Topographical and historical sketches of the town of Leicester : in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts: furnished for the Worcester magazine and historical journal, Part 6

Author: Washburn, Emory, 1800-1877. cn
Publication date: 1826
Publisher: Worcester [Mass.]: Printed by Rogers & Griffin, for the publishers of the Magazine and journal
Number of Pages: 80


USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Leicester > Topographical and historical sketches of the town of Leicester : in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts: furnished for the Worcester magazine and historical journal > Part 6


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authors. One of them, at least, we believe to have been from the pen of Col. Thomas Denny ; some, from that of Col. William Henshaw ; some, from that of Joseph Henshaw, and several, if we mistake not, from the pen of Mr. Allen.


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to be engaged, naturally led to the most gloomy forebodings. The mother of the commander of the company, was overwhelmed with grief and apprehension at the departure of her son ; but he, in no way agitated, bade her a cheerful farewell ; "pray for me," said he as he left her, " and I will fight for you." One of the company, was the son of Mr. Nathan Sargent. He found it impossible to fur- nish himself with lead for musket balls, and to supply this defect, his father directed his son to melt down the weights of a valuable clock that was then keeping time, which was at once done, and most of the company supplied from this source. The company marched a short time before sun down, and continued their advance during the night to Marlborough, and, after halting to refresh, con- tinued their march to Watertown, where, learning there was no immediate need of their services, they halted. They were after- wards stationed in Fort No. 2, as it was called, a little north of the dwelling house of the late Chief Justice Dana. On the 17th June, the Col. of the Regiment was absent, and it was commanded by Lt. Col. Barnes. The Regiment left the camp, on that day, about noon, and halted some time at Lechmere Point,-the reason for which is not known. As the Regiment came to the foot of Bunker Hill, it was met by the famous Dr. Church, of Boston, who, for so long a time, acted the double part of seeming patriot and actual traitor, who informed the commander, that orders were sent to stop any more troops going on to the field, and the Regiment halted. Capt. Washburn, overhearing these orders, exclaimed in a loud voice, that they were " tory orders," and turning to his company, asked which of them wonld follow him. Every man of them marched from the line, and followed him into the action. The Regiment thus broken, was not again collected during the day. This com- pany came into the engagement about a quarter of an hour before a retreat was ordered. They took post at the rail fence nearest the redoubt, and were engaged until the whole American line retreated. No one of the company was killed, although all, except two,* were in the action. Capt. Washburn received a ball in his cartouch box, four passed through his coat, and one through his wig. Mr. Brown was badly wounded in the foot ; a private of the name of Ward, was wounded in the arm ; and Mr. Crossman was also wounded. When the Americans were retreating, a ball struck the cord that supported the canteen of Mr. Isaac Livermore, and cut it off : but he was too


# These were Mathew Johnson and Joseph Washburn, son of the com- mander, who were detached on the morning of the 17th for guard duty.


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careful of his possessions thus to lose a quantity of eau-de-vie that it contained, and turning round, returned amidst a shower of balls, picked up the treasure and brought it off safe. When on the march to the hill, Capt. Washburn gave leave to any one who felt disin- clined to go, to return, but no one availed himself of this license. Col. Barnes was tried by a Court Martial for his conduct that day, but, from some palliating circumstances, was acquitted.


We have been the more particular in our account of this com- pany of men, as it was the first raised in the town which we are describing, and these, and other anecdotes connected with the Battle of the 17th June, 1775, are attested by living witnesses .*


Besides those we have named as having marched from this town, who took part in the battle of the 17th June, 1775, there are oth- ers still residing here, who were also actors in that glorious day. Mr. Caleb Barton and Capt. John Holden, who afterwards served as an officer during the war of the revolution, are the persons to whom we allude. There was residing here, till within a few years, a black man, who, we have good reason to believe, was the one who shot Maj. Pitcairn, whose death forms so affecting an inci- dent in that bloody affray. History relates that he was shot by a negro, and from the story of the one we allude to, and many cor- roborating circumstances, we are led to conclude that he was the person who did the deed. The person to whom we refer was named Peter Salem ; he was a servant of Gen. Nixon during the revolution, was a native of Framingham, and removed here a few years since, where he died. Major Pitcairn was shot as he was mounting the redoubt, and fell into the arms of his son. His loss was a severe one to the British, and added not a little to their re- gret at the events of that day. .


In April, 1776, the town of Leicester, agreeably to a resolve of the General Assembly, raised a sum of money to purchase ammuni- tion and entrenching tools, and the same year raised a sum of mon- ey to pay for transporting the provisions to Watertown the year be- fore, which they had furnished for the army. The poll taxes of all from this town who were in the continental army, were abated by the town, and the families of these soldiers were taken care of, and provided with whatever their necessities required, at the ex- pense of their fellow citizne%, In 1778, the sum of £30, of the then


* The names of the survivers are, Nathan Craige, Thomas Sprague, of Spencer, Isaac Livermore and Mathew Jackson, of Leicester, Daniel Hubbard formerly of Leicester, but now of Wallingford, Vt. and Elias Green.


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currency, was voted to every continental soldier raised in this town, and a committee appointed to estimate the services performed by each citizen in the war, to which committee each man rendered an account, as well of the money paid by him, as of the services he had rendered, for the purpose of equalizing the burthens among the inhabitants. In 1779, the town raised £1000 for the payment of enlisted men for the ensuing year, and appointed a committee to employ men for this purpose, whenever they should be needed to supply the drafts upon the town. In the same year, they raised £4000, to pay the soldiers they had hired, and the contingent ex- penses attendant upon the same, and in a few months added £500 to this grant. In 1780, £5000 were, at first, raised for the pay of the soldiers, and in July, upwards of £22,000 were raised, one half to employ soldiers, and the other half to pay their "six months' men," then in the army. They, at the same time, voted one hun- dred and ten bushels of corn to every soldier who should march from this town, and in November of the same year, £60,000 were granted, to pay the soldiers for their services. These sums must have been enormous for a town of the size and wealth of this, at that time, even after reducing them by the depreciated value of the currency, which, as appears by the records of the town, was in the ratio of 40 to 1 .*


These were not all the sums raised during this year by the town. Frequent calls for Beef were made upon them for the supply of the army, and in 1780, they raised £200 of the " new money," to comply with one of these calls, and the next year, £80 in silver, were appropriated for the same purpose. These sacrifices did not, by any means, embrace all that the inhabitants were called upon to make. The inhabitants were divided into classes, which, in 1780, consisted of ten, and whenever detachments of soldiers were called for, it was the duty of the respective classes to furnish their pro- portionate number, either from themselves, or by hiring substitutes. The bounties paid, for this purpose, were often large and burden- some in the extreme. A sum as high as $300 was, in some instan- ces, paid to induce individuals to enlist. And these sums form no part of the computation of the foregoing sums. The classes, not only were obliged to go into the neighboring towns to procure their quotas, but, in some instances, sent as far as New York to hire


* We may judge somewhat of the value of the money, from a vote passed in 1780, " to pay Capt. Leviston £315s. for a horse to go to the taking of Burgoyne."


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those men to enlist whose terms were expiring. The frequency of the drafts, and the length of the time for which those who first en- listed were holden, drew, in turn, almost every young man in town into the " service," at one time or other. The amount raised at different times, even in this town, now seems to be incredible, and we should almost apprehend some mistake in the matter, if we were not assured of the truth of the records by some who are liv- ing witnesses of the sufferings and privations of our fathers in the struggle. We are assured, by a gentleman of high standing and reputation, that his father, who was a respectable farmer in that day, was, more than once, compelled to dispose of portions of the neat stock from his farm, for the purpose of promptly meeting the payment of his proportion of the public taxes. Nor was this a solitary instance.


But we do not mention these instances of voluntary sacrifices, as evidence of any peculiar devotedness in this people to the cause of patriotism. They probably did no more, in proportion to their ability, than other towns around them. But a detail of these bur- dens and sacrifices is enough, without a single comment, to fix the character of the town for patriotism and public spirit. They have been enough too, we trust, to show, that the spirit of this people did not expend itself in idle resolutions, in favor of rights which they shrunk from defending in the hour of danger.


It must strike every one with some surprise, that, during the suspension of all judicial and executive authority in the state, the great mass of the people should have been kept quiet and orderly. It was truly a moral spectacle; it was a nation bursting the bands in which they had been bound, and ruling and governing them- selves in an orderly and peaceable manner. The force of public opinion, at any time great, was then irresistible. The recommen- dations of Congress were law, and the committee. of safety saw that the laws were executed, against whom no one dare rebel. In this, they were fully countenanced by the people, who, in their fre- quent meetings and discussions of national affairs, became convinced, that union and order were necessary to their existence as a people, and they had virtue enough to guard these most sacredly. Many of the votes upon these subjects we have already mentioned ; others are upon the records, a few of which we would add. In 1777, a committee was appointed, to ascertain who were unfriendly to the government, and report their names to the general sessions of the Peace, and one man was voted by the town to be of that class, and



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reported accordingly. The committees of safety and correspon- dence in towns, were usually constituted of the most influential citi- zens, whose number and character were sure to carry respect. In 1777, this committee here, consisted of Col. Joseph Henshaw, John Fletcher, Benjamin Richardson, James Baldwin, Jr., Isaac Green, Phinehas Newhall, and William Henshaw, and in subsequent years was enlarged in numbers.


In 1776, the inhabitants of this town opposed the attempt made by the legislature, to have the people form a constitution of gov- ernment, because so many, whose voice should be heard in so im- portant a question, were then absent in the service of their coun- try. But when the proposal was made in 1779, they unanimously voted to instruct their representative to vote for a convention to form such a constitution. Seth Washburn and William Henshaw were the delegates in that convention from Leicester. When the constitution was presented to the people for their acceptance, the inhabitants of this town, at a meeting, held June 1, 1780, acted upon each of its articles separately, and adopted them almost unani- mously, except the 3d article in the Bill of Rights, and some modi- fication of one or two other articles, and voted, that if these cor- rections could not be effected, to accept of the same as it was pre- sented to them, and directed their delegates to act accordingly. Col. Seth Washburn was chosen the first representative under the Constitution, and the votes for Governor, at the first election, were, 69 for John Hancock, 2 for James Bowdoin, and 1 for James Sul- livan.


From the peace of 1783 till the commencement of the difficulties in 1786, nothing of particular interest occurred, deserving a place here. The town partook of the excitement of that period, and in- the year 1786, chose their delegates to represent them in a county convention, to whom they detailed the grievances which they wish- ed to have remedied. The convention sat in this town, and the delegates chosen were David Henshaw, Esq. and the late Col. Thomas Denny. They were both decided friends of the govern- ment, and possessed firmness of character together with great acuteness ; and when, at length, the convention met, they so discon- certed the measures of those unfriendly to the government, that, after an ineffectual attempt to carry them through, the convention' rose, and their meeting was dissolved without having effected any thing. The town also instructed their representative at the Gen- eral Court, upon the subject of the real grievances under which


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they were suffering, and which they wished to have redressed, but charged him by no means to agree to any change in the constitu- tion of government. They had ever been opposed to the " tender act," as unconstitutional, and they now directed their representative. to oppose its passing, when it should be acted upon by the legisla- ture. This direct interference of the people with the State legis- lation, by means of instructions to their representatives, having been long discontinued, it is rather a subject of curiosity, in reading them now, to see how many of the general topics that would be likely to come under the notice of the legislature, were embraced within their scope. If representatives held themselves bound by their instructions, there was hardly a subject of interest that could arise, upon which they were not ready to act at once. This was literally the government of the people. The town were as prompt in acting upon subjects affecting the whole nation, as upon those of local interest alone. And when the subject of the confederacy of the colonies, in 1778, was proposed to them, they unanimously ap- proved of the measure, and directed their representative "to aid it by all that lay in his power." Indeed, there was a surprising una- nimity in all their proceedings during this dark and portentous era. of our history. They were, undoubtedly, influenced in their meas- ures by a few patriotic, public spirited men, who had most ardently engaged in the cause of liberty, and who had, withal, judgment and sagacity enough " to guide the whirlwind and direct the storm" of public feeling, so as to secure the independence of the country and the good of posterity. Some of these we have already named, but we are conscious that we cannot do them justice. The private histories of those men, and the anecdotes connected with them, illustrative of their characters and the character of the times in which they lived, have been forgotten, and but little can now be recalled. Those were days in which the individual character of every man was known and tried. A man must be for or against the existing government. In 1778, a list of every man in town, of the age of 21 years, and upwards, was made out, and each one called upon to take the oath of allegiance to the State, and those who should refuse were to be reported to the town. But, we be- lieve, few, if any, had the hardihood to refuse to take the oath at that stage of the war. They would hardly have risqued the dan- ger of popular power, when the people was the only power to which they could have appealed for protection against the sanction of such a call.


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In the year 1787, the troubles by which the State had been distracted, had, in a slight degree, subsided, and so many of their own population, as well as of the inhabitants of almost every town, had been involved in that disastrous train of events, known as the " Shays war," that the town instructed their representative to vote for the pardon of the insurgents, and to endeavor to redress the grievances under which the people labored; among which they reckoned the unequal tax upon real and personal estate, the tax on polls, and the undue influence of Boston on the legislature, so long as it should continue to meet there.


Several persons were involved in that unhappy insurrection, whose names have either been forgotten, or we suppress them, from charity to their memories. Their efforts here, were always thwarted by the firmness of the "government men," who were unwearied in their efforts to quell the spirit of rebellion. Many anecdotes are told of the firmness of the friends of the government under circumstances the most trying and alarming. They showed no disposition to compromise the dignity and interests of the State. Early in the winter of 1786, which was a severe one, Day, one of the insurgent captains, having been towards Boston upon business connected with the rebellion, was returning through Leicester, on a very severe day, and immediately after a violent snow-storm that rendered the roads almost impassable. He was on horseback, and stopped at the dwelling house of Mr. Nathan Sargent, near the Worcester line, to warm him, and entered the house without cere- mony. He laid his sword and hat upon a table, and taking a chair, observed that he was going to warm him. " Not until I know who you are," said Mr. Sargent, who had silently witnessed his abrupt entrance and conduct, "for these are suspicious times, and I must know who I entertain." Day, finding him resolute, assumed as much dignity and importance as possible, and announced himself as " Captain Day." "Then get out of my house," said Mr. Sar- gent, and seizing his hat and sword, threw them into a snow bank, and drove Day out after them, who swore that " vengeance should light on him in less than a fortnight."


A few persons, taking advantage of the popular excitement, during the time of the insurrection, were chosen to offices of profit and trust from the Insurgent party ; but they almost invariably be- came satisfied of their error, as soon as, by intercourse with intelli- gent patriots, they saw the dangerous tendency of their measures. We cannot, at this day, realize the horrors of the civil war that


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then threatened, and, in many places, actually distracted the State. A house was literally divided against itself. The sound of arms was heard in every village, and those who encountered each other in hostile array, were often of the same household, or the same social circle. Neither sex nor age were exempt from the angry passions that prompted these warlike preparations. The women were, if possible, more clamorous than the men, whenever they took part with the insurgents ; though we might record many hon- orable instances, where wives remained firm in their attachment to government, while their husbands were ready to go all lengths to shake off the wholesome restraints of that power.


It was customary, for the friends of government to wear a fillet of white paper in their hats, while the adherents of the opposite party adopted, as a badge of distinction, a sprig of evergreen. But, fortunately for the country, the evergreen, in the language of one in that day, soon withered ; the arm of power scattered the insur- gent forces, and the miserable and misguided adherents of Day, and Shays, and Wheeler, and Parsons were glad to sue for mercy to that power, which they had so lately risen up to crush. And their suit was not vain ; policy, as well as a predisposition to clemency, spared their lives, and they were suffered to return to their homes in peace, though very much to the chagrin and mortification of many, whose excited passions called for a sacrifice of expiation for the political sins of their adversaries.


The insurrection of 1786 is rather a matter of state history, than that of any particular town. Many are alive who took part with the forces sent out by the government to quell the rebellion, and though they encountered great hardships and fatigue, and, at times, no inconsiderable degree of danger, we doubt whether they would desire to be crowned with laurels, although they were conquerers, or wish us to publish their names to the world as soldiers, on ac- count of their feats of arms in that contest with their misguided brethren. It is not so long since those events occurred, that they, or those engaged in them, are forgotten. Many remember the scenes of uproar and confusion, into which the hitherto peaceable dwellings of the citizens were then thrown, by being made the quarters for the soldiery ; and they remember too, the anxiety they felt at the apprehended attacks from the exasperated insurgents. Those, however, whose reason returned as their passions subsided, became convinced of their follies and their criminality, and many of them became the firmest supporters of the government. We,


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perhaps, have dwelt too long upon this subject, but our remarks, though general in their terms, apply so well to the state of this town for several years, that they may be considered as its history, unless we should go so minutely into the investigation of the sub- ject as to name the actors in the scenes, which, for reasons we have offered, we forbear to do.


In 1787, the Federal Constitution was presented to the states for their approbation, and a convention of Delegates from the sev- eral towns in Massachusetts was called, to meet at Boston, on the second Wednesday of January, 1788, to act upon its adoption, and Colonel Samuel Denny was chosen the delegate from Leices- ter. The constitution having been accepted, an election of officers under it was had, and the votes in this town were, 38 for Hon. Mo- ses Gill for Representative in Congress, and 20 for Mr. Gill, and 19 for Gen. Artemas Ward, for elector of President.


We are now approaching, in chronological order, those events, that have too lately occurred, either to require, or justify, a detail of them. Indeed, no event connected with any important series, that we are aware of, has occurred, since the adoption of the Fed- eral constitution, in this town. Events, however, to which no par- ticular interest is attached now, may acquire importance at a future day, and their history be eagerly sought after. If we had foresight enough to distinguish these. we certainly would cheerfully record them here, if for no other reason than to save the future historian the many hour's labor of gathering them from the musty pages of a town record book. In 1794, minute men were raised, and a bounty paid them. But it was upon the ocean alone that our laur- els were reaped in that war, and the " Oxford Army" borrowed lit- tle lustre from the achievements of Truxton and his associates.


We happily live at a time when men can look back upon the days of party excitement and animosities, that disturbed the tran- quillity of the country, with feelings, if not of regret, certainly of surprise, at their violence and long duration. It is not within the scope of our plan, even if our inclinations prompted it, to trace the rise of the two political parties, which, for nearly thirty years, di- vided the public opinion in the United States. This town had its share of this excitement, though the degree of acrimony fell far short of that in many. They voted resolutions condemning the embargo, in 1808, and petitioning the President, (Jefferson) to take off the same. In 1812, they passed resolutions, condemning the then existing war with Great Britain, and chose a delegate to meet


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a County convention to consult on measures of public policy. That party denominated Federalists were the most numerous in the town, while that distinctive title was borne by any party, though when in the plenitude of their strength they ever used their power in a liberal manner, and extended equal courtesy to their political opponents.


The growth and improvement of Leicester, as we have already observed, has been constant though gradual. The refinement in taste that has been effected in many parts of New England has not been entirely inoperative here. The growth of the village here has been so rapid, that individuals recollect the time, when from four to six houses were all that were erected in the village, where now there are nearly forty, besides the public buildings and others in progress of erection. The style of architecture is neat, and al- though the village can boast of no palace, it is not disfigured with one tenement that indicates poverty or want. There have been many improvements proposed, and so far as unanimity in design can promise success, they will be carried into effect, by which this village may vie with any in the country for beauty and neatness. A Bank, as we have already stated, was chartered and located in this town in the winter of 1826, and when, as is proposed, the building for that institution shall have been erected, and the con- gregational meeting house removed, so as to enlarge the common before it, and produce a proper symmetry in relation to the Acad- emy, Leicester may boast of attractions in her scenery, her public improvements, enterprize and wealth, which all will be ready to acknowledge.




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