USA > Maine > A brief history of Maine > Part 4
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2. The first point of attack was Biguyduce, on Pe- nobscot Bay; but the place was not defended, and they proceeded to La Tour's settlement on the site of the present city of St. John, in New Brunswick. He ap- peared quite willing to change masters, if only his property might be secure. The governor, Le Borgne,
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made some resistance; but in August Acadia, or New Scotland, was again in possession of the English. The leaders of this expedition were Major Robert Sedgwick and Captain John Leverett; and Captain Leverett was left in charge of the province until Sir Thomas Temple was appointed governor. Sir Thomas brought in many settlers, and carried on a large busi- ness in fish, furs and lumber. It has been said of him that he was "as true a gentleman as ever set foot in America." He was noted for his humane and gener- ous disposition. When Massachusetts was hanging Quakers or Friends, who came into her borders preach- ing their doctrines, he told the magistrates that if they really, as they said, desired "the Quaker's lives absent rather than their deaths present," he would carry them away and provide for them at his own expense.
3. In the year 1664 the king granted to his brother, the Duke of York, the country about Hudson River, and the territory between the Kennebec and St. Croix rivers. The duke was also made viceroy of New England, and sent Colonel Nichols over as his governor. Gorges' son soon after sent an agent with a letter from the king to the Puritan authorities, order- ing them to restore the province of Maine to its owner. But Massachusetts was unwilling to give up her con- trol ; and she kept possession until the next year. At that time three commissioners, who had been sent by the king to aid Colonel Nichols, came into the county of Yorkshire, and, organizing a court and legislative body, revived the old province of Gorges. Thus the people of Maine had the hard fate of being subject to two conflicting governments, and were liable to be punished by each for obeying the other.
When they had settled affairs in the province of Maine, the commisioners went eastward to attend to the Duke of York's possession. They called the region between the Kennebec and Penobscot the "county of Cornwall," of which the Sheepscot plantation was
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made the shire town, and named New Dartmouth. They made Pemaquid (Bristol) their capital, where one of them remained until 1665, regulating the affairs of the colonies.
4. Soon after his departure, a war broke out between England and France; and the colonies began to look for a conflict with the French and Indians. This afforded a good opportunity for Massachusetts to re- establish her authority in Yorkshire ; and commission- ers were accordingly appointed for that purpose. When Governor Nichols heard of this at New York, he wrote to the Massachusetts magistrates, warning them not to meddle with the province of Maine, and intimating bloodshed if they persisted. He soon after returned to England, and Governor Lovelace succeeded him. The Puritans were not much alarmed by the warnings of the retiring governor, and her commis- sioners soon after set about their task of changing a province into a county. They entered Maine with a small company of horsemen and footmen in brilliant array, and issued their orders for an election of depu- ties to the general court. A. county court was held by them in a meeting house at York. The morning ses- sion over, they went to their dinner. After dinner, as they walked unsuspectingly back, the province marshal marched through the streets proclaiming with as much authority as if he had an army behind him, "Observe ye and obey the commands of his majesty's justices." When the commissioners came to the meet- ing-house, behold, it was full of people, and the jus- tices of the province were preparing to hold a court of their own !
5. "Give place to the commissioners;" cried their marshal, as he went before them to the benches where the justices sat.
"You are the authors of an affront we little expect- cd," said the commissioners to the justices, "but your course will avail you nothing; you might have called
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your meeting elsewhere, and at another time. Depend upon this, we shall not be deterred from exe- enting any part of the delegated trust to which we are commissioned."
Then the people fell to disputing among themselves, and for a while confusion reigned supreme ; but the province justices at length were able to read the King's letter ordering Massachusetts to restore the province government to Gorges. To meet this, the commