USA > Maryland > Maryland, two hundred years ago, a discourse > Part 7
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* Corresponding to the 6th of May, New Style.
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established in England ; the effect of which, (since the laws adopted by Parliament still deny to Roman Catholics liberty of conscience,) is, to suspend for the time the tolerant enaet- ments of the province,' at least so far as the members of that sect are concerned ; the population, scattered and weak, and occupying principally St. Mary's, Patuxent, Providence, and Kent, generally submit without hesitation ; yet germs of dis- content exist, which, if not checked, may before long develope themselves in controversy and violence. The narrative of varied and stirring incident belonging to the subsequent period, and which resulted in the restoration of the province to its rightful owner, must be left for another occasion.
A few words more, and I have done. After the lapse of just two centuries, we, the inhabitants of the city bearing the name of the actual founder of our State, citizens of that Maryland, the growth and condition of which, in those long lapsed periods, we have been endeavoring to scrutinize, stand up and question that dim and distant Past, and compare its response with that of the many-voiced Present, that we may anticipate our now unknown Future. " CRESCITE ET MULTI- PLICAMINI," was and is the motto of our social and political organization ; and in our history for two centuries it has been well obeyed. Two hundred years ago, the population of Maryland numbered less than five thousand souls,-now, we can count more than five hundred thousand ;- then, spread over four thinly settled and indefinitely extended counties, --- now, covering the ample territory of the state ;- then, exposed to the inroads of the savage and disturbed by civil dissensions,-now, secure from any outward attack and bound together by common interests and a common heritage
1 It is true, that the Governor and Council, even after the province was restored to Lord Baltimore, issued orders, July 23d, 1659, directing Justices of the Peace to seize any Quakers that might come into their districts, and to whip them froin constable to constable, until they should reach the bounds of the province. This severe treatment, however, was not on account of the reli- gions opinions advanced by the Quakers, but because they were wanting in the respect considered due to the civil magistrates, and, by their own refusal to take the oath of submission to the re-instated authorities, required of all the inhabi- tatifs, were regarded as setting an evil and rebellious example to the factious and ill-disposed among the people.
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of civil and religious right ;- then, scattered and disjoined by the remoteness of settlements and the difficulty of tracing one's way through the pathless and Indian-haunted forest,- now, compacted with populous cities, thriving towns, and growing villages, and united by those iron bands which form one of the inventive wonders as well as one of the grand commercial and industrial features of the age ;- then, a feeble, isolated community, struggling with internal difficul- ties and with the rivalry of an adjacent colony ;- now, in the heart of a mighty republic, itself a sovereign state, sur- rounded by states, powerful and sympathizing, and linked to all the confederated states of our glorious Union by a com- mon tie. How can her children look back, and not bless the philanthropy, wisdom, and energy of her founder ; honor the sturdy spirit of those ancestors, who, by their firm adherence to their liberties as English subjects, paved the way for a recognition of their broader rights as American freemen ; and magnify the goodness of that Divine Providence, which, from the small seed planted on this Atlantic coast, two hun- dred years ago, has raised a tree of liberty, whose branches extend from the rivers to the sea, and whose leaves shall yet be for the healing of the nations !
Let us, then, not only as citizens of Maryland, but as members of this great Union, accept as oracular periods and bind upon our hearts, these words of warning and advice, addressed by Cecilius Calvert to his people, during the colo- nial difficulties I have attempted to describe. " We now hope," are his impressive words, " that the inhabitants there will unite themselves in Affection and Fidellity ; and avoide all factions and divisions among themselves, as also such cavilling Persons and Councells as shall, under what specious pretence soever, excite or tend to the Division of the people and their unanimous and cheerful obedience to the Civill Gov- ernment there established : That, as we are all members of one Body-Politique, we may have also one minde in all Civill and Temporall matters concerning that place ;- which is the most hopefull way of drawing down God's blessing upon our Endeavors, who loveth Unity, and therefore commandeth us
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to love one another. Christian Religion directeth us soe to doe, for the accomplishment of eternall happiness; and human Policy also adviseth it ;- it being a most certaine and true Maxime, which tells us, ' CONCORDIA, res parvæ crescunt, DISCORDIA maximæ dilabuntur :' By UNION, a small collony may growe into a great and renouned nation ; where- as, by experience it is found, that by discord and DISUNION, great and glorious kingdoms and commonwealths decline and come to nothing."
