USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Groton > Three historical addresses at Groton, Massachusetts > Part 2
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For some years before the destruction of the town the Indians began to threaten the inhabitants. They were troublesome neighbors at best, and their movements re- quired careful watching. Some of them were friendly, but others were hostile and treacherous. They had already acquired the taste for strong drink, and, on more than one occasion, drunken brawls and fights, which ended in mur- der, had taken place between them and the settlers. In May, 1668, Captain Richard Waldron built a trucking or trading house at Penacook, now Concord, New Hampshire, where a few weeks afterward Thomas Dickinson was murdered by an Indian; and "rum did it." The affair created great excitement, and it has been supposed that the brawl prevented a settlement of the place at that time; at any rate, none was made until 1726. A warrant was issued to the constable of Groton to summon John Page, Thomas Tarbell, Jr., Joseph Blood, and Robert Parish, all of this town, to appear before the General Court at Boston to give their testimony, which they did under oath.' It appeared from the evidence that there had been a drunken row, and that Tohaunto, the chief, desired them, if they had brought any liquor, to pour it on the ground; for, said he, it will make the Indians " all one Divill." From this it would seem that rum in those days was about the same as it is now, - no better and no worse, - for it still makes people all one devil. (Archives, xxx. 155, 157, 161.)
Many of the Indians had now been supplied with fire-
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arms, which made them bold and insolent, and it is not strange that the natural tendency of events should have been toward open hostilities. We can readily understand how the fears of the colonists were excited when they thought of their own helpless families and their exposed situation. It betokened no cowardice to entertain this feel- ing, and it was the part of wisdom to prepare for the worst. At an early day there was a military organization in the town, and we find the following order in the printed Records of Massachusetts, passed October 15, 1673: -
The millitary company of Groaten being distitut of military officers, the Court judgeth it meet to choose & appoint James Parker to be theire captaine, Wm Lakin to be leiftennant, & Nathaniel Lawrence to be their ensigne.
The thunder of the distant storm now began to be heard, and the colonists were asking for protection. They little thought that the lightning was to strike so soon and with such fatal violence; but in the providence of God it was thus ordained.
Captain Parker writes to Governor Leverett, under date of August 25, 1675, that the inhabitants "are in a very great strait," and "are very much discouraged in their spirits "; that they want ammunition and twenty good muskets for their pike men. The letter itself, with the quaint expressions of two centuries ago, will give you a better idea of their *narrow circumstances than any ex- tracts from it; so I read it entire: -
To the honoured John Leueret Esquir Gouernour of the Massechusets Collony ar
.
Honoured Sir with the rest of your counsell I hau made bold to enform your worships how the case stand with vs that the Indians are aproach" near to vs our scouts hau discouerd seuerall tracks very near the habitable parts of the town and one Indian they discouered but escapt from them by Skulking amongst the bushes and som of the Inhabitants of our town haue heard them in the night singing and halloeing. which doe determin to vs their great height of Insolency : we are in a
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very great strait here. our Inhabitants are very much discour- aged in their spirits and theirby disenabled from their callings I have received 20 men from the worshipfall Major Wellard and Captain Mossells men to help secur our town, but notwith- standing we are in a very weak capacity to defend ourselues against the Insolency and potency of the enemy if they shold apear in number and with that violenc that they did apear at quabog [Brookfield] the which the good lord forbid if it be his good pleasur, much honoured and respected the good lord be with you In your consultations that you may vnderstand what to doe for your new england Israell at such a tim as this and in perticuler ourselues and for our dear neighbours at Lancester vpon whom the enemy haue made an Inroad 6 persons are already found and buryed the 7th which they doe expect is kild is not as yet found you may be pleased to tak notice that we shall want ammunition spedily by reason that we hau parted with som to Capt Mosselles men and som we spent in the fight at quabog as also I hau suplyed the souldiers with ammunition that were sent to me that was Imployed in the seruice they hauing spent their ammunition If you could help vs with 20 good muskets for our pik men and I will return them again or else giu a valluable price for them in such pay as we can pro- duce among ourselues not else at present but leaue you to the guidance of the God of heauen who is the only wise counsellor and remaine y.
