USA > Massachusetts > Berkshire County > Pittsfield > The history of Pittsfield (Berkshire County), Massachusetts, from the year 1800 to the year 1876 > Part 25
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In May, one hundred and fifty exchanged prisoners arrived at the Cantonment and remained in town long enough to incense the citizens by their recital of the atrocities practiced in the British prisons ; which presented a strange and shocking contrast to what they constantly witnessed in the treatment of British prisoners in Pittsfield.
In August and September, there was a panic concerning British spies and emissaries. In the first week of September, two per- sons, one of whom was represented to be a British lieutenant, " who had been traveling extensively about the country," were arrested at Cheshire. The next week, a Canadian Frenchman and an Indian were brought to the Cantonment, handcuffed together, as spies.
Nothing was ever proved against these persons except a viola- tion of the order of August, 1812, requiring British subjects resi- dent in western Massachusetts to report themselves to Colonel Danforth, one of the United States deputy-marshals. Neverthe- less, it is not improbable that their object in prowling about mili- tary prisons, was to aid the escape of their inmates.
In the summer of 1814, the dangers which began to thicken around the country, produced results which, although they seem natural enough in our present comprehension of American char- acter, were surprising to those who had observed it only in its imperfect development during the formation years of the republic. Locally, among the most interesting of these results, was the proof furnished that Pittsfield federalists were thoroughly loyal to their country ; however they may have thought themselves justified in discouraging its government in the prosecution of a war which they deemed unnecessary and wicked.
Their evidently sincere joy over the early victories of the Ameri- can navy might, perhaps, be quoted to the same effect; but the federalists regarded the navy as their own creation : built up by
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the administration of John Adams against the most violent oppo- sition of the democrats. In its triumphs, they read as much their own glory as that of their country. In 1814, they sacrificed the pride of party to their love of country. The impending of a great and common danger left, indeed, no excuse for any party which should withhold its aid from the common defense; but the hearti- ness and enthusiasm with which the federalists of Pittsfield united for that purpose with their fellow-citizens of other opin- ions, showed that they sought none. And this union, although in its terms its immediate object was only state defense, extended a promise of future aid for all parts of the Union. Had the war lasted but another campaign under similar pressure, the federal- ists would probably have been found, shoulder to shoulder with the democrats, in its prosecution.
What would have been won by such a union, had it been gen- eral throughout the country, we may not now determine; but we may be sure that, however splendid its achievements might have been, it would have cost America that which she could ill afford to spare, except as the price of national existence. The British provinces might have been annexed. British capital might have lost the power to ruin the young American manufactures by com- petition. The verdict of Waterloo might have been reversed, and Napoleon restored to the leadership of Europe : possibly, as the federalists had once feared, then to extend his empire across the seas.
But the possibilities which, at midsummer in 1814, confronted the people of Massachusetts, and the whole country, were some- thing very different from this. Dangers encompassed them on every side. Ever since the spring of the preceding year, British armed vessels of every class-the cumbrous, but terror-striking, seventy-four, the dashing frigate, the midge-like tender and cut- ter, the ubiquitous and lawless privateer-swarmed along the whole coast ; keeping up an annoying blockade to the serious although not total interruption of both foreign and coastwise commerce. This flotilla, however, committed few depredations on land until the spring of 1814, when it destroyed some villages on the coast of Connecticut, and laid others, as well as detached farm-houses, under heavy contributions. In June, the enemy began to ravage the coast of Massachusetts, inflicting damage chiefly upon vessels lying in harbor or on the stocks.
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The coast of Maine received similar visitations, and the terri- tory east of the Penobscot was seized with the avowed purpose of retaining permanent possession. All these proceedings, of course, raised the utmost resentment in the breast of every American citizen ; and were especially adapted to destroy whatever attach- ment there might have been to Great Britain.
Almost simultaneously with the arrival of fresh ships of the enemy, and his first attacks on the coast of Massachusetts, came the news of the abdication of Napoleon ; leaving England, not only released from the fear of her great enemy, but at the head of the nations of Europe. She was now free to end the contest in America by a sharp and vigorous campaign. And, hard upon this intelligence, followed the information that the enemy was collecting, at Bermuda, a very formidable armament, of men and ships, which rumor, after exaggerating its numbers, destined, by turns, for New York, the Chesapeake, Washington and other points, not excepting Boston.
The most serious and agitating alarm pervaded the whole Atlan- tic coast ; and every seaboard state hastened to give vigorous aid in the preparations for its own defense. And now Massachusetts was no exception. It was felt to be no time to raise any, except the most essential, points as to the limits of national and state authority over her militia. Both parties, for a while, seemed willing to waive, until the danger was past, all differences which stood in the way of harmonious and efficient action. It was but little that the general government asked the commonwealth to yield, and that little for the purpose of better defending her own state capital.
Brigadier-General Cushing, temporarily in command of the military department which included Massachusetts, informed Governor Strong that the regular troops at his disposal for both the forts in Boston harbor were barely sufficient to garrison one ; and he proposed that the militia of the state, to be called out in compliance with an expected request of the president, should occupy the other. To secure the governor's assent to this plan, he agreed that the whole detachment, asked for the defense of Boston and other exposed points on the coast-amounting to eleven hundred men-should be subject to no officer of the gen- eral government except the commander-superintendent, the governor insisted upon calling him-of the district; retaining
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only so much authority over the militia as would insure harmony of action between them and the regular troops.
Governor Strong, on his part, "although he did not suppose that in ordinary cases the militia were liable by the constitu- tion to do garrison-duty in the forts of the United States, yet as the defense of the town of Boston was a primary object with the government of the state, and as no other method of strengthen- ing the garrisons was suggested, he accepted the proposal. The requisition was made on the 18th of July, by General Dearborn, who had returned to the command, and confirmed the agreement made by Cushing.
A general order making the detail was issued by the adjutant- general of the state, on the 18th of July, and was obeyed by the militia with alacrity. It included no Berkshire company, and from an article in the Sun, of September 15th, announcing a sec- ond call, under the heading, " Massachusetts in arms at last," it seems to have attracted no attention in Pittsfield. Striking as was the indication which it afforded of impending danger, and a changed policy of state-government, no mention was made of it in the Sun. The Reporter was, perhaps, not so silent.
On the 4th of July, President Madison made a requisition upon the several states for ninety-three thousand five hundred militia ; of which the quota of Massachusetts was ten thousand. The call was communicated by General Dearborn to Governor Strong, on the 4th of September, and startled him by the number of men required. It appeared also, that, notwithstanding the readiness with which the militia responded to the call of July, the agree- ment made by the governor with the department-commanders had given dissatisfaction to his party-friends ; and that he had met many difficulties and complaints in the execution of the detail.1
Both the requisition for troops in July and that in September, came to Governor Strong in a shape essentially different from that received in 1812 ; to which he returned a refusal which can hardly be condemned by those who applaud a similar mainte- nance of the rights and dignity of the commonwealth by Governor Andrew in the case of the two regiments raised-one of them in Pittsfield-by General Butler, in 1862. Governor Strong's
1 Governor Strong's message, October 5, 1815.
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refusal, in 1812, was based, according to the Boston Advertiser of 1814, upon several grounds. First, The requisition was inso- lently made ; its style being essentially different from that made upon Governor Tompkins of New York, and other democratic governors, who were only requested to furnish the troops. Sec- ondly, Governor Strong judged there was no necessity for the draft. Thirdly, The requisition was unmilitary and degrading to the militia; the call being for twenty companies, which excluded the detachment of any officer of higher grade than cap- tain-leaving all the field and other officers to be appointed by the United States government. Fourthly, A part of the troops were required for service out of the state; contrary to the provis- ions of the federal constitution. And, fifthly, neither of the events had occurred which authorized the calling forth of the militia. No invasion had taken place ; there was no insurrection ; and the execution of the laws was not obstructed.
The call of 1814 was very different from this. The request was decorously and properly made. The troops were to be employed in the state ; and to be commanded by their own officers, except in the single case agreed upon. The danger was more apparent than that of 1812; and one of the events contemplated by the constitution as authorizing the calling out of the militia- invasion-had actually occurred.
Nevertheless, Governor Strong, appalled by the magnitude of the call, and perplexed by the objections of his political support- ers, did not see his duty so clearly in September as he did in July. He therefore repaired for advice to the executive council; and in accordance with their opinion, issued on the 6th of September a general order, calling out ten thousand militia; but placing them under the immediate command of a major-general. The refusal of the governor to extend the arrangement of July to the troops now called out, seems not to have attracted much attention in Berkshire at the time. The militia were only rejoiced to receive, on any terms, the long-desired order to join in the defense of their country ; and that at a moment when her danger was most imminent.
In this crisis, the action of both parties was most honorable, and fully sustained the patriotic fame of the town. We quote the account printed in the Sun, of September 22d, the week following the marching of the Berkshire regiment.
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PITTSFIELD TOWN-MEETING .- PATRIOTISM .- UNANIMITY ..
With proud satisfaction, we present to the public the proceedings of the town-meeting of Pittsfield, on Monday last, at which Joshua Dan- forth presided, as moderator. All parties came forward unanimously, and sacrificed at the shrine of their common country, all their animos- ities and dissensions, in support of true American principles. We trust that every town in the county and state will do likewise. We shall thus present an impenetrable phalanx of patriots to the enemy, which will command her respect, obtain for us an honorable peace, and, with it, the admiration of the world.
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE.
Whereas, a town-meeting has been convened at the request of a number of inhabitants, for the purpose of taking into consideration, " what they in their corporate capacity ought to do to aid the constituted authorities of our country in repelling the invasion of our terri'ory, and also to enable them in future to protect the other parts of our country from inva- sion."
And whereas, at the meeting so convened, the following persons have been chosen a committee to propose resolutions expressive of the sense of this meeting on the subject for which it is called, viz .: Oliver Root, Thomas Gold, Theodore Hinsdale, Jr., James D. Colt, Elkanah Watson and Thomas Melville, Jr .; and the committee having met, have adopted and present to their fellow-citizens the following preamble and resolutions :
Preamble. That as we have arrived at a crisis which requires the individual and joint exertions of every citizen; and that as the sacred charter of our Independence, and the safety of our country is at stake.
It has become the duty of every American to risk his life and prop- erty, to preserve the sacred inheritance, for which our fathers fought and bled. If incentives are necessary to rouse us to a true sense of our danger, and our duty; let us consider that not only our state is invaded, but our enemy has declared it to be her intention, to take possession of, and to re-annex to the crown of Great Britain, all the territory east of Penobscot river; that she has, besides, officially declared, that she will lay waste and destroy such towns and districts on our coasts as may be assailable. And if this is not sufficient, let us cast our eyes on the depredations committed in the south, as well as those more recently committed in the District of Maine.
Those acts, whilst they demonstrate to us most unequivocally the intentions of our enemy, admonish us to shun dissensions; and to keep constantly in view, that united we stand, and divided we fall. If the enemy counts on our internal divisions, we trust that the patriotism of Americans will prove to her, and to the world, that no difference of
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opinion exists among us, on the great questions of self-defense, or our existence as a nation. Let each and every one of us, therefore, in this solemn hour of danger, bring forward and deposit on the altar of our country, every passion, every feeling, every prejudice that may tend to awaken resistance, or impair exertion.
Let us, as a united people, come forward in defense of our common country. Let us take efficient measures to learn the duties of the soldier. Let us be prepared, and in constant readiness, to take the field and meet the enemy.
Let us, like the sages of 1776, pledge our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor, for the maintenance of our National Independence; and our enemy will soon learn that the cause of America is the cause of each of its citizens.
To these sentiments your committee flatter themselves there cannot be a dissenting voice; and therefore, propose with confidence, the fol- lowing resolutions :
Resolved, 1st, That as an extraordinary occasion exists for putting the whole military force of the town into a condition for active and efficient service, the selectmen are instructed forthwith to provide such arms, munitions of war and camp-equipage, as the law has required of towns; and to have the whole ready for immediate use.
Resolved, 2d, That the selectmen be empowered to give liberal aid to the families of such militia as are, or hereafter may be, called into serv- ice, who may need assistance ; and that the selectmen be charged with that duty.
Resolved, 3d, That we will use our utmost endeavors to increase the number of the militia, to discourage and prevent all evasions, or neg- lect of duty, that we may ensure to the country, an active and efficient force.
Resolved, 4th, That it be recommended to all exempts, to enroll and form themselves into a company, to equip and prepare themselves for active service.
Resolved, 5th, That we will honestly and sincerely exert ourselves to promote union, energy and public spirit among all our fellow-citizens; and we appeal with confidence to our fellow-citizens of the county of Berkshire, and elsewhere, on this trying occasion, and we trust they will rise in their native strength and majesty to defend their country and to repel all invasions.
Signed, Oliver Root, Thomas Melville, Jr., Thomas Gold, James D. Colt, Elkanah Watson, Theodore Hinsdale, Jr., Committee.
The preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted; and one thousand dollars appropriated to carry them into complete effect.
The committee who drafted the resolutions was equally divided, politically : Messrs. Root, Watson and Melville, being
.
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democrats ; Messrs. Gold, Colt and Hinsdale, federalists. While all censure of previous action was avoided in the resolutions, it will be observed that, by joining in their passage, the federalists went far beyond a mere approval of such niggardly concessions as Governor Strong made in July, and revoked in September. Both parties seem to have been governed by a common desire for united action in defense of their country. The action of the town was as cordial, and free from mutual upbraidings and recrim- inations, as though it had come together on the first invasion in a fresh war.
It might have been hoped that the spirit manifested by the federalists on this occasion would, for the future, have disarmed all suspicion of their loyalty. But Governor Strong's revocation of his concession of July, and the preparations for the Hartford convention which went on almost in the presence of the enemy, furnished plausible grounds of accusation ; of which the democratic editors and orators were not slow to avail themselves. And the democrats were not alone in expecting treasonable action from the convention. The retailers (of ardent spirits) and taverners of Springfield, at a meeting in the house of Eleazer Williams of that town on the 19th of December, 1814, " deemed it expedient to defer the payment of the (National) duties until after the close of the next session of the Massachusetts legislature." They further determined to call a meeting of the retailers and taverners of the counties of Hampshire, Franklin, and Hampden, at Northampton, December 26th. This meeting was held, and
Resolved, Unanimously, that it is expedient to postpone the payment of any taxes which may have been assessed upon us respectively by the government of the United States, until after the proceedings of the convention now sitting at Hartford, and the doings of the legislature of this commonwealth thereupon, shall have been promulgated, and that we will conduct accordingly.
Resolved, That we feel confident that the legislature of this common- wealth will interpose for our relief, and rescue the resources of the people for self-defense and self-protection.
We find the report of these proceedings in the Federal Repub- lican, published at. Georgetown, D. C., which credits it to a " Massachusetts newspaper." It is headed : "Beginning to Act." " Temper of old Hampshire." When a considerable number of the citizens of the federal counties of western Massachusetts 32
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publicly expressed expectations like those quoted above, it can hardly be deemed unreasonable or ungenerous suspicion in the majority of the people in the one democratic county, that they attributed treasonable designs to the Hartford convention. The rather lame and impotent conclusion of its consultations justified neither the hopes of its friends, or the fears of its enemies ; but that does not prove that either were without reasonable found- ation.
At any rate, so jealous was the democratic public sentiment, that, whatever was alleged against the federal leaders-no mat- ter how exaggerated, or in the nature of things, impossible-found believers. The credulity of the democratic masses in this respect, was indeed often ludicrous. We shall soon meet an illus- trative incident.
The militia of Massachusetts, as reorganized under the law of 1810, embraced all citizens between the ages of eighteen and forty-five ; with the usual exceptions on account of conscientious scruples and official position. In the organization of this body, it was required that each battalion should contain at least one com- pany of grenadiers, light-infantry or riflemen; and that, in each division, should be included at least one company of artillery, and one troop of dragoons.
The artillery, the dragoons, and generally several companies of infantry in each division, consisted of volunteers. These volun- teers, or as they were commonly styled, "independent compa- nies," existed under special charters, which, if granted prior to the year 1810, were protected, both by act of congress and by the state law, from abrogation or change, except as a penalty for mis- conduct. And, not to create invidious distinctions, the charters granted after 1810, were, in practice, held equally sacred.
These privileged corps, as the élite of the citizen-soldiery, aimed at considerable excellence in drill, discipline and deport- ment. Membership in them involved some expense, as each man was required to furnish his own arms and uniform ; and, if in the dragoons, his horse. But it was the only mode in which those liable to militia-duty could, without the payment of fines, avoid being marched through the streets on parade-day as part of a very questionable array. And this fact, together with the martial spirit which still pervaded the community, sufficed to keep the ranks of the volunteer-companies full.
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If the strict letter of the law had been enforced, the ordinary militia would have still been a formidable body. For each man was required to provide himself with arms and equipments which were minutely specified; and to appear with them for parade and training four days in the year, besides the annual review, or " general muster" in autumn. It was provided that their uni- form should be of dark blue, turned up with such facings, and completed with such hats and caps as the majority of the field officers of each regiment should determine for it.
But in fact, none but the officers ever wore any uniform at all; and not always they. The case of a man "armed and equipped as the law directed " was rare. The vast majority made the whole system of drills and reviews a matter of sport. Being composed of what was left to the current after the better timber for soldiers had been culled for the independent companies, the ununiformed militia obtained the significant sobriquet of "Flood- wood."
And village-wit-which had always a malignant genius in that direction-having blasted it with a nickname, it defied all the power of the Great and General Court to restore it to respectabil- ity. If any of the better classes of society appeared in the Flood-wood ranks, it was for one of two opposite reasons. They were either willing to show their indifference, or contempt, for the entire militia-system ; or they were ambitious to secure, by the election even of such a rabble-soldiery, the title of ceptain, with the possibility, through it, of reaching that of the higher military grades, even up to that of general.
Sometimes this ambition was a matter of personal vanity. There was living, very recently, a gentleman who, having, many years ago, in this way obtained the title of general, was, up to the time of his death, seriously offended, if it was omitted even in the direction of a newspaper. But, more often, the title, with the opportunity afforded by the military command for courting popular favor, was sought as an extremely efficient aid in reach- ing civil office. There was, for many years, hardly a politician of note, who was not addressed by some military title.
There were many serious evils attending the old militia-sys- tem, even from the times immediately after the revolution. The elections, even in the independent companies, were always fol- lowed by a succession of "treats," which left many in a state of
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intoxication ; and parades were never conducted on temperance principles. But the same fault could be found with many other occasions to which the same license is not usually so readily accorded; and some regard was generally had by the uniformed soldiery, for their own reputation and that of their corps. The Flood-wood was without this restraint, and also contained most of the class who were habitually lawless; and their excesses were correspondingly great. But, although there were frequent excep- tional instances of good conduct and comparative sobriety on the part of individual soldiers, and sometimes of entire companies, yet, as a rule, company elections and "trainings " were occasions of disorder and drunkenness ; and "general muster" was the very carnival of riot. On training-days, after the parade-which was preceded by a "treat" from the officers-it was the custom, for the Flood-wood at least, to make the round of the town, firing volleys of musketry before the houses of prominent citizens, who responded to the not unexpected, nor unprovided-for, honor, by alcoholic hospitality. And, often, the final volleys were reserved for the distillery of whiskey and cider-brandy at Luce's mills ; with what result need not be told.
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