USA > Massachusetts > Hampden County > Springfield > The genesis of Springfield : the development of the town > Part 3
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Thomas Blanchard, who lived on Main Street (now the southwest corner of Wilcox Street) was then experimenting with steamboats, and rolled up Main Street one of those days, in one of the world's first steam automobiles.
The streets were then first named. The town street became Main Street. The road to the Bridge; Bridge Street. The way to the Upper Ferry (the Wharf Lane of John Pynchon's day and now Cypress Street) was called Ferry Street. There were North, South, Water, Court, State, Mill, Union, Armory
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and Central Streets; all obviously named. What is now High Street, which then ran westerly from Walnut Street, only to the brow of the hill, was called Pleasant Street. The road to Benjamin Belcher's factory, by the falls of Chicopee River, was named Factory Street, and is now Saint James Avenue. Factory Street was a development of the path known to William Pynchon as "the way to Squanunganuck," which was the trail of the Indians to the "wading place, " below the falls at Chicopee Falls and so to Hadley. In the early 18th century it was the road to the iron works which became Belcher's in the early 19th century.
Court Square then received its name as did Franklin Square, which was that part of the Armory grounds between Federal and Magazine Streets, while the open space where the Federal Arsenal stands, was called Liberty Square, with Liberty Street encircling it.
The remainder of the streets were called after native trees; Elm, Chestnut, Maple, Pine and Walnut. That is about all there was to the Springfield of a hundred years ago.
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The Removal to the East Side
I T has been too often questioned whether certain local incidents were facts or had only legendary substance. There should be no controversy. The evidence is clear for him to read who will. John Fiske says, - "The be- ginnings of New England were made in the full daylight of modern history. It was an age of town records, of registered deeds, of contemporary memoirs, of diplomatic correspond- ence, of controversial pamphlets, funeral sermons, political diatribes, specific instructions, official reports and private letters. It was not a time in which mythical personages or incredible legends could flourish, and such things we do not find in the history of New England. There was nevertheless a romantic side to this history, enough to envelop some of its characters and incidents in a glamour that may mislead the modern reader."
This is especially true of Springfield, for no community has more complete records of early days, or records kept by more intelligent scribes.
Fifty years ago, mankind was subject to an ailment called inflammation of the bowels, supposedly caused by grape seeds. Usually the sufferer died. Today we know that the trouble is not caused by grape seeds. We call it appendicitis, and the surgeon gives quick relief.
In that same era of medical darkness, Green's "History of Springfield" was published. It was compiled by a man with a journalistic training, whose goal was the picturesque high lights. It was hurriedly done, much of the preparatory work being carried on at the City Library, mainly from printed sources with the result that it perpetuated many of the errors of earlier writers. In the intervening half century,
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much new material has come to light, including many letters of Pynchon's, not previously accessible.
It would be well to recall that the knowledge of historical facts has progressed along with knowledge of medicine. But with that admission must come a realization that an inter- pretation of this new evidence must be made with considera- tion for all related documents.
Lack of positive evidence as to the reason why the Spring- field pioneers moved to the east side of the Connecticut, in the spring of 1636, led to the acceptance of what seemed a plausible explanation, - fear of the spring floods. Knowing the meadows of the west side to be subject to annual inunda- tion, what seemed an obvious reason was assumed, and re- peated through the years.
The recorded facts, as now known, amply tell the true reason for the removal. It is proposed to here rehearse the evidence, in the hope that it will clear the situation for all time.
In the fall of 1635, Pynchon, Cable and Woodcock came to the Connecticut bringing in their shallops, cattle and swine and the mechanism for a corn mill. A tentative bar- gain was made with the natives for the cleared meadow land, now known as the West Springfield meadows, but known to the Indians as Agawam. A house was built, just under the bluff, south of that stream, which from its proximity to the meadows, came to be called the Agawam river.
Agawam is a descriptive place name, common all along the Atlantic seaboard, from Virginia to New England. In every case it is applied to meadows subject to overflow, either by spring freshets or high tides. The word itself means, literally, "ground overflowed by water." Spelling of the period was purely phonetic. There were then no standards for either English or Indian words.' This was especially true of the native terms. The unfamiliar words, spoken in gutteral tones,
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seldom sounded the same to two recorders, and were seldom interpreted twice alike. Thus we have agawam, aggowom, auguan and many other forms, but the meaning is always the same. Agaam appears to be the local dialectical form.
Pynchon knew the Indian language common to southern New England, though he did not have a complete grasp of the local dialect. He was, however, familiar with that Agawam which became Ipswich. He certainly must have known, that when he bought Agawam, he was buying "ground overflowed by water."
It was the annual inundation that gave to the meadow its value to Indians and English alike, as it was the continued alluvial deposits that made it productive. "Therefore be careful in the spring," wrote John Smith, "to mow the swamps and low islands of Auguan, where you may have harsh sheere-grass to make hay, till you can clear ground to make pasture which will have as good grasse as can be grown anywhere." (Advertisements for Unexperienced Planters.)