With the lesson from the Past, which has been read to us, impressed upon our minds,-with these words from our honored Founder sounding in our ears,-with the teeming and hopeful Present under our feet, and the immeasurable Future opening before us, -- who of us will hesitate to say, in all sincerity and with solemn earnestness,-" GOD SAVE THE COMMONWEALTH OF MARYLAND !"-" GOD PRESERVE TIIE UNION OF THESE AMERICAN UNITED STATES !"
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APPENDIX No. I.
THE full title of the tract, alluded to in the note, is as follows : " The Answer to Tom Tell-Troth, the Practice of Princes, and the Lamentations of the Kirke : Written by The Lord Baltimore, late Secretary of State .- London, printed 1642." The following selections are made to show the tone of the author's mind on politica! as well as religious subjects. It inust have been presented to the king about the year 1631 ; and it is pos- sible that the loyalty displayed by Lord Baltimore in it, and his zeal to rebuke the king's opponents, religious as well as civil, may have inclined Charles to look favorably on his application for the charter of Maryland, which was granted soon after.
He begins with the following humble address to the king :
" MOST GRACIOUS PRINCE,
"I know well what Reverence subjects owe to their Sovereigne, and am not ignorant of the puissance and majesty of a king of Great Brittaine; believe, I should not presume to write to so great a Monarch, if the Loy- alty of a subject, the honour of your vertues and some partienlar obliga- tions of my own, did not cominand me to neglect all other respects, and prefer your safety, honour, and bonum publicum, before any dangers or blame, I foresee [1] may incurre, and the rather because I speake in your owne eare only, without publishing or imparting to others, that which I delivered to your Majesty."-p. I.
" I have seene divers discourses out of England of the necessity to maintaine the ancient authority of Parliaments, how to assure Religion from oppression and alteration, and how to reforme the government both in church and commonwealth, -audacious arguments, and as insolently handled .- p. 2.
" I meane not to trouble your Highnesse with pedlor's stuffe, and so stale wares as Vox Populi and Votira . Inglice ; but to inform you of some books (amongst many others) T. T. Troth, The Practice of Princes, and the Lamentation of the Kirke ; which are the works of such Boutefeus, as are able to set the whole State on fire, imbroyle the Realme and aliene the hearts of the people from their Prince ; for these Maskers, under the Vi-
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· zards of Religion, seeke to undermine Loyalty, and either to engage you abroad in forraigne wars, or indanger your person at home in Civill ; And yet I write not to confute these learned scriblers (more worthy to be contemned then answered) but to advertise your Highnesse of them, that by an obsta principiis, you may upon such smoake prepare all things needfull to quench such a fire, when it shall flame, and first breake out, which it may doe when you least looke for it ; For by nature these spirits are fiery hot spurs, and fitter for any thing, then that they most professe, Piety and Patience."-p. 3.
" And that they may plainely appeare in their own likenesse, your Highnesse may be pleased to mark and consider how sawcily and pre- sumptously they contemne Monarches, scorne and disgrace them."-p. 3.
" And, which argueth a spirit of frenzy, he (Tom Tell-Troth) spareth no King ;- for. of King James himself he delivereth such a character, as is both disloyall and most intollerable. And first, touching his mainte- nance of Religion, he taxeth him most scandalously, that he is only head > of the church dormant, there are so many corruptions in it; that he hath more pulled downe the church with his proceedings than raised it up by his writings ; and whereas he calleth himselfe ' defender of the Faith,' his faithful subjects, saith he, have just cause to question it ; for the Pa- pists were never better defended, as appeareth by the king's private instructions to judges and prohibition of Pursevants."-p. 1.
"But above all other scandalous defamations, the description they make of a Protestant King, is most transcendent and traiterous. Let him, (saith he) excell in mischiefe, let him act Nero, Phalaris, &c. he shall not need to feare, nor weare a private coate, for he may have Lords temporall for his Eunuches, spiritual for his mutes, and whom he will for his Incu- bus and kisse his minions without shame."