Your seruant to comaund in any seruice to my power
JAMES PARKER Capt
from Groten
August 25 75 (Archives, lxvii. 244.)
A few days before the date of this letter, Captain Samuel Moseley writes "ffrom Nashowah Allies Lankester: 16th Augst 1675," that, in accordance with instructions from Major-General Denison, he had sent "to Groatton : 12 : men."
In those days there was no physician in town to offer his professional skill to the government in its time of need; and it was necessary to impress into the public service a surgeon, as well as a horse and accoutrements, as we find from the following order addressed -
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TO THE CONSTABLE OF BOSTON.
These Require you in his Majtys name forthwith to Im- presse Mr Wm Haukins Chirurgeon : Imediately to prepare himself wth materials as Chirurgeon & to dispatch to Marlboro. to Capt Mosely & attend his motion & souldiers at Groaten. or elsewhere: for wch End you are also to Impresse an able horse & furniture for him to Goe: wth the Post
dated at Boston 17 August 1675 making Return hereof to the Secrety
By ye Council
(Archives, lxvii. 239, 241, 252.) EDW. RAWSON Secrety
And the constable made the indorsement on the order that Dr. Hawkins had been duly warned.
At this time Philip's War had begun, and open hostilities had alarmed the inhabitants of the town. The Council passed an order, September 8, 1675, that Cornet Thomas Brattle and Lieutenant Thomas Henchman should take fifty men, of which thirty were to come from Norfolk and twenty from Middlesex, and place them in the garrisons of Dunstable, Groton, and Lancaster, in such proportions as they should deem expedient. They were to place them " vnder the comand of the cheefe military officers of each towne : giueing those officers direction : to joyne & lyst other meet persons of their owne companyes with them, & order them euery day to surraund the townes yey are to secure; & if they can to carry doggs with ym to search for & discouer any enimy that may åproch nere such towne & at night to repaire vnto such corps du gaurd, as are appointed to them for the security of the sd place." (Archives, lxvii. 252.)
About this time the question of withdrawing a consider- able force from the garrisons seems to have been consid- ' ered; but a protest against such action was drawn up and signed by Simon Willard and three others, who were prob- ably the officers in command. From the representation they made, it is not likely that any troops were taken away.
In the autumn (October 27) of this year, the town was assessed £II Ios. as her rate to carry on the war; and, when paid in money, one-quarter to be abated.
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The coming winter must have been a hard one for the colonists, not only here but elsewhere throughout New England. The Indians had burned some towns and threat- ened others, and it was a season of distrust and despair. The time was rapidly approaching for Groton to suffer; and soon the stroke came. The inhabitants would have been more than human if they had not felt despondent at the hard fate that had now befallen them. They had seen their houses and barns burned, and all the results of their labor and thrift destroyed in a day. The little meeting-house, rudely constructed but no less dear to them, was now a heap of ashes. To-day its very site is unknown. Some words of consolation, and exhortation to trust in the providence of God, fell from the lips of their good pastor, Mr. Willard, as they looked tearfully on their ruined homes. He had been their guide and teacher during thirteen years; and much that is interesting is known about him.
Samuel Willard was born at Concord, on January 31, 1639-40. He was the second son of Major Simon Willard, late in life an inhabitant of this town, and he graduated at Harvard College in the Class of 1659, being the only mem- ber of the class who took his second degree. He came here to succeed Mr. John Miller, the first minister of the town, who died on June 12, 1663. Mr. Willard began to preach probably early in 1663. In that year, on the twenty-first of some month, - conjectured to be June, the words of the records being so worn as to be illegible, - it was voted " that Mr. Willard if he accept of it shall be their minester as long as he liues." Against this action there were five dissentient votes, which number constituted probably a fourth part of all the voters; and they certainly were among the principal and most influential inhabitants of the town. Mr. Willard must have been a man of a good deal of character to have been settled in spite of this opposition, but he seems to have lived it down very successfully. His relations with the people were always harmonious; and his salary was gradu- ally increased until it was double the original amount. The first year of his ministry, it was fixed at forty pounds; the
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second year, at fifty pounds ; the third and several successive years, at sixty pounds; and finally at eighty, part of it being in country pay. This was the old expression for paying in produce. And when the salary was voted, on October 14, 1672, it was reckoned at five shillings a bushel for wheat ; four shillings for rye, barley, and peas; with pork and beef at threepence a pound; "and all such as cannot pay his third part of his pay in english corn and prouision they shall pay In Indian corn at 2 shill p bushell and the re- mainder of his pay In Indian Corn at 3 shill p bushell his fire wood also aboue his eighty pound. And furder these persons here set downe [Sergeant Parker and eleven others] doe promise and Ingage to git Mr. Willard hay mowing making and fetching home for eight shilling p load at a seasonable time (viz.) in the midle of July."