It was on such low meadows that the Indians grew their corn and vegetables and on those same low meadows Pyn- chon relied for pasturage and hay. The tract was almost vital to the success of his project. The value set upon the rich meadow land by both Pynchon and the natives is indi- cated by the price demanded and paid. The land on the east side, which eventually became the town proper, Pynchon estimated to be some five miles in length, and it was later construed to be five miles in breadth also. (Ham. Co. Reg. Deeds, Vol. A. B., pg. 22.) For the relatively small area comprised in the west side meadows, two and one half times as much was paid as for the twenty-five square miles on the east side. (Ham. Co. Reg. Deeds, Vol. A. B., pg. 19.)
Leaving Cable and Woodcock to put up a house and pre- pare for the winter, Pynchon returned to the Bay. From Roxbury he wrote to Winthrop (Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. Ser.
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4, Vol. 6, pg. 369) under date of April 22, 1636, of his plans to ship by water, the household goods of himself and his asso- ciates, and of his desire to "hasten back." On arrival here he found many difficulties had materialized. Swine had rooted up the Indian corn fields, - cattle had trampled them down. Resenting these intrusions, the natives had raised their price for the land and made things generally unpleasant. (Town Records, Vol. 1, pg. 10.) It was impossible to even consider fencing the vast meadows, and no alterna- tive was left but to put the Connecticut River between the Indian planting grounds and the livestock of the English. In despair, the move was made to the east side. On June 2, 1636, Pynchon wrote to Winthrop from the future Spring- field. "I am now preparing to goe to the Bay and have settled uppon a plantation at Agawam; and cannot (torn) Towne without both (torn) for the best ground at Aagawam is so incombred with Indians that I shall loose halfe the bene- fitt yearely; and am compelled to plant on the opposite side to avoid trespassing thereon."
This letter was first made available to the public in 1915, when it was published in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. Vol. 48, pg. 38. It is so plain and unequivocal as to have but one mean- ing. The natives so resented the damages caused by the trespass of the English and their livestock that it was neces- sary to either move across the river or move out entirely. Pynchon's neighbors down the river were facing the Pequot war, and it was no time to invite trouble. In this same letter of April 22, 1636, Pynchon said, "You shall doe well to in- quire and take careful information about the Indians killing two of our men."
Nothing is said in the records or in contemporary letters about floods. If the settlers had been driven out by fear of high water, it would have been much easier to merely move up the bluff, and occupy the great tract where is the present
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town of Agawam. After moving across the Connecticut they were forced to rely mainly on two restricted pastures; one where Brightwood is and one at Longmeadow (Town Rec- ords, Vol. 1, pg. 10). For spring and fall feeding, after the crops were harvested, cattle and horses were carried over to the meadows (Town Records, Vol. 1, pg. 21, et passim) and in acorn time, the swine also. (Hamp. Co. Reg. Deeds, Vol. A. B. pg. 19.) From the meadows was brought hay for winter feeding. All of this unexpected and unplanned trans- portation was in cumbersome scows, which could have been avoided if settlement had been made on the available high ground south of the Agawam.
Pynchon's intention to return to the Bay, as expressed in his letter of June 2, was due to his lack of familiarity with the dialect of the local natives, and his inability to get over to them the fine points of his desires and needs, and to his realization that he must have expert assistance. From Rox- bury, on July 4, 1636, he again wrote to Winthrop at Say- brook (Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. Ser. 4, Vol. 6, pg. 371) giving details for his plans for Agawam, and shortly thereafter re- turned to the Connecticut, taking with him, Ahaughton, a competent Indian interpreter (Mass. Col. Rec. Vol. 2, pgs. 24 and 27,-Ham. Co. Reg. Deeds, l'ol. A. B. pg. 19).
It was not until July 15, 1636, that his negotiations were completed and the marks of the Indians affixed to the con- veyance. Pynchon was a hard-headed, practical man and it may be confidently assumed that he yielded to the natives, not a single thing but what stern necessity forced him to concede. But he did agree to except from his purchase, all of the old planting grounds of the Indians "on the side of Agaam." He granted to them liberty to take from anywhere on the land purchased; fish, deer, ground nuts, walnuts, acorns and cranberries, - that is, about everything of value to them. Even then the once-bit-twice-shy natives were not
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satisfied and it was further provided "if any of our cattle spoile their corn, to pay as it is worth and that hogs shall not goe on the side of Agaam but in akorne time" (i.e. after harvest time) (Ham. Co. Reg. Deeds, Vol. A. B. pg. 19).