"Behold a Calvinist in puris naturalibus ;- perfectly factious and under the cloake of zeale, carnifex regum. Peruse Mariana and all the works of the Jesuites, look as curiously into their acts as they were examined at Paris, and you shall not find such paradoxes of mischiefe and such pro- phane calumniations of Princes which may parallel and match these, yet I can overmatch or equall them ; for they murmure as much at your Majesty's own proceedings, neither doth your Monarchie or mild temper exempt you from their tongue-shot, and the poison of asps in their lips." pp. 6-7.
" Thus, they currishly barke against Kings and Councells, and spit upon the Crown like Friends of Democracies, of confusion and irregulari- tie,"-" They intend, first, to reforme the State, and to suppresse Episco- pall jurisdiction, and casheere so many places of Baronies in the Upper House; and yet those men pretend to be friends and patrons of Parlia- ments and order."-p. 9.
" And surely the Bishops were blinded, if they should expect any favor of good allowance, if God should so punish this realm, that your Majesty
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should die without Issue, ( which God forbid, ) for the successor these men desire will deale with themi, es be did with the Lutherans at Prague."- p. 10.1
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" We are not now troubled so much with mar-Prelats as with mar- Kings (which is an acculent unseparable from Cal anisme) which never got sure footing in any country, but desolation followed. Your Majes- tie may be pleased to call to mynd, and set before your eyes, how misera. bly your Grandfather was made away of the disciples of Knox, and how your Grandinother, who had as good night and footing in Scotland, as you have in England, was deposed by the same spirits. Remember also in what danger King Francis the second of France did stand by the con- spiracie of Amboys, and his brother Charles at Meaux by those Calvin- < ists, Pracones turbarum."-pp. 14, 15.
" I will conclude all with the reasons of these calamities and tempests raised by the Consistorians, which Sebastian Castalio giveth, l. de pre- destinat. (a man once nearly allyed to Calvin in divers opinions,) who maketh a difference between the true God and the God of Calvin. IIe teacheth us that Calvin's God ingendereth children without mercie, proud, insolent, and bloudie, and that it cannot be otherwise he sheweth causes. For, that Calvin's God is the Author of Sinne, (not by permission only, but efficaciter,) and he predestinated the greatest part of the world not only to damnation,-but also to the cause of damnation, and suggesteth to men wicked affections : Wherefore if it be true that of malus corrus, malum corrum,-of evill causes, evill effects, of an evill spirit, will evill motions proceed. I cannot marvayle of the tumults of Bohemia, of the many battayles and rebellions in France, and the horrible treasons in Scotland, and I may well doubt that the like, (which hath been in other places,) may fall out in England, knowing by whose doctrines they were all guided and bred, by what furies they were inspired, and what God they served and adored, who was the Author of Sinne, the badge of Cal- vinisme."-p. 16.
The author goes on to prove, by a long and labored argument, that Ferdinand was legally elected king of Bohemia, while the choice of the Elector Palatine was irregular and rebellious; and on this plea dissuades the king from following the warlike counsels of the Calvinistic party ; since "no war can be justifiable but that which is begun upon just and urgent occasions, wherein justice, prudence, honor, and safety shall bear the standard of England."
The freedom with which Lord Baltimore alluded, even in addressing the king, to the oppressed condition of the Catholics in England, is shewn in the folowing home-thrust which he gives his opponents:
"But to make a closer fight, the argument which the Palatine useth for the defence of the Bohemians, will appeare in the right shape of vani-
1 The successor alluded to was the Elector Palatine and titular King of Bohenna, a zcat- ous Protestant, who mained Ehzabeth, the daughter of Jaules.
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tie, if I may weigh it with English weights, and change the name; and if I may (to make the Judges the better to apprehend,) thus brieflie draw it into forme.
"The poore afflicted Catholiques of England have their grievances dayly multiplied, their estates spoiled, their persons disgraced, &c. There- fore, being driven to such extremities, they may justlie and lawfullie take armes in defence of their Religion and Libertie ;- how will the Judges like this reason ? Sureile, preferi mne to Newgate worthilie : and yet this is the substance of their Argument. The antecedent of this Argument is comprehendled in these words :- " Ineta in immensum Religionis gra- ramina.' Now, if this reason be good to move compassion to the Bohe- mians, so it may for the English. If you object, that the Lawes of England punish Catholiques, and abolish the exercise of their Religion ; so likewise doth the Law of the Empire of Bohemia condemne the Calvinists. If you say, for the peace of the Realme, the King cannot tolerate Catholiques, experience sheweth the like for the Calvinists, whom the empire accuseth of heresie, schisme, and innovation, which last, can- not justlie be imputed to the Catholiques."
