USA > Massachusetts > The Quaker invasion of Massachusetts > Part 6
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1 Bryant and Gay's Popular History of the United States is a notable exception. Mr. Gay is not only accurate in state- ment, but impartial in his judgments.
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icism not only worthless but pernicious. The modern Quaker has a right to appeal from the fiction to the truth of history in vindication of his ancestors. There are scholars in the old Bay State who are never backward when the Puritan fathers are to be defended. They are competent by knowledge, experience, and ability to inves- tigate and to report. Let any one of them examine all the records carefully, with an eye for the truth, and publish the evidence upon which the verdict of these popular writers is supposed to rest. It will be found to be astonishingly meagre. Though "screaming out through barred windows " is believed to have been a popular Quaker method of bearing testimony, but few such cases are to be found, and they were jus- tified by the provocation. Friends were sometimes punished by being put in the stocks, and occasionally, while enduring this enforced degradation, they testified aloud against the wickedness and cruelty of the authorities. Unless it can be shown that the prisoners were punished because of some social disorder, it would be unfair to class such acts as extravagances. Instances of the kind are very rare. If they are nu- merous, let us have them.
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Interruption of church service occurred just often enough to suggest the popular fic- tion as to its frequency. Down to the pas- sage of the inhuman law of May, 1661, the offenses were confined almost exclusively to righteous rebuke of persecution, sometimes by letter and sometimes verbally. At- tempts to address the ministers and people at the close of sermon or lecture may have occurred a dozen times during the entire six years, though ordinary authorities do not furnish so many cases. Whether or not this class of offenses should be ranked with the " extravagances," can be determined better after the whole matter has been care- fully reviewed. After the execution of four Quakers, and especially after the passage of the law of May, 1661, or, to put it in an- other way, as the persecution waxed hotter, the testimony of Friends became more marked, and perhaps more frequent, but even then the number of those who were guilty of improper acts was by no means great. When we remember the bitter and persistent provocation, we can but admire the calm, quiet, and dignified self-restraint exhibited by " most " of them. Should any competent Puritan apologist attempt the
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examination suggested, let us have in full the " wild rant," the outcome of " besotted stupidity," with the circumstances under which it was uttered, and the date. Let him cite every case of Quaker indecorum and indecency he can find, stating exactly what was done or said, and giving the pre- cise, or, if it is not known, the approximate date of each event. Let him arrange these cases in the order of their occurrence, and, side by side with them, quote the Puritan laws with the dates of their passage, and, also, all other provocatory acts of the authorities. Let him report each in the proper order of time - the numerous ar- rests, the indictments, the pleas of the pris- oners, the notes of the magistrates, the trials, convictions, sentences, and punish- ments inflicted, just as he finds them on the records. It will not suffice to say that, in general terms, the Puritans accused the Quakers of " contemptuous behavior to au- thority," unless substantiating evidence of the alleged misdemeanor is produced, for, as has already been shown, the Puritan offi- cials did not hesitate to bear false witness concerning the victims of their pious wrath. Such evidence is clearly of slight value and
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inadmissible, unless it is competent for one and the same party to perform the functions of judge, jury, prosecuting attorney, and witness, all in one. It must be remem- bered, too, that by " contemptuous behav- ior " the magistrates often referred to the Quaker's custom of wearing the hat, to his use of the singular number in addressing one person only, and to his refusal to take the oath. These customs were not aimed at authority, nor were they subversive of social order, but, as the Puritans well knew, they were matters of conscience. It was, and is, manifestly absurd to pretend that while the Friends wore hats in their own assemblies and addressed each other in the plain language, they wore the same hats and used the same style of speech, in the presence of government officers and church ministers, as a mark of their contempt.
Too much of special pleading, reckless writing, and rhetoric, have been expended on this subject. It is time now for the presentation of an impartial statement of the truth, unadorned by efforts of the im- agination. We need a well considered judgment based upon the plain facts. The tenor of such judgment is beyond question.
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It will be found that " most " of the Massa- chusetts Quakers were not ignorant and lawless, nor seditious and pestering, nor rancorous and indecent, but that they were fully as intelligent and well-informed, often more enlightened, and, on the whole, quite as well behaved and as guiltless of social indecorum as the Puritans themselves.