The necessity for the move to the sterile east side was most discouraging, so much so that as Henry Smith wrote, many "fell off for feare of the difficultys" (Town Records, Vol. 1, pg. 10). Of the eighteen men who came or who agreed to come, prior to 1638, Pynchon, Henry Smith and Thomas Horton alone became permanent settlers, the first two be- cause they were financially too deeply committed to with- draw, and Horton because he sickened and died before he could escape. Three men came in 1638 and remained, but it was not until 1639 that the real settlement began. Under date of 1643 Pynchon noted, "the Lord hath added some three or four younge men out of the river to us lately" (Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. Ser. 4, Vol. 6, pg. 372). Small favors were most thankfully received.
On the whole, the Connecticut towns were far more allur- ing to prospective settlers, and not until Pynchon adopted the contract system did the plantation become a success. Samuel Terry, father of all the Terrys and the Terry clocks was under contract to serve the Pynchons as was William Warriner, Thomas Miller and John Stewart. Thomas Merrick began life in New England as an indentured servant. Pynchon had contracts with Hugh Dudley, James Wells, Edward Foster and many others. Nothing of disgrace is im- plied by this procedure. Many a younger son was only too glad to exchange a few years of service for transportation to the promised land, with anticipation of a farm when his term was concluded. So numerous did they become, that they constituted a social .problem, which the General Court remonstrated against in the following order, passed in 1647,- "Whereas, sundry Gentlemen of qualitie, and others oft
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times send over their children into this country unto some freinds heer, hoping at the least thereby to prevent their extravagant and riotous courses, who notwithstanding, by means of some unadvised and ill-affected persons, which give them credit, in expectation their freinds, either in favour to them, or prevention of blemish to themselves, will discharge what ever is done that way, they are no lesse lavish & profuse heer to the great greif of their freinds, dis- honour of God & reproach of the Countrie. It is therefore ordered by this Court & authoritie thereof; That if any person after publication hereof shall anyway give credit to any such youth," &c, &c.
Pynchon took advantage of the circumstances, and it is a hard fact, that prospects here, after removal to the east side, were so unattractive, that only by coercion could the town be populated.
The utter absence from the early records of any mention of flood waters suggests that before the river was hemmed in by dams, dikes and other artificial barriers, possibly the river then behaved more kindly than it has in recent years. January 24, 1638-39 the town ordered "all that have a ditch by the highway, before their doors, shall keep it well scoured for the ready passage of the water, that it may not be pent up to flow the meadow." Many similar orders appear through the years (Town Records, Vol. 1, pg. 22, et passim). All of these orders, however, refer to the ditch, east of Main Street, which became the Town Brook, and which was de- signed to drain the Hassocky Marsh or Wet Meadow, lying between Main and Dwight Streets. The troublesome condi- tion there persisted through more than two centuries. At a hearing held in 1849, relative to the Springfield Aqueduct Company, Joseph Stebbins testified, "the meadow east of Main Street was formerly boggy and liable to be overflowed but was drained by lowering the town brook and by a sewer
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to the river." Homer Foot testified, "the meadows east of Main Street are perfectly saturated with water and are often overflowed, and we have been obliged to drain it by culverts into the river."
In the Sunday Republican of April 14, 1895, is a feature article regarding local flood conditions. That was more than forty years ago, when the Republican was historically minded and its writers were native sons, conversant with the town. It seems reasonable and safe to accept it as evidence. In part it reads, " If you were to dig down beneath the macadam and soil at the corner of York and Main Streets, you would find a square monument placed there by Amos Call (Born 1814, died 1888). On this shaft of sandstone he marked with lines and lettering the heights of the great floods of his time. South Main Street has been raised several feet since those times. If unearthed, the records of the floods of 1843 and 1854 will be found and probably those of 1864 and 1869, with lettered dates and heights. Record says that the flood of 1801 was six inches less than that of 1843. The flood of 1854 stands out with the highest record, 22 feet, 6 inches, a mark never reached since records were made."
It is therefore obvious, that the maximum height of the floods, eighty years ago, was "several feet" below the present level of Main Street at York, while in the flood of 1936, it was quite a bit above the level of the street.
It has been contended that "old Springfield residents who have watched the Agawam meadows disappear beneath the spring floods are foolish enough to believe that this may have had something to do with their abandoning the low meadows for the high ground on the east side of the river." The evi- dence, however, suggests that man-made conditions account for the fact that each succeeding era seemingly brings in- creasingly destructive floods. It is quite possible that three hundred years ago the spring floods were neither noticeable
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nor objectionable. Certainly nothing contrary to that thought is of record.
A further contention has been made that a map published by the writer shows Indian trails on this side of the river, which is assumed to indicate Indian occupancy. Nothing could be more illogical. It might possibly indicate just the opposite. There is little or no physical or documentary evidence to show that prior to 1666, the natives had any interest in the sterile lands of the east side; worthless from an Indian point of view. That year John Pynchon bought their remaining bits of planting ground by the Agawam (Ham. Co. Reg. Vol. A. B. pg. 21). As part conpensation, he built for them the stockaded village on Long Hill where they lived until they decamped during King Philip's war. Not till then were the natives interested in the east side, except for hunting and fishing.
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