" And, touching the consequent, it is the Palatine's own conclusion, viz : Quis miratur, si quid in desperatis morbis fieri solet, ad extrema quo- que remedia descenderant ? So, if the Catholiques should follow the Palsgrave's opinion and advice in desperatis morbis, that is, in violent per- secution, they may lawfully take Armes, and defend themselves ;- but they are otherwise Catechized, and better instructed in the school of true patience and humilitie, and practise, doctrine and conscience to draw in the Youke of our Saviour."-p. 41-43.
In conclusion, after strongly urging the king to seek an alliance with Spain rather than unite with Holland, Lord Baltimore supplicates his majesty to read and ponder his communication, and to believe that nothing moves him to write, but his own fidelity, and the love of some of the king's servants, that pray for his happiness ; "protesting." says he, "and taking God to witnesse that I write by no instruction of foreigners, nor for no pension nor obligation to any foreigne Prince whatsoever."
It seems not improper to mention here a remarkable passage in a letter written by Lord Baltimore to his friend Strafford, August 12th, 1630, referred to by Anderson, in his History of the Colonial Church, vol. 2. p. 115. With a view, as it would appear, of showing the affection enter- tained by Roman Catholics for the family of Charles, Lord Baltimore describes the manifestations of joy in the Court of Spain, on hearing that Queen Henrietta Maria had given birth to the Prince of Wales. Ile says, " the King, Queen and all the Court in bravery, not so much as the young infant of so many months old but had his feather in his cap ; and all the town full of masks and musick. And not only the Temporal State, but the Spiritual express their gladness : The Ileads of the clergy and all the Religious Houses in the city came to the ambassador in the
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name of their Bodies, to congratulate with him the birth of the Prince, and solemn Masses and Prayers were said for his health and prosperity every where. Thus your Lordship sees that we Papists want not charity to you Protestants, whatsoever the less understanding part of the world thinks of us." Strafford's Letters, 1. 53.
Anderson remarks upon this extract, that, think what we may of the sincerity of the writer, who lays stress upon such proofs of charity, he leaves entirely out of sight the fact that Queen Henrietta was of the same communion with those who expressed so much joy ;- and that it might justly be regarded, not as a proof of charity or tolerant feelings towards Protestants, but rather of exultation in the prospect that a Roman Catho- lic Prince might again be seated on the throne of England.
Such, certainly, may have been the real grounds of the proceedings at Madrid ; but it seems hardly possible that Lord Baltimore would have represented the subject as he did, to a man so penetrating and acute as Wentworth, unless he had entertained, personally, some convictions of that nature.
APPENDIX No. II.
THE expression "sacrosancta Dei et rera Christiana Religio" in our Latin Charter, is rendered in the English translation, " God's holy and true Christian religion ;" -- but a critical examination of the terms used and of the context, will shew that such a rendering is incorrect.
The whole passage reads as follows : " PROviso semper quod nulla fiat Interpretatio per quam Sacrosancta Dei et vera Christiana Religio aut Ligeantia Nobis Haeredibus et successoribus nostris debita immin- tatione prejudicio vel Dispendio in aliquo patiantur."
If "religio" and "" ligeantia" are the only nominatives, the verb, accord ing to the usual Latin construction, (from which there are, it is true, occasional exceptions,) should be in the singular number; since they are disjunctively connected by " aut." We are therefore led to look for another nominative case ; and a moment's examination shews us that the word Dei, if the old translation is correct, is entirely out of place ; but by making "sacrosancta" a neuter adjective, governing the genitive " Dei," we have at once a solution of the difficulty, and an expression which, by its connection with the words "rera Christiana religio," affords a sutli- cient reason for using " potiantur" in the plural number.
