USA > Maryland > The founders of Maryland as portrayed in manuscripts, provinical records and early documents > Part 2
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" The Nacostines before, here occasioned the kill- ing of twenty men of our English, myself then being taken prisoner and detained five years, which was in the time of Sir Francis Wyatt, he being the Governor of Virginia.2 The 13th of June I had some conference with an interpreter of Massomack3 and of divers other
' The Nacostines or Anacostans lived near the site of the city of Washington. The suburb opposite the Navy Yard is now called Anacostia, and Mason's Island is often called Analostan.
* See page 11.
* Daniel Gookin, formerly of Virginia and a friend of the Massachu- setts Indian missionary, John Eliot, in a History of the Indians in Now
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المسلمة
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THE FOUNDERS OF MARYLAND.
Indians that had been lately with them, whose rela- tion was very strange in regard of the abundance of people there, compared to all the other poor number of natives which are in Patomack and places adjacent, where are not above five thousand persons, and also of the infinite store of beaver they use in coats. Divers were the imaginations that I did conceive about this discovery, and understanding that the river was not for shipping, where the people were, not yet for boats to pass, but for canoes only. I found all my neighbor Indians to be against my design, the Pascat- towies having had a great slaughter formerly by them to the number of one thousand persons in my time. They coming in their birchen canoes did seek to withdraw me from having any commerce with the other Indians, and the Nacostines were earnest in the matter, because they knew that our trade might hinder their benefit. Yet I endeavored to prosecute my trade with them nevertheless, and therefore made choice of two trusty Indians to be sent along with my brother, who could travel well.
England, writes : " There is a numerous race of Indians that live upon a great lake or sea. Some report it to be salt water, while others fresh. * * * * This people I conceive to be the same that Capt. Smith in bis History of Virginia doth in several places call Massawomeks. * Now the place where he met with and heard of this great people of Massawomeks was at the head of the Chesapeake Bay or Gulf, which lieth in the latitude of 40 degrees, nearest ; and he saith, they had re- course thither from the lakes or seas where they lived, in canoes of bark of trees."
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FISH AND GAME.
"I find the Indians of that populous place are governed by four kings, whose towns are of several names, Tonhoga,1 Mosticum, Shaunetowa,2 and Ussera- hak,3 reported above thirty thousand persons, and that they have palisades about the towns made with great trees, and with scaffolds upon the walls. Unto these four kings, I sent four presents in beads, bells, hatchets, knives, and coats, to the value of £8 sterling.
" The 14th of June they set forth, and I eutreated them to bring these Indians down to the water to the Falls, where they should find me with the ship. On Monday, the 25th of June, we set sail for the town of Tohoga, when we came to an anchor two leagues short of the Falls,4 being in the latitude of 41, on the 26th of June. This place without all question is the most pleasant and healthful place in all this country, and most convenient for habitation, the air temper- ate in summer and not violent in winter. It aboundeth with all manner of fish. The Indians in one night commonly will catch thirty sturgeons in a place where the river is not above twelve fathom broad. And as for deer, buffaloes, bears, turkeys, the woods do swarm with them, and the soil is exceedingly fertile, but above this place the country is rocky and mountainous like Cannida.
1 Tohogas or Tiogas?
"Shawnees ? r
' Outouacs or Ottowas ?
* Nine miles above Washington.
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" The 27th of June I manned my shallop, and went up with the flood, the tide rising about four feet in height at this place. We had not rowed above three miles, but we might hear the Falls to roar about six miles distant, by which it appears that the river is separated with rocks, but only in that one place, for beyond is a fair river. The 3d of July, my brother, with the two Indians, came thither, in which journey they were seven days going, and five days coming back to this place. They all did affirm that in one palisado, and that being the last of thirty, there were three hundred houses, and in every house forty skins at least, in bundles and piles. To this king was delivered the four presents, who dispersed them to the rest. The entertainment they had I omit as tedious to relate. There came with them, one-half of the way, one hun- dred and ten Indians, laden with beaver, which could not be less than 4000 weight. These Indians were made choice of by the whole nation, to see what we were, what was. our intent, and whether friends or - foes, and what commodities we had, but they were met with by the way by the Nacostines, who told them we purposed to destroy those that came in our way, in revenge of the Pascattowaies, being hired to do so for 114 skins, which were delivered aforesaid, for a present, as a preparative.
" But see the inventions of devils; the life of my brother, by this tale of the Nacostines, was much en-
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FLEET'S BROTHER RETURNS.
dangered. The next morning I went to the Nacostines to know the reason of this business, who answered, they did know no otherwise, but that if I would make a firm league with them, and give their king a a present, then they would undertake to bring those other Indians down. The refusal of this offer, was the greatest folly that I have ever committed, in mine opinion.
" The 10th of July, about one o'clock we discerned an Indian on the other side of the river, who with a shrill sound, cried, 'Quo! Quo! Quo!' holding up a beaver skin upon a pole. I went ashore to him, who then gave me the beaver skin, with his hatchet, and laid down his head with a strange kind of behavior, using some few words, which I learned, but to me it was a foreign language. I cheered him, told him he was a good man, and clapped him on the breast with my hands. Whereupon he started up, and used some complimental speech, leaving his things with me ran up the hill.
" Within the space of half an hour, he returned, with five more, one being a woman, and an interpreter, at which I rejoiced, and so I expressed myself to them, showing them courtesies. These were laden with beaver, and came from a town called Usserahak, where were seven thousand Indians. I carried these Indians aboard, and traded with them for their skins. They drew a plot of their country, and told me there came
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THE FOUNDERS OF MARYLAND.
with them sixty canoes, but were interrupted by the Nacostines, who always do wait for them, and were hindered by them. Yet these, it would seem, were resolute, not fearing death, and would adventure to come down. These promised, if I would show them my truck, to get great store of canoes to come down with one thousand Indians that should trade with me. I had but little, not worth above one hundred pound sterling, and such as was not fit for these Indians to trade with, who delight in hatchets, and knives of large size, broad-cloth, and coats, shirts, and Scottish stockings. The women desire bells, and some kind of beads.
"The 11th of July there came from another place seven lusty men, with strange attire; they had red fringe, and two of them had beaver coats, which they gave me. Their language was haughty, and they seemed to ask me what I did there, and demanded to see my truck, which, upon view, they scorned. They had two axes, such as Captain Kirk traded in Cannida, which he bought at Whits of Wapping, and there I bought mine, and think I had as good as he. But these Indians, after they came aboard, seemed to be fair conditioned, and one of them, taking a piece of chalk, made a plain demonstration of their country, which was nothing different from the former plot drawn by the other Indians. These called themselves Mosti- kums, but afterwards I found they were of a people
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CANNIBALISM OF NATIVES.
three days' journey from these, and were called Herec- keenes,1 who, with their own beaver, and what they get of those that do adjoin upon them, do drive a trade in Cannida, at the plantation, which is fifteen days' journey from this place. These people delight not in toys, but in useful commodities.
" There was one William Elderton very desirous to go with them, but being cannibals I advised him rather to go with the others, whither I had sent a present, telling him they had no good intentions, yet upon his earnest entreaty, though unwilling, I licensed him to proceed, and sent a present with him to their king, one of them affirming that they were a people of one of the four aforenamed nations. But I advised my man to carry no truck along, lest it might be a means to endanger his life. Nevertheless, as I was after- wards informed, he carried a coat, and other things to the value of ten shillings more, and on the 14th of July departed. .
" The 15th of July the Indians were returned with the interpreter, according to promise, and, being come, looked about for William our interpreter, to whom I made relation whither he was gone, and they seemed to lament for him, as if he were lost, saying, that the men with whom he went would eat him, that these people were uot their friends, but that they were Here- cheenes. At the departure of these Indians, they told
1 Iroquois ?
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THE FOUNDERS OF MARYLAND.
me that two hundred Indians were come to the place from whence they came with store of English truck to trade for beaver, and told us they had a purpose to come down and visit us, and take a view of our com- modities, and they inquired after divers kinds of com- modities, of which I had some very good, part of which I gave them, and sent them away, desiring them to follow after the other Indians, and to get away my man. All this time did my truck spend not so much upon beaver as upon victuals, having nothing but what we bought of the Indians, of whom we had fish, beans, and boiled corn. The seamen, nevertheless, hoped to sell away all their clothes for beaver.