A fair examination can result only in a complete overthrow of the theory that they were the aggressors, and "wantonly ini- tiated the strife," and that by their wild misdeeds the Puritans were " beyond meas- ure provoked and goaded to the course which they pursued." It will be seen that the Quakers, not the Puritans, were goaded and tormented, and that it is a reversal of the truth to put it otherwise. Another canse for Puritan cruelty must be discov- ered. We have yet to learn what Quaker offense so frenzied Bellingham as to drive him to inflict such barbarous treatment upon Ann Austin and Mary Fisher, im- mediately upon their arrival here, in the early part of 1656; what the outrage that "goaded " Governor Endicott into forward- ing his letter from Salem, saying, had he been at home, he " would have had them
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well whipped "; what the nature of the offenses that led to the imprisonment and treatment as criminals of Christopher Hol- der, Thomas Thirstone, William Brend, John Copeland, Mary Prince, Sarah Gib- bons, Mary Whitehead, Dorothy Waugh, and Richard Smith, when they first came here, in 1656. The list of objurgations and indecencies that, in October, 1656, " stung and goaded " the Puritans into passing the first act in the series of cruel legislation is yet to be given. The story of Nicholas Upsall should follow this recital. The checkered career of this brave old man will serve to indicate the " seditions and rancorous " character of the Quakers.
Mary Dyer and Anne Burden were the first Quaker visitors who arrived after the passage of the law of 1656. Mary Dyer's career, and especially her bearing when she faced death on Boston Common, will illns- trate the " dogged pertinacity " with which she persecuted her reluctant executioners. Endicott, it is said, gave her an opportunity to save her life by lying, which, however, she was too obstinate to do. This pure, in- telligent, and devoted woman is pilloried in history 1 as one " of the most insufferable
1 Memorial History of Boston, vol. i. p. 168.
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tormentors " of Boston. Of what insuffera- ble acts was she guilty ? What is the evi- dence upon which this description of her is based ? The story of her companion is not so widely known. It is interesting as a bit of evidence to show how the authorities were made desperate by the intrusiveness of Quakers.
Anne Burden was not a preacher. She came here to settle the estate of her de- ceased husband. Bellingham, before whom she was arraigned, could find no fault in her, but said " she was a plain Quaker and must abide the law." Though ill at the time, she was thrust into gaol where she was detained about three months. During her imprisonment some tender-hearted peo- ple collected debts for her to the value of thirty pounds. Finally, she was shipped direct to England. Her request to be al- lowed to go to Barbadoes, as her goods would bring a better price there, was re- fused. Her property was assessed fourteen shillings to satisfy the gaoler's fee, and seven shillings for boat hire to carry her to the ship - for though the captain offered to carry her in his own skiff, without charge, she was compelled to go with the hangman,
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who, at her expense, had provided one. She was further robbed of goods to the value of six pounds ten shillings, for her passage, of which the captain never received a shilling. She, however, on reaching Lon- don, though under no obligation to do so, paid him in full. It is to be hoped that when the Puritan version of this "intru- sive " Quaker's story is told, we shall learn what became of the six pounds ten shillings, of which she was distrained, though it may be that in the " frenzy " of the moment, produced by her " pestering and indecent " conduct, such trifles were overlooked. Let some one name, if he can, a single act of this woman or a single act of any one of the few Quakers who preceded her, that justi- fies or palliates the treatment she received.
Another class of Quaker intruders has its place in our early history. Their " lawless fanaticism," as indicated by the evidence about to be given, may help to explain how the magistrates were beyond endurance pro- voked by these aggressors and "wanton initiators " of strife. It appears that James Cudworth, a magistrate of New Plymouth and a captain, was left off the bench and lost his captainey, because he had enter-
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tained some Quakers at his house in order to become better acquainted with their prin- ciples, which, however, he never adopted. He says, " the Quakers and I cannot close in divers things, and so I signified to the court I was no Quaker, . . . but as I was no Quaker, so I would be no persecutor." This Puritan Cudworth wrote a letter, dated in the 10th month, 1658, graphically de- scribing the condition of affairs in both colonies, in which he says of the Quakers, "They have many meetings and many ad- herents ; almost the whole town of Sand- wich is adhering towards them. . . . The Sandwich men may not go to the Bay, lest they be taken up for Quakers ; W. New- land was there about his occasions, some ten days since, and they put him in prison twenty-four hours, and sent for divers to witness against him, but they had not proof enough to make him a Quaker, which, if they had, he should have been whipped ; nay, they may not go about their occasions in other towns of our colony, but warrants lie in ambush to apprehend and bring them before a magistrate to give an account of their business. Some of the Quakers in Rhode Island came to bring them goods, to
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trade with them, and that for far reasona- bler terms than the professing and oppress- ing merchants of the country, but that will not be suffered." Referring to the imita- tion of the Massachusetts Bay magistrates by the Plymouth authorities, in their perse- cution of Quakers, he significantly says, " and now Plymouth-saddle is on the Bay horse." This remarkable letter1 is too long for reproduction here, but any detailed re- cital of evidence would be incomplete with- out it. It is a curious commentary upon the " aimless spirit of annoyance " that led many of the " pestering and intrusive " Quaker visitors to the Bay. The letter is also of collateral value here, because it suggests the correction of a very serious error which occurs in an essay by Judge William Brigham, published by the Massa- chusetts Historical Society. Judge Brig- ham asserts, with evident satisfaction, that in New Plymouth colony there was a " law against Quaker Ranters. but no Quaker had a hair of his head hurt." Judicially speak- ing, it may be true that the Quaker hair was not pulled in Plymouth as it was in Boston, but Judge Brigham ought to have 1 See Appendix, pp. 162-172.
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known, and might easily have learned, that the Plymouth authorities, though less harsh and vindictive than their neighbors, were nevertheless adepts in the business of scourg- ing Quakers. What are we to expect from untrained men, when a distinguished mem- ber of the bar is so heedless in his state- ments ?
It is by no means necessary to produce the entire record in order to confirm the views expressed, or the positions taken here, in opposition to opinions and theories that prevail in the popular mind ; but the Pu- ritan apologist who cares to revise his judg- ment should read the whole of it. In his review of 1658 he will not overlook the glass bottle feat of Sarah Gibbons and Doro- thy Waugh, but when he tires of this scene, let him leave the church and watch for a moment the threefold knotted whip as the lash descends upon the back of Hored Gard- ner. If he will listen closely, he will hear this Quaker woman's voice, as it ascends to Heaven, pleading for forgiveness of the per- secutors.1
1 See Appendix, pp. 172, 173.
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CHAPTER V.
THE CAUSE OF THE WAR AND ITS RESULTS.
DR. ELLIS says "our Fathers cared little, if at all, for the Quaker theology. They did not get so far as that in dealing with them." On the contrary, their abhorrence of the religious opinions or belief of the Friends was the real cause of the persecu- tion.
The cardinal principles and leading tenets of Quakerism have been detailed in a pre- ceding chapter, and therefore only brief men- tion of them is necessary here. In common with the Puritans, the Quakers believed in the divinity of Jesus, the Christian atone- ment, a future life either in heaven or hell, and the inspiration of the Bible. In com- mon with the Puritans, they condemned as idolatrous the ceremonial service of the Established Church, but they also denied the efficacy of ordination, baptism, formal prayer, and the sacrament of the Lord's supper. They sought to restore the spirit-
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uality and simplicity of primitive Christian- ity. Their reliance upon what they called the Inward Light, as a sufficient guide in matters of religion, has always distinguished them from all other religious sects. This Inward Light may be briefly explained as follows: God is an indwelling Spirit, and Humanity is His holy temple. His law is written upon the hearts of all men, and obedience to it will lead them into all truth, so far as religious truths are revealed to men. . Through the operation of this law the soul of man is accessible to his Creator. It is the rule of life to which every one must subject himself, and out of which duty is evolved.
The Quakers were further distinguished from other sects by their determined cham- pionship of religious freedom. With other ยท men religious liberty was a matter of opin- ion and political policy, but in the Quaker philosophy it stood as a divine principle and an inalienable birthright.
