USA > Maryland > Talbot County > History of Talbot county, Maryland, 1661-1861, Volume I > Part 6
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"Cornwallis is taken!" passed from mouth to mouth, flew through the air, was wafted on the autumn breeze, shone with the sunlight.
"Cornwallis is taken! Liberty is won! Peace is Come! Once more husbands, fathers, sons, lovers shall return to the hearts that gave them to the cause! Once more shall joy set on every hearth and happiness shine over every rooftree!" When or where in all the tide of time has such a message been carried to such a people?
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Liberty with justice! Peace with honor!
Victory with glory! Liberty, peace, victory, honor and glory now and forever, one and inseparable!
These were the tidings that Tench Tilghman bore when he rode into Philadelphia at midnight of the 23rd, four days from the army of York. The despatch from De Grasse had been received, but the Congress and the people waited for Washington. Nothing was true but tidings from him. Rousing the President of Congress-McKean-Tilghman deliv- ered his dispatch to him, and the news was instantly made public. The watchmen as they went their rounds cried: "Twelve o'clock, all is well, and Cornwallis is taken!" In a minute the whole city was wild; lights flashed in every window, men, women and children poured into the streets. The State House bell rang out its peel of "Liberty through- out the land to all the inhabitants thereof!" And Thirteen sovereign and independent States were proclaimed to the world.
TILGHMAN TABLET AT ANNAPOLIS
A beautiful and lasting memorial of Colonel Tench Tilghman's famous ride from Yorktown to Philadelphia, in the shape of a handsome mural tablet, the gift of the Baltimore Chapter Daughters of the American Revolution, was, on June 6th, 1906, unveiled in the room of the ancient State House in Annapolis, adjoining the historic old Senate Chamber where Washington, on December 23rd, 1783, resigned his commission as Commander-in-chief of the American armies, to the Continental Congress, then in session there.
Thus has been immortalized in enduring bronze, that gallant and historic ride, "which meteor-like through the darkened night of sus- pense and anxiety, left a trail of glory behind it as it proclaimed victory, peace and liberty to a nation."
HON. JAMES HOLLYDAY, JR. 1722-1786
BY GEORGE TILGHMAN HOLLYDAY
James Hollyday, Jr., son of Col. James Hollyday, of Prince George's County, Maryland, and grandson of Col. Thomas Hollyday and his wife, Mary (Truman) Hollyday, was born at "Wye House," the Lloyd homestead in Talbot County, Maryland, November 30, 1722. His
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HON. JAMES HOLLYDAY, JR.
father removed to that county prior to 1721, became eminent as a statesman, served several terms in the Lower House of Assembly, and was for many years one of his Lordship's Council, Treasurer of the Eastern Shore (that part of the State which lies east of the Chesapeake), and Naval Officer at the port of Oxford. His mother was Sarah Coving- ton, of Somerset County, Maryland, who first married Col. Edward Lloyd, President of the Provincial Council and acting Governor of the Colony of Maryland, 1709-1714, and becoming his widow March 20, 1719, married May 3, 1721, Col. James Hollyday, whom she also sur- vived.
According to tradition, Mrs. Hollyday "was a remarkably beautiful woman," and1 her portrait, still in the possession of the family, defaced as it is by the ravages of time, gives undeniable truth to the report. The intellect and force of character there denoted were strikingly exemplified in the settlement and management of the estates of both husbands, she having been in each case appointed executrix.
In 1729 Col. Hollyday bought a tract of land beautifully situated on Chester River, in Queen Anne's County, known as "Readbourne," and in 1731 erected the fine mansion house now standing (1883), and occupied by his descendants of the fifth generation. This mansion, built of English brick, was planned and constructed under the super- vision of Mrs. Hollyday, she being in correspondence with Charles Cal- vert, the fifth Lord Baltimore, in regard to its style of architecture. The family lived at "Wye House" until James, the subject of this sketch, was nine years old, removing to "Readbourne" when Edward Lloyd, his half-brother, having attained his majority, came as the heir to take possession of his paternal estates.
Mr. Hollyday, Sr., died at "Readbourne" October 8, 1747, and on his tombstone in the burial ground there is the following inscription, surmounted by the family arms-a demilion rampant holding an anchor and three helmets; motto, "Nulla virtute secundus."
To the memory of James Hollyday Esqr. Who departed this life on the 8th of October 1747. Aged 51 years. He was many years one of his lordship's Council, and in public and private life always supported the character of a worthy gentleman and good Christian.
1 The present owner of this portrait is Col. Henry Hollyday, Jr., of Easton, Md.
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Mrs. Hollyday died in London, April 9, 1755, and was buried in the churchyard at West Ham, County Essex, about ten miles from London. Her grave bears the following inscription:
Beneath this stone lieth the body of Mrs. Sarah Hollyday, late of the Province of Maryland, in America, from whence she came to London in the year 1754, and died the 9th day of April 1755, aged 71 years. She had been the wife of Edward Lloyd (formerly of the aforesaid Province) Esq; and, after his death, of James Hollyday (late of same place) Esq. whom she also survived. Though a stranger here, she was known, esteemed, and respected in her Native Country.
We have no data regarding the early education of the subject of our sketch, but he must have improved the advantages the schools of that day offered, for he commenced early in life to practise law, and was for several terms member of the Assembly prior to 1754, when, in order to perfect himself in his profession, he entered as a student the Middle Temple at London, then the great law school of England.
The exact date of his embarkment is recorded in the issue Sept. 19, 1754, of Green's Annapolis Gazette:
On Monday or Tuesday last, sailed from below Kent Point, the ship Prince Edward, Capt. Blackburn, for London, with whom went passen- gers, Madam Sarah Hollyday and her son James Hollyday, Esq., of Queen Anne's County.
Both mother and son suffered all the disagreeables of an ocean voyage, and had the misfortune to lose their captain by an illness resulting in his death. The object of Mrs. Hollyday's visit to England was to em- brace once more her only daughter, Rebecca C. Lloyd, whose marriage with Mr. William Anderson, a London merchant, had caused a separation of many years. Her son having no family ties, and morever unwilling to part with the mother he so loved, took advantage of this opportunity, not only to prove his filial love, but, as before stated, to continue his studies in London under more favorable auspices than those America at that time afforded.
During his residence in London, a period of nearly four years, Mr. Hollyday received many interesting and important letters bearing on the condition of the colonies at that time, some of them from the pen of his half-brother, Col. Edward Lloyd (born May 8, 1711, and, after
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HON. JAMES HOLLYDAY, JR.
holding many positions of honor and trust, died Jan. 27, 1770), and Thomas Ringgold (born Dec. 15, 1715, died April 1, 1772), two of the most prominent men of the Maryland Colony at that period. Mr. Ringgold was a delegate from Kent County, and conspicuous as one of the commissioners from Maryland to the Stamp Act Congress held in New York City in October, 1765, and the following incident connected with his public career will show the character of the man.
Mr. Zechariah Hood was the person appointed by the British Ministry as Stamp Distributor in Maryland. His appointment gave great dis- satisfaction, and McMahon writes:
An incident occurred soon after his arrival (in Annapolis) which made him still more obnoxious to the people of the province. Finding himself the object of general detestation he endeavored to palliate his conduct by the assertion that the office he held had been solicited by a member of the Assembly who had offered a large sum for the bestow- ment of it, and that therefore the people ought not to extend their whole fury on him for his acceptance of it. The person pointed at by this slanderous assertion was Thomas Ringgold, who, hearing the rumor, spoke the general sentiment of the people in the following noble and indignant reply. "I hope,"he says, "that my conduct has been such both in public and private stations as to induce a general belief that I have the feelings of humanity, am a friend to liberty, and love my country. I should be extremely sorry by an act so truly contempt- ible to have afforded room for a contrary opinion. I therefore beg the liberty publickly to declare through your paper (Green's Gazette) that no consideration should have induced me to have had any hand in the execution of a law tending to the subversion of our dearest rights as freeborn subjects of England, and to the suppression of the freedom of the press."
Col. Edward Lloyd writes Nov. 25, 1754 :-
We long looked, and for some time with a great deal of impatience, for a letter from you, as we heard of the misfortune that happened to you by the death of Capt. Blackburn some time before your letter reached us. The concern we had at hearing of both your and my moth- er's indisposition is not to be abated, until we hear that you have recov- ered yr health.