In his day Mr. Willard was a scholar and writer of con- siderable note, and even now would be considered such. But little is known of his early life; and no church record during his ministry in Groton is extant. Coming here in the vigor of young manhood, at the age of twenty-three, - if we may judge him from the high position he after- ward attained, - it is fair to assume that he exerted a strong influence in this neighborhood. It is probable that his early experiences here fitted him for the places of honor and dignity which he was subsequently called upon to fill. A few weeks after his settlement, he married Abigail Sherman, a daughter of the Reverend John Sherman, of Watertown; and, after her death, he married, as his second wife, Eunice, daughter of Edward Tyng. He had a large family of children, of whom five were born in this town. One of his great-grandsons, Robert Treat Paine, was a signer of the Declaration of Independence.
In the year 1673 Mr. Willard published a volume of sermons entitled "Useful Instructions for a professing People in Times of great Security and Degeneracy : de- livered in several Sermons on Solemn Occasions."
It consists of three sermons, of which one was preached, probably in the winter of 1671-2, on the occasion of a
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case of witchcraft that I shall mention shortly. It is evi- dent, from a reference in the sermon, that the fame or notoriety of the case had spread far from this town. Mr. Willard says: "There is a voice in it to the whole Land, but in a more especial manner to poor Groton; it is not a Judgement afar off, but it is near us, yea among us."
The book is inscribed, "To his Beloved Friends the Inhabitants of Groton." Like all the publications of that time, it is purely theological, and contains nothing now of particular interest. If he had given us even a few lines of town history, it would be now almost invaluable. We look in vain through its pages for anything that throws light on the manners and customs of the early settlers. We do find, however, the modes and habits of thought that were prevalent in those days; and with these we must be content, for the sermons furnish nothing more.
In the year 1671 there occurred here a case of so-called witchcraft, to which Mr. Willard gave much time and thought. He wrote a very long letter (Collections, fourth series, viii. 555) to Cotton Mather, describing the minutest details in regard to the case, and Dr. Mather refers to it in his " Magnalia Christi Americana." (Book vi. chapter 7, page 67.) The victim of the witchcraft was one Eliza- beth Knap, who had the long train of symptoms which then were usually ascribed to the personal influence of the Evil One, but which nowadays would constitute a well- marked case of hysteria. From an expression in Mr. Willard's letter, we learn that the girl went to school in his house, from which fact we infer that the minister of the town was also a teacher of the children. At one time on Sundays his dwelling was used as a meeting-house, and at other times as a schoolhouse. Its exact locality is not known to us, though it was in the present Main Street, near the site of the High School building. From another ex- pression in the letter, we learn there was "a great meadow neere the house," which could be seen from one of the windows in a lower room, undoubtedly referring to Broad Meadow.
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The assault by the Indians on the town was followed by the breaking up of the place and the scattering of its in- habitants. Mr. Willard never returned to his pastorate. Soon afterward he was installed over the Old South Church in Boston, as the colleague of the Reverend Thomas Thacher. In the year 1701 he was chosen Vice-President of Harvard College, which office he filled till his death, at the same time performing the duties of minister of the Old South. His connection with the College was really that of President, although he was called the Vice-President. The distinction was nominal rather than real. The President was obliged by the rules to live at Cambridge, and this he was unwill- ing to do; so he acted as such without the title.
As minister of the Old South, Mr. Willard baptized Benjamin Franklin. The young philosopher was born in Milk Street, directly opposite to the meeting-house, whither he was taken to receive the sacrament of baptism while yet his earthly pilgrimage was limited to a few hours of time.