New England Puritans denounced the Quaker Light as an ignis fatuus, and a "stinking vapor from hell." For spirit- ual and moral guidance they relied solely upon the revealed law as contained within
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the limits of the Bible, and especially the Old Testament, and, we might add, they rested their ecclesiastical, civil, and penal legislation upon the same authority. They attempted to build up a theocratic govern- ment. Leaving their native homes to es- cape persecution, they established them- selves here, only to deny religious liberty to all comers. Toleration was only second to heresy in their list of pernicious errors. If we fully realize the differences that sepa- rated them from the Quakers, we shall see that a conflict between the two was inevita- ble. Resistance to religious tyranny was an imperative and sacred duty with the Quaker. Extermination of heresy and per- secution of non-conformists were essential articles in the creed of the Puritans. Let us review the evidence.
The first reference to Quakers in the colonial records speaks of their "abounding errors." The first two Quakers arrive and are found to hold " very dangerous hereti- cal and blasphemous opinions." They are closely confined until they can be sent away in order " to prevent the spread of their corrupt opinions." The first count in the indictment embodied in the preamble of
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the first law aimed at Quakers is stated in the emphatic words, " cursed heretics," and, as has been shown, succeeding laws are aflame with charges of heresy and blas- phemy. In October, 1658, John Norton was employed by the Court to write an ex- posure and refutation of Quaker errors. The order reads, "Whereas this Court, well understanding the dangerous events of the doctrines and practices of the Quakers, hath by law endeavored to prevent the same, but finding that some of them do dispense their papers, so expressing themselves therein as that they may deceive divers of weak capac- ities, and so draw them in to favor their opinions and ways, - now, for the further prevention of infection, and guiding of peo- ple in the truth, in reference to such opin- ions, heresies, or blasphemies by them ex- pressed in their books, letters, or by words openly held forth by some of them, the Court judgeth meet that there be a writing or dec- laration drawn up, and forthwith printed," etc. In November, 1659, the Court, "by the honored Governor," thanked Mr. Nor- ton " for his great pains and worthy labors in the tractate he drew up, and by order of this Court hath been printed, wherein the
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dangerous errors of the Quakers is fully re- futed and discovered, and to acquaint him that this Court hath given him five hundred acres of land . . . as a small recompense for his pains therein."
When this same Christian minister, John Norton, volunteered to defend the inhuman gnoler who treated William Brend with such horrible barbarity, it was not because Brend was guilty of any breach of the civil law, but because " he endeavored to beat our Gospel ordinances black and blue." In October, 1658, a petition addressed to the Court, asking for additional legislation against the Quakers, complains of " their denial of the Trinity, . . . of the person of Christ, . . . of the Scriptures as a rule of life." 1 In December, 1660, in an address sent by the General Court to King Charles II., the Quakers were complained of as "open and capital blasphemers, open se- ducers from the glorious Trinity, the soul's Christ, our Lord Jesus, the blessed gospel, and from the Holy Scriptures as the rule of life," etc.
In the file of unpublished mannscript in the state-house, Boston, there are papers
1 See Appendix, p. 154.
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indexed, " Minutes of the Magistrates," dated 1659-60, and headed, "The Examina- tion of Quakers at ye Court of Assistants in Boston." 1 These papers do not indicate the specific charges upon which the Quakers were arrested, but are evidently memoranda made during the progress of the trials. In this collection there are forty entries. Three of them are too brief and indefinite to indicate their subjects ; three state that some of the prisoners entered court with their hats on; one states that two of them disturbed the court and were carried out by the gaoler ; one refers to a statement made by some one else, that there was a woman at Salem, " Consader Southwick," who said she was greater than Moses, for she had seen God oftener than he had. (This was, no doubt, a slander.) Of the others, six mention the protests of the pris- oners against the " wicked law," and twen- ty-six refer to the religious opinions ex- pressed by, and, it is presumable, drawn from them in the process of examination.
In view of this evidence and other facts heretofore narrated, one is forced to the con- clusion that our fathers were not only not 1 See Appendix, pp. 157-161.
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indifferent to the theology, or what they called the heresy, of the Quakers, but that the policy of persecution which they inaug- urated immediately upon the advent of the despised and liated sect is directly chargeable to their detestation of the al- leged heresy, and to their fear of its bale- ful influence upon the colony. It is no ex- aggeration to assert that the Quakers were dealt with almost exclusively on the score of their religious opinions.
It has been said that a realization of the radical differences between the Friends and Puritans will lead to the conclusion that the conflict was inevitable, but to appreciate fully the nature of that conflict, it is impor- tant to understand their agreements. The coming of the Quakers into Massachusetts, as the subject is popularly treated, suggests the descent of a horde of semi-barbarians with pagan customs, grotesque manners, and lawless habits, upon a God-fearing, sober, and law-abiding community. This miscon- ception is fatal to a proper understanding of our early history. Quakerism, historically defined, was an outgrowth of Puritanism. Its ranks were recruited from the English yeomanry. Some of the Friends, before
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their conversion to peace principles, had served in the armies of Cromwell, and most of them had been attached to one or the other of the non - conformist or Puritan churches. This is especially true of the New England Quakers. They were Eng- lishmen by birth and blood, and Puritan by education. While adopting the distinc- tive principles of Quakerism, they retained the characteristics that distinguished the Puritan from the Cavalier. The martyrs, Robinson, Stevenson, and Leddra, who, by the decree of Endicott, Bellingham, and Norton, were hanged on Boston Common, rivaled their executioners in their hostility to the Established Church and in their vir- tuous horror of the profligacy and licen- tionsness of the English court. The Qua- ker testimonies, as enumerated in the Book of Discipline, find their counterpart in the sumptuary laws that grace the statute book of the Massachusetts colony.1 The two
1 Referring to these laws and to the prevailing dress of the colonists, Mr. H. E. Seudder well says that " the Puritans . . . vainly sought for a correspondence between the outer man and the inner sanctified spirit." This is equally true of the Quakers, but the same writer classifies them as a people "who wished to strip off all obstructions to the exhibition of Nature." It would be useless to attempt to characterize such
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parties held in common a living faith in the wisdom and power of simplicity, sobriety, and godliness, combined with more or less enlightened theories of religious and social equality and intellectual liberty. The in- terpretation of the moral law by either party was equally destructive to social sin, and equally conducive to social welfare. All Puritans were not Quakers, but all Qua- kers were Puritans. Strong sympathies and similarities intensified the heat of the conflict. Family feuds are proverbially bitter, and theirs was a family quarrel. When Greek met Greek, then came the tug of war. . Fortunately the methods of war- fare were radically different. The one re- sorted to coercion and the tortures of the In- quisition to enforce an iron will, while the other relied solely upon passive but inflexi- ble resistance, patient endurance, aggressive argument, exhortation, and appeals to con- science.
It is often urged that the Puritan rulers frequently " disclaimed power over the faith and consciences of others," 1 and that their
writing. It is easier to believe it was a slip of the pen, and, if so, one that both Mr. Sendder and the editor of the Memorial Ilistory of Boston will always regret. See vol. i. p. 484.
1 Massachusetts and its Early History, p. 497.
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futile effort to keep the Quakers from en- tering or residing in the colony was only a defense against the " confusion and anarchy " that would surely follow if they were tol- erated here. This apology is as untenable as the others which have been examined. A disclaimer, to be of value, must be sus- tained by corresponding action, and the founders abundantly disproved the sincerity of these professions. Their treatment of adherents to the Established Church of England may be in part accounted for by the fear of the establishment of Episcopacy here as a political power, under the auspices of the English government, but there is no such excuse for their treatment of Baptists and Quakers. They were resolved, at all hazards, to control the faith and consciences of the whole colony. We have seen that they were unremitting in their efforts "to prevent the spread of corrupt opinions." Quaker books were prohibited, men were disfranchised for harboring Friends, Quaker meetings were assaulted and dispersed, and could be attended only at the risk of fine and imprisonment. Non-attendance at the regular church on the " Lord's day " was a criminal offense. The county court records
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