The true meaning and scope of these words have been the subject of much discussion. One view of them is, that they are but a repetition, with a slight modification, of a form of expression usual in charters of that and even an earlier period, and intended to secure conformity to the established church -another, that they were designedly introduced by
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the first Lord Baltimore into the charter, as the basis of a broad toleration, which was to include the long persecuted Roman Catholics, and which was acted upon by his son Cecilius, the founder of the colony.
There may be some truth in both these opinions. If, as Chalmers > asserts, the Charter of Maryland is a literal copy of that of Avalon, the construction to be put upon its provisions, especially in regard to religion, must depend upon the faith of Lord Baltimore at that period. If he was then a Protestant, as is generally asserted, the charter would be drawn in terms manifesting fall confidence in the grantee, as a member of the established church. If he was a Catholic, we might expect to find some indications of the fact, in cautionary expressions in the charter, unless his adherence to the Church of Rome was unavowed, or if known to the king, was winked at by him, in consideration of the faithful services of the Secretary, and in view of the negotiations then going on with the Catholic Court of Spain.
If the charter of Maryland had been drawn by Lord Baltimore himself, at the time when the grand was decided on, we could look to it with con- fidence, as the exponent of the principles, civil and religious, on which he intended to lay the foundations of that colony. This is asserted by several writers, but I doubt the correctness of the assertion. In the first place, it is by no means probable that Lord Baltimore would be suffered to dictate to the king and commissioners of plantations the terms on which he would accept the grant ;--- and in the second place, we know that certain fundamental principles had been recognized in regard to colonization, which entered into the composition of all the charters granted, from the time of the first Virginia emigration to the latest colonial settlement. On examination and comparison, it will be found that the principal provi- sions of the charter of Maryland, and some upon which much stress has been laid, as constituting it a peculiarly liberal instrument, correspond to those of the old Virginia and even earlier charters, with such modifi- cations merely as serve to adapt that of Maryland to a palatinate instead of a royal jurisdiction. These grants were made years before even that of Avalon; so that the first Lord Baltimore has received more laudation for tact in drawing the Maryland charter, than he really deserves.
The opening clause of the Maryland charter announces the aim of the grantee to be, the spread of the christian religion and the enlargement of the empire. This is the established formula in the earliest grants, and only expresses a fact, that there was at that period a wide-spread and earnest zeal to convert the heathen in America. as well as to appropriate its fertile soil. The name of AVALON, which Lord Baltimore gave his first province, from the place where Christianity was said to have been first planted in England, may indicate that with his hopes of personal emolu- ment, the pious design of christianizing the native occupants of the soil was uppermost in his mind. It gives no ground, however, for the asser- tion that his aims in either of his colonies were merely or mainly religious, or for any inference in regard to the faith of Proprietary or people.
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The next clause in the charter that touches upon religion, gives the patentee the patronages and advowsons of all churches, that with the in- creasing worship and religion of Christ may happen to be built, with license for erecting churches, chapels, and places of worship, and causing the same to be dedicated according to the ecclesiastical laws of England. Had Lord Baltimore been a member of the established church, there would have been nothing strange in this provision ;- but both he and Charles must have known, at the time of its insertion, that his connec- - tion with the church of Rome, would render it difficult to comply strictly with the obligation it implied. Perhaps it may be said, that by causing churches to be consecrated according to the ecclesiastical laws of England, he might comply with his charter obligations, and at the same time, shift from his own shoulders the responsibility to the head of his { church, which a personal compliance with the article would entail.
Finally, we have the expression quoted at the commencement of these remarks; the origin and precise meaning of which, are questions of some interest.
On looking over the old charters, granted for purposes of discovery and colonization, I find, as carly as 1584, in Letters Patent granted by Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Ralegh, the following clause. "So always as said statutes, lawes, and ordinances may be, as neere as conveniently may be, agreeable to the lawes, statutes, government, or pollicie of England, and also, so as they be not against the true christian faith, nowe pro- fessed in the church of England, nor in any wise to withdraw any of the people of those lands from the allegiance of us, our heires," &c.
The. Virginia charter of 1606, requires that " the true word and service of God and christian faith" be preached in the colony and among the savages, "according to the doctrine, rights (rites) and religion now professed and established within our realm of England ;" and that "care be taken to hold the people in their allegiance to the king, as their immediate sove- reign under God."
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