" The 18th of July I went to the Pascattowaies, and there excused myself for trading with those that were enemies, and from thence I hired sixteen Indians, and brought them to the ship, and made one of them my merchant, and delivered to them, equally divided, the best part of my truck, which they carried up for me, to trade with their countrymen ; and I gave charge to the factor to find out my man, and to bring him along with them when they came back.
" The 7th of August these Indians returned, and the Tohogaes sent me eighty skins with the truck again, who showed these Indians great packs of beaver, say- ing there were nine hundred of them coming down by winter, after they had received assurance of our love by the Usserahaks, although the Nacostines had much
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BEAVER TRADE. 33
labored the contrary. And yet they were all at a stand for a time, by reason of two rumors that had raised, the one, that I had no good truck, neither for quantity, nor for quality ; the other that one of our men was slain by the Hirechenes, three days' journey beyond them, and that they had beguiled us with the name of Mosticums, one of their confederate nations. Nevertheless, they being desirous to have some trial of us, had sent us these skins, minding to have an answer whether we would be so satisfied of this deceit or no, and that they would come all four nations and trade with us upon their guard.
" I liked this motion very well, but was unwilling to protract time, because I had but little victuals, and small store of trucking stuff, and therefore I sailed down to Pascattowie, and so to a town on this side of it called Moyumpse. Here came three cannibals of Usserahak, Tohoga, and Mosticum ; these used many complimenting speeches and rude orations, showing that they desired us to stay fifteen days, and they would come with a great number of people that should trade with us as formerly they had spoken. I gave them all courteous entertainment, and so sent them back again.
" At this time I had certain news of a small pinnace with eight men, that made inquiry in all places for me, with whom was Charles Harman.1 The Indians would
1 See page 13.
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THE FOUNDERS OF MARYLAND.
willingly have put them by from me, or I could have shifted them in the night, or taken them, as I pleased ; but, knowing my designs to be fair and honest, I feared nothing that might happen by this means. And now, after much toil and some misery, I was desirous of variety of company.
" The 28th of August, in the morning, I discerned the barque, and having the shallop which I built amongst the Indians, I manned her with ten men and all manner of munition, with a full resolution to (dis- cover) what they were, and what were their intentions. Being come near them, I judged what they were and went aboard, where I found Captain John Uty, one of the Council of Virginia.1 In which barque I stayed with them by the space of two hours, and then invited them aboard my ship, where, being entered into my cabin, after a civil pause, this salutation was used :--- " Captain Fleet, I am sorry to bring ill news, and to trouble you in these courses, being so good ; but as I am an instrument, so I pray you to excuse me, for, in the King's name I arrest you, your ship, and goods, and likewise your company, to answer such things as the Governor and Council shall object."
I obeyed ; yet I conceived that I might use my own discretion, and most of his company being servants, and ill-used, were willing to have followed me, yea, though it had been to have gone for England.
1 See notice of Utie on page 48.
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" The 29th of August we came to Patomack; here was I tempted to take in corn, and then to proceed for New England; but wanting truck, and having much tobacco due to me in Virginia, I was unwilling to take any irregular course, especially in that I con- ceived all my hopes and future fortunes depended upon the trade and traffic that was to be had out of this river.
"I took in some provisions, and came down to a town called Patobanos,1 where I found that all the In- dians below the cannibals, which are in number five thousand persons in the river of Patomack, will take pains this winter in the killing of beavers and preserve the furs for me now that they begin to find what benefit may accrue to them thereby. By this means I shall have in readiness at least five or six thousand weight against my next coming to trade there. Thursday, the 6th of September 1632, we came to the river of James Town, and on the 7th day anchored at James Town, and I went ashore the same night.
" The Governor, bearing himself like a noble gen- tleman, showed me very much favor, and used me with unexpected courtesy. Captain Utye .did acquaint the Council with the success of the voyage, and every man seemed to be desirous to be a partner with me in these employments. I made as fair weather as might be with them, to the end I might know what would be
1 Also called Potopaco and Potobatto, now Port Tobacco.
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THE FOUNDERS OF MARYLAND.
the business in question and what they would or could object, that I might see what issue it would come to.
" The Court was called the 14th of September, where an order was made, which I have here enclosed, and I find that the Governor hath favored me therein. After this day, I had free power to dispose of myself. Whereupon I took into consideration my business, and what course would be most for mine advantage, and what was fittest for me to resolve upon. I con- ceived it would be prejudicial to my designs to lose the advantage of the spring, because of the infancy of this project, considering how needful it was to settle this course of trade with the Indians so newly begun, and now that I had gotten £200 worth of (beaver) in readiness, and some of it very good.
" And I having now built a new barque of sixteen tons, and fitted myself with a partner that joineth with · me for a moiety in that vessel, which we have sent to the Cannadies with provisions, and such merchandize, are there good commodities, and so to the Medeiras and Tenariffe. The loading is corn, meal, beef, pork, and clapboards. For myself, I hope to be gone up the river within the six days.
" And so, beloved friends, that shall have the pe- rusal of this journal, I hope that you will hold me ex- cused in the method of this relation, and bear with my weakness in penning the same. And consider that time would not permit me to use any rhetoric in
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END OF JOURNAL.
the form of this discourse, which, to say truly, I am but a stranger unto as yet, considering that in my in- fancy and prime time of youth, which might have ad- vantaged my study that way, and enabled me with more learning, I was for many years together com- pelled to live amongst these people, whose prisoner I was, and by that means am a better proficient in the Indian language than mine own, and am made more able that way.
"The thing that I have endeavored herein is, in plain phrase, to make such relation of my voyage as may give some satisfaction to my good friends, whose longing thoughts may hereby have a little content, by perusing this discourse, wherein it will appear how I procceded, and what success I have had, and how I am like to speed if God permit. All which particulars, the whole ship's company are ready to testify on be- half of this Journal."
WILLIAM CLAYBORNE.
IN the Relation of the Successful Beginnings of Lord Baltimore's Plantation in Maryland, written a few weeks after the landing of Leonard Calvert and associates, it is stated, that William Clayborne came " from parts in Virginia where we intend to plant," and said that the Indians were alarmed, by reason of a rumor that some one had raised, of six ships that were come, with a power of Spaniards."
Clayborne was above the majority of the Virginia colonists in birth and intellectual culture. He had a very different training from Henry Fleet, his rival in the Indian trade, who once wrote " that in my infancy and prime time of youth, I was for years together com- pelled to live among these people whose prisoner I was, and by that means am a better proficient in the Indian language, than mine own."
He was the second son of Sir Edward Cleburne or Clayborne of Westmoreland, and was one of the colo- nial officers appointed in 1621, by the London Com- pany for Virginia, and for many years Secretary of the Colony.
Among his early companions at Jamestown were
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COMPANIONS OF CLAYBORNE.
the estimable Governor, Sir Francis Wyatt and his gentle wife, the niece of Sir Edwin Sandys, the head of the London Company. The chaplain was Rev. Haut Wyatt, A.M., the Governor's brother. The Treasurer of the Colony was George Sandys, poet and translator of Ovid, and brother of Sir Edwin. The Secretary was another poet, Christopher Davison, the son of that Sir William, in whose employ William Brewster of Plymouth Rock once was. The surgeon. general John Pott, was also a Master of Arts.1 In 1621 the London Company writes : " It is our express will that the tenants belonging to every office, be fixed to his certain place, on the lands set out, for which Mr. Cleyburne 2 is chosen to be our Surveyor, who at the Company's very great charge is set out." .
In 1627 Clayborne commanded an expedition against the Indians, and landing at the junction of the York and Pamunkey River destroyed the village and corn-
1 Oxford University in 1605 conferred the degree of A.M. on John Pott and George Calvert afterwards the first Lord Baltimore. See Wood's Athena Oronienses.
2 The name is variously spelt, Cleyburne, Cleburne, Clybourne, Clibourne. The following pedigree is found in the Visitation of Cumberland, published by the Harleian Society of London.
Robert Clyborne of Westmoreland.
Edward Clyborne his son. Children of Edward. Richard Cliburne.
John Clibourne.
Thomas Clibourne. William Clibourne. Elizabeth. married John Thwaits.