Thomas Ringgold, in his letter to Mr. Hollyday, dated Dec. 7, 1754, says:
Capt. Blackburn was really much lamented by all his acquaintances. Indeed, there are few men act their part in life so well as he did.
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The events in Maryland during the period that Mr. Hollyday was pursuing his studies in London were of a highly interesting and important character, and as the correspondence treats largely of public affairs and the condition of the colony, and furnishes many details of operations during the French war, I quote freely from it.
McMahon records that "the colony during the early years of this struggle, from 1754 to 1758, was in a very distressed condition," and Col. Lloyd, in a letter to his brother, bearing date Nov. 25, 1754, says :-
We seem to be in but a bad situation here at present, our crops poor, Trade almost lost, and just on the brink of war in the very heart of our Continent. Our Governor (Horatio Sharp) since you went away has received a Commission which makes him a Lieutenant-Col. in the British Establishment, and 'tis said Commander-in-Chief of all our forces in America. He has gone to Wills's Creek to reconnoitre the troops, and to form schemes how the better to conduct the Springs Campaign, which we live in certain expectation there will be, although we are but a handful of men to the great army which the French can readily raise.
In Maryland and Pennsylvania the want of efficient co-operation in the French war was seriously felt in several of the campaigns. "The requisitions of the Crown for the supply of men and money," says McMahon, "although backed by the entreaties and remonstrances of their respective governors, were in almost every instance disregarded by the Assembly."
Thomas Ringgold writes Dec. 7, 1754 :-
Our Governour has a commission from Home to command in Chief in ye Ohio and is very intent, but the stiff-necked Quakers of Penna. carried the Election again, and still stand out, will not give a farthing. Would they do anything, I believe matters would go on with some spirit, otherwise I fear the French will get too well fixed there next summer to be easily moved. We have report of 5 sail of men of war having arrived at Quebec, if so, it will no doubt be a great addition to our strength. Let us know what is thought of this affair at Home. Will it not bring on a general war and a second ruin to poor Maryland?
Mr. Ringgold writes Dec. 13, 1754 :-
Your law business is and shall be taken care of so as to give your clients content.
Also March 10, 1755 :-
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HON. JAMES HOLLYDAY, JR.
Our Assembly is called very frequently but do little, they are now sitting, and have voted £10,000, but whether ye bill will pass or not we can't tell. Ye Upper House refused the same on terms in December, and they'll not alter it. The Lord Baltimore objects to two clauses of our inspection Law, ye one for ye regulation of ye money, ye other for Limitation of officers' fees, neither of which the Assembly will repeal, but obstinately insist on holding both. So I fear we shall lose ye whole, and then what shall we do? bad as times are they must be much worse.
Sept. 27, 1755, Mr. Ringgold writes :-
I sit down to write now, not because I don't know how to employ my time otherwise (for tho' I have quitted ye profit of the Law, I have been this summer hurried enough in finishing old affairs), nor because I have a great deal to say, but to show you when a ship is sailing to your door and you have no postage that I will not omit an opportun- ity of showing you that time or space wears not out ye friendly regard I always had for you. Times have been very difficult with us this season. Tobacco from great destruction in the House, has run short and put us in the loading way under difficulties about loading our ships. Crop notes have been precious things, tho' suppose we must lose by them, and they'd be more so next year, as we shall not have above ¿th or a crop, & very scant of corn. This you may say is news for a Planter and Merchant, and not fit for ye Temple. To ye great shame of who- ever is in fault, our Assembly nor that of Pennsylvania have yet done anything. Ours still split on ye ordinary licenses, and theirs now have voted a gen'l land tax to raise 50 thousand pound which the Governor will not pass unless ye Proprietary's private Estate is exempted, which they cry out is highly unjust and unreasonable. Whilst we are thus contending the northern people are exerting a noble spirit. Col. John- son at the head of an army of American militia without one regular or officer on ye establishment, is making bold pushes for Crown Point, and the people fly daily to his assistance, so that we expect by this time he has 5000 men at least with him.
Your Brother the Col. [Col. Edward Lloyd] tells me he incloses you ye particulars of what he has done, I therefore need not repeat, but we are in the highest Expectation, as we have taken off all their principal officers we shall soon have a good account of them. It is said only 600 Indians and 200 French defeated Genl. Braddock, who was lost in his abundant security, and by his contempt for ye enemy, and a bad agreement amongst the officers. Tho' notwithstanding our defeat with Braddock, we have yet considering our ships and everything, abundantly the best of the campaign. Col. Washington behaved with great calmness, bravery, and intrepidity in Braddock's action, and keeps up his character. He had several horses shot from under him, his cloaths shot to pieces and came off unhurt.
A letter from Robert Lloyd (first cousin of Col. Lloyd, Mr. Hallyday's half-brother), Oct. 20, 1755, says :-
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THE WORTHIES OF TALBOT
This will just give you to understand that I am still in motion, and upon the brink of dismal times. We don't make the country through above a fourth part of a crop of Tobacco, scarce corn to support the inhabitants, the stock must shift for themselves, the flax is messed, and the people almost naked and destitute of money and credit. The French and their Indians nibbling on our Frontiers, and no one seems to have resolution enough to set the dogs at them. You'll say this is a wretched situation to wish you back again to, but so it is. Yr assist- ance will be wanting for the relief of a distressed country, the good of which you know we have all much at heart. Would our grand Lord and Master permit us to furnish the necessary means for our defence. We have offered to give and they have refused 'till now they won't ask or even give us a publick opportunity of either giving or refusing. 'Twas expected on the defeat of Braddock we should have had an As- sembly called, and again upon the arrival of packetts by Montgomerie, but I hear nothing of it.
Under date of Dec. 9, 1755, Col. Edward Lloyd writes :-
We are in a most unhappy situation here being often alarmed and under apprehension that the French and Indians will penetrate far into our country. . The horrid cruelties that they have acted on some of ours as well as the Virginia and Pennsylvania back inhabitants, is most shocking and arousing, they impale men and women and even children, and set them up on high by way of scare crows, and mangle the bodies in a most frightful manner as a terror to others. The act of scalping has introduced this. 'Tis amazing that any civilized nation should countenance the practice, it ought to he held as against the laws of all nations. Our armies are all gone into Winter Quarters, although within this month we have been threatened with an attack on our army at Lake George. The report was that 9000 French and Canadians were on their march to attack Gov. Johnson, but this gasconade or boast presently went off in a mere puff. From Nova Scotia Gov. Lawrence has sent home into Maryland 903 of the people, who call themselves neutral French. A copy of his letter I here enclose you. They have been here this month.
The Gov. being at New York, Mr. Tasker called a Council, the resol- ution (if it may be called a resolution or advice) you have also here inclosed. As no doubt much will be talked in London of this transac- tion, you'll from that and the knowledge you have of the law of nations, form an adequate judgment of the fitness of the measures taken not only by us, but the Council of Nova Scotia. These inhabitants before the treaty of Utrecht were said to be the subjects of the King, as such no allegiance or obedience could be required of them by the King of England, therefore as soon as this place was ceded to the Crown of England, rather than distress or deprive them of the property they had gained on that part of the Continent, his Majesty was most gracious- ly pleased to offer them the most advantageous terms that could be
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consistent with the British Constitution, i.e., that they should remain in possession of all they had on condition that they would become subjects of the Crown of Great Britain, and manifest their allegiance and willingness to the said King, by taking the oath or oaths prescribed to that end.
These were the terms by which these people were to be distinguished as subjects of the King of England. This, however, is it said and well known to be true, they would not condescend or subscribe to. Then in the first place it may well enough be made a question whether that act which they are charged with as being in arms in the French Fort at Bodusejour when it surrendered amounts to a rebellion, it being said that they never had consented to become subjects of the King of Eng- land. If the conclusion may be that they cannot be deemed rebells, then they are taken and held as prisoners of war, and this to me seems the proper state to set them in, for it seems that the subjects of the King of England (and I suppose by his command) for breach of treaty committed by these French, invaded and overcame with armed power, and took them as prisoners of war, and retaining them sent them as such into this province to the care of this Government. This Govern- ment received them in that state from the Capt. that brought them here, and afterwards sent them into several County's not under the restraint or confinement of any person, but let them at large and to. their own liberty. It may be here made a question whether this con- duct be prudent or consistent with good policy, for as enemies they came here and as such they must certainly remain, because they are all rigid Roman Catholicks, and so attached to the French king, that sooner than deny his power over them, they have quitted all that they had in the world. Now then, if it should be asked of us how came you to suffer these enemies to go at large, what can be said in our justifica- tion? I fear our, or rather I should say, the President's conduct in this will not bear a legal scrutiny (I was against this I assure you) however I shall be obliged if you'l give me your opinion candidly and as explicitly as your time will permit, and if you should be able to collect Mr. Calvert's opinion of this transaction, pray favor me with it which you may easily do by means of Mr. Anderson or Mr. Han- bury. He sometimes dines at each of their houses where I say you may see him. That they were taken and sent there as prisoners of war there can be no doubt I think, as we cannot devise any other honorable way of depriving those people who were all free born of their liberty. Now it has been made a question whether they could be justly deemed prisoners of war, as no declaration of war has been made since the last treaty of peace. To this mayn't it well be said that as these people have violated the treaties entered into with the Crown of England, either by committing open hostilities or assisting and abetting those that did, I say that they did thereby put themselves against the King, whence the King of England was implyedly acquitted from performing his part of the treaty with them and might renew the war without any proclamation since by that acquittance he became in the same state as
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to them as he was in before the treaty was concluded. If this be the case then they were brought here as prisoners of war and are liable to be called for upon a cartel. What will our Government say or do, having released them from that just duress or imprisonment which the Government of Nova Scotia put upon them? they are restored or are again in a state of freedom. Query then, can this or any other government restrain them after such liberty granted, or without some new violation or breech of the laws as to put them under confinement, or can they oblige them into servitude? I say my opinion on the President's question was, that these people should be suffered to land, but restrained of their liberty. This advice I still think consistent and most proper, and the measure that ought to have been pursued, for it may well be said that we have as much reason here to be apprehensive of them as enemies, as they at Halifax had. But suppose this was not the case they ought not to have been released or suffered to be at large by us as they were the King's prisoners, and he alone I think is to order their releasement. The resolution Mr. Tasker, it is said, has taken, is I think unpolitick. He has ordered two of the four vessels to this shore, one at Oxford with 200, the other at Wicomoco with they tell me, 260 additional, another at Patuxent, and the 4th stays at Annapolis, without any committment to the sheriff, so that they were at large for some time till Collister got many of them on board some vessels, one of which with sixty odd, was ordered by him into this river Wye, and the Capt. instructed to land them on my plantation, for me to do what I pleased with them, and this not only against my consent but in mani- fest opposition to me, although I had in order to prevent their starva- tion or being too heavy a burthen on the town of Oxford, ordered my storekeeper to pay Mr. Collister five pounds a week for their subsistence at Oxford where I expected they would all be kept under some rule. But he is so far from grateful for this benefaction, that he has sent the above said number, all to 8 or 9 that were left with Matthew Tilghman, and Phil Hambleton, and ordered them to be quartered on me which will subject me to the expense of at least £12 a week, besides making me liable to a great deal of danger, by their corrupting mine and other negro slaves on this river, of which there is at least the number of 300 that may be called Roman Catholicks, who being by some very late practices and declarations dangerous in themselves, become much more so by the addition of these people. I say dangerous, because some of my slaves have lately said they expected that the French would soon set them free, and Nic Griffin (that was Fitzhugh's overseer) was taken up the other day on information and affidavits, that he had said the negroes would soon be all free men.
If you think my sentiments just in respect to the conduct of our great man (then the greatest), and that these French from the inten- tion of Gov. Lawrence, in sending them here ought not to have been suffered at large, be pleased to do me justice, and set me in a true light by saying that I was against this procedure. For this end it is that I have said so much on this head, and you may also say that through
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necessity and to save them from starving (for the weather is very sharp and the sloop froze up in this river) I pay £5 per week towards the main- tenance of 30 odd at Oxford, and expect every hour to be put to an addi- tional expense of £12 a week for the support of them that are here and can't get away, should the river be all froze up which is likely. The Gov. had he been here when they were brought, would have prevented all this uneasiness & expense to private individuals. He, I dare say, wd have had them (the men at least) committed or taken into safe custody, but he was at New York attending a grand meeting or Congress of the Governors, and is but just come home. With great good will and sincere regard,
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