Minute Men, and by vote of the town such a company was formed in Northampton in November of 1774. The company was made up of about 100 men and was under the command of Captain Jonathan Allen. In 1775 the selectmen of Northampton contracted with Breck and Hunt for the sum of 47 Pounds paid by the town, to "keep and maintain for the use of the inhabitants of Northampton the full quantity of 345 pounds of good mer- chantable gunpowder, 720 pounds of merchantable lead and 1000 good gun flints in good condition at all times, to be delivered when wanted."
On the morning of April 21, 1775, at about eleven o'clock, the news of the battle of Lexington reached Northampton, and with- in a few hours the first company of Northampton Minute Men,
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led by Captain Jonathan Allen, were on the way to the front. Captain Allen was by trade a carpenter and joiner, and at the time the alarm sounded he and his men were at work rebuilding a re- cently burned barn. They instantly dropped everything, "went over the fences like deer," and were soon in the town square, ready to march. They were briefly addressed by Colonel Pom- eroy and started at once for the front. They reached Belcher- town in the evening. On the 22nd they marched to Brookfield. At Ware one soldier's courage failed him and he went home. They reached Shrewsbury on the 25th and Concord on the 26th. Both officers and men were on foot, their baggage following them by wagon. From Concord they went to Cambridge and thence to Roxbury. Most of the Northampton company volunteered for eight months, though some went home and were replaced by others. The company was encamped so close to the British lines that only about 15 rods separated the American sentries from the British ones. They took no part in the Battle of Bunker Hill, but heard the firing, and at least one British shell fell in the camp, damaging one soldier's gun and wounding Luther Pomeroy of Northampton.
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