Mr. Willard's health began to fail, as he approached his threescore years and ten, the period of life allotted by the Psalmist, and he presided for the last time at the College Commencement, in July, 1707. In August, the Governor and Council were notified that he was not capable of doing the work at Cambridge for another year. He died on September 12, 1707.
Dr. Ebenezer Pemberton, in his funeral sermon, says of him that, " At first in his younger Years, his Master com- mitted to his Pastoral Care a Flock in a more obscure part of this Wilderness: But so great a Light was soon ob- served thro' the whole Land: And his Lord did not design to bury him in obscurity, but to place him in a more Emi- nent station which he was qualified for " (p. 70).
Several printed accounts of Philip's War appeared very soon after it was ended; and these furnish nearly all that is known in regard to it. In those days there was no special correspondent on the spot to get the news; and, as the facilities for intercommunication were limited, these ac-
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counts differ somewhat in the details, but, taken as a whole, they are fairly accurate.
It is recorded in the inventory of his estate on file in the Middlesex Probate Office at East Cambridge that Timothy Cooper, of Groton, was " Sleine by the Indians the Second of march 1675-6." Cooper was an Englishman by birth and lived, probably, somewhere between the present site of the Baptist Meeting-house and the northerly end of Farmers' Row. It is not known that there was other loss of life in the assault of March 2, but the affair was seri- ous enough to alarm the inhabitants. On March 9 the savages again threatened the beleaguered town, and again for the third time on March 13, when by a cunningly contrived ambush they managed to entrap four men at work, of whom one man was killed and one captured, while the other two men escaped. Without much doubt John Nutting was the one killed. During these three assaults so many houses and barns were burned that the inhabitants were left thoroughly disabled and without means of living. The alternative now was to abandon the place, which soon followed.
The loss of life or limb sustained by the English during these attacks, fortunately, was not large. So far as is now known, only two persons were killed and two wounded. It is recorded, however, that John Morse, the town-clerk, was carried off; but he did not remain long a prisoner. Within a few months of his capture, he was ransomed by Mr. John Hubbard, of Boston, who paid about five pounds for his release. This sum was soon afterward reimbursed to Mr. Hubbard by a vote of the Council. (Archives, 1xix. 48.)
These contemporary accounts of the assault on the town are all short, with the exception of Hubbard's; and I purpose to give them, in the words of the writers, for what they are worth. The first is from " A Brief History of the Warr With the Indians in New-England," by In- crease Mather, published in the year 1676. This account - probably the earliest in print - is as follows : -
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March the Ioth. Mischief was done, and several lives cut off by the Indians this day, at Groton and at Sudbury. An humbling Providence, inasmuch as many Churches were this day Fasting and Praying (p. 23).
March 13. The Indians assaulted Groton, and left but few houses standing. So that this day also another Candlestick was removed out of its place. One of the first houses that the Enemy destroyed in this place was the House of God, h.c. which was built, and set apart for the celebration of the publick Wor- ship of God.
When they had done that, they scoffed and blasphemed, and came to Mr. Willard (the worthy Pastor of the Church there) his house (which being Fortified, they attempted not to destroy it ) and tauntingly, said, What will you do for a house to pray in now we have burnt your Meeting-house? Thus hath the Enemy done wickedly in the Sanctuary, they have burnt up the Synagogues of God in the Land; they have cast fire into the Sanctuary; they have cast down the dwelling place of his name to the Ground. O God, how long shall the Adversary reproach? shall the Enemy Blaspheme thy Name for ever? why withdrawest thou thine hand, even thy right hand? pluck it out of thy bosome (p. 24).
Several accounts of the war appeared in London in 1676, only a few months after the destruction of this town. They were written in New England, and sent to Old England, where they were at once published in thin pamphlets. The authors are now unknown, and they undoubtedly gathered their matter from hearsay. At that time Indian affairs in New England attracted a good deal of attention in the mother country. One of these pamphlets is entitled "A True Account of the most Considerable Occurrences that have hapned in the Warre between the English and the Indians in New England," " as it hath been communicated by Letters to a Friend in London."
This account says that -
On the 13th of March, before our Forces could return towards our Parts, the Indians sent a strong Party, and as- saulted the Town of Growton about forty Miles North-west from Boston, and burn'd all the deserted Houses: the Gar-
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rison'd Houses, which were about ten, all escaped but one, which they carryed, but not the English in it; for there was but one slain and two wounded (p. 2).
Another account, entitled " A New and Further Narra- tion of the State of New England, being a continued ac- count of the Bloudy Indian-war," gives the following version : -
The 14th of March, the savage Enemy set upon a consider- erable Town called Groughton, and burnt Major Wilberds House first (who with his Family removed to Charls Town) and afterwards destroyed sixty-five Dwelling-houses more there, leaving but six Houses standing in the whole Town, which they likewise furiously attempted to set on Fire; But being fortified with Arms and Men as Garrisons, they with their Shot, killed several of the Enemy, and prevented so much of their Designe; Nor do we hear that any Person on our Side was here either slain or taken Captive (p. 4).
A few pages further on, it says that "Grantham and Nashaway all ruined but one House or two" (p. 14). Few persons would recognize this town under the disguise of Grantham; and Nashaway is an old name for Lancaster.
Another one of these London pamphlets, bearing the title of "News from New England," says, -
The 7th. of March following these bloody Indians march't to a considerable Town called Croaton, where first they set Fire to Major Willard's House, and afterwards burnt 65 more, there being Seaventy two Houses at first, so that there was left stand- ing but six Houses of the whole Town (p. 4).
After these attacks, the town was deserted, and the inhabitants scattered in various directions among their friends and kindred. The war was soon ended; though it was a tedious two years before the early pioneers ven- tured back to their old homes, around which still clustered many tender associations as well as sad memories. It is recorded that other families came back with them. They returned, however, to meet hardships that would have over- come ordinary men. Several town-meetings were held to
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consider their present needs; and it was voted at one of them to petition the General Court that they be relieved temporarily from country charges. The petition sets forth that, under Divine Providence, they had been great suf- ferers in the late war with the heathenish enemy; that they had been subjected to grievous losses and privations ; but, at the same time, they expressed gratitude to their Heavenly Father that they had the liberty and opportunity to return. With the eye of faith they saw the hand of God in all their trials. This consolation alone supported them, for they knew that with Him on their side their troubles would disappear, and all would yet be well. In their letters and petitions, their humble trust in the providence of God is conspicuous. It furnishes the key-note to many of their actions that otherwise would seem unaccountable. In judg- ing them, we should take the standard of their times and not that of our day. The scales should be carefully ad- justed to the habits of that period when there were no public amusements, no popular reading in the shape of books and newspapers, and but little relaxation from toil.
In those early days there was no variety store, or trader's shop, as now, where people could gather to while away long evenings and to interchange opinions. The roads were so rough as to be passable only with rude carts; and carriages at that period were a luxury unknown. The men rode to meeting on horseback, with their wives seated behind them on pillions. The woman made sure of her position by hold- ing tight to the man with her right arm. This mode of travel is supposed to have been popular with the young folks, when they rode after this fashion.
At a very early period, the road to the Bay, as it was called, -- that is, to Boston, - was by the circuitous route through Chelmsford and Billerica, where there was a bridge built by several towns, - of which Groton was one, - and supported jointly by them for many years. In the year 1699 the towns of Groton, Chelmsford, and Billerica were engaged in a controversy about the proportion of expense
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which each one should bear in building the bridge. The General Court settled the dispute by ordering this town to pay twenty-four pounds and ten shillings as her share in full, with no future liabilities. (Archives, cxxi. 99.)
The lives of our forefathers were one ceaseless struggle for existence; and there was no time or opportunity to cultivate those graces which we now consider so essential. If they were stern and austere, they were at the same time also virtuous and conscientious. Religion with them was a living, ever-present power; and in that channel went out all those energies which with us find outlet in many different directions. These considerations should modify the opin- ions commonly held in regard to the Puritan fathers. At that period women were content with domestic duties, and did not seek to take part in public affairs. It is wonderful that no murmur has come down to us expressive of the tyranny of man in withholding from them the rights which are now so loudly claimed.
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