مفضيه
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THE FOUNDERS OF MARYLAND.
fields, and for his services received the land on which the Indians had dwelt. In October of this year, one arrived at Jamestown, who caused much dissension.
Lord Baltimore in early life was known as George Calvert, the son of a worthy Yorkshire farmer. A graduate of Oxford, and an attaché of Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, he attracted the attention of James the First, and when about twenty-five years of age, was appointed one of the Secretaries of State.
A good linguist, a ready writer, and possessing exe- cutive talent, he was soon recognized as a right hand man of the King, and an antagonist of the people's party in the House of Commons. In 1624 he repre- sented Oxford in Parliament, opposed freedom of speech, and defended the royal prerogative. In 1625 he announced his conversion to the Church of Rome,1 and when Charles the First came to the throne, the oath of allegiance being offered to him, as one of the Privy Council, he hesitated and was relieved of duties at Court, and went to his estate in Ireland.
While a member of the Church of England, in 1620, he had planted a colony at Ferryland in New Found-
' Goodman formerly Bishop of Gloucester of the Church of England, after he united with the Church of Rome, says that Calvert was con- verted by Gondomar, the Spanish Ambassador, " and Count Arundel whose daughter Secretary Calvert's son had married." This is a strange error. Ann Arundel wife of Cecil Calvert died July 21, 1649, at the age of thirty-four. When Gondomar was in England she was about six years of age, and certainly not married to Secretary Calvert's son.
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FIRST LORD BALTIMORE.
land, and on May 21st, 1627, he writes to his intimate friend Sir Thomas Wentworth :
" I am heartily sorry, that I am farther from my hopes of seeing you, before my leaving this town, which will be now within these three or four days, being bound for a long journey, to a place which I have had a long desire to visit, and have now the oppor- tunity and leave to do it.
" It is New Foundland I mean, which it imports me more than in curiosity, only to see, for I must either go and settle it in better order or else give it over, and lose all the charges I have been at hitherto, for other men to build their fortunes upon. And I had rather be esteemed a fool by some, for the hazard of one month's journey, than to prove myself one certainly for six years by past, if the business be now lost for the want of a little pains and care." 1
Arriving at Ferryland on the 23d of July bringing two priests of the Church of Rome, he astonished the minister of the Church of England in charge of the colonists. After a brief visit, he went back to England and in the summer of 1628 returned with a second wife,2 and several children by his first wife, and a
1 Strafford's Letters, vol. 1, p. 30, Dublin, 1740.
2 There has been much confusion as to Lord Baltimore's family re- lations.
Davis and Hildreth erroneously intimate that Governor Leonard Calvert was an illegitimate child, and bore the baton in his escutcheon. Governor Stuyvesant of New York, who corresponded with Governor
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THE FOUNDERS OF MARYLAND.
Roman Catholic priest. The Church of England clergyman was sent home, and in October complained to the authorities of England, that contrary to law, mass was publicly celebrated in New Foundland. In a few months Lord Baltimore found the country too cold for a residence, and he wrote a letter dated August 19th, 1629, to his old friend King Charles, in which he uses these words.
" Have met with grave difficulties and incumbrances here, which in this place are no longer to be resisted, but enforce me presently to quit my residence and to shift to some other warmer climate of this new world where the winter be shorter and less rigorous.
" For here your Majesty may please to understand that I have found by too dear bought experience, which other men for their private interests always concealed from me, that from the middlest of October, to the middlest of May there is a sad fare of winter upon all this land, both sea and land so frozen for the greater part of the time, as they are not penetrable ; no plant or vegetable thing appearing out of the earth until it be about the beginning of May, nor fish in the sea ;
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Philip Calvert, does however state that Philip was the illegitimate child of Leonard Calvert's father, the first Lord Baltimore.
Lodge, Burke and other writers on the peerage never allude to the second wife of Lord Baltimore. It is possible that he was privately married in Ireland, and not according to the laws of the Church of England. There is a mystery about the second wife. In one of the Ayscough MSS. of the British Museum it is stated that she was lost at sea, and there the subject is dropped.
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besides the air is so intolerable cold as it is hardly to be endured.
"By means whereof, and of much salt meat, my house hath been an hospital, all this winter, of 100 persons, fifty sick at a time, myself being one, and nine or ten of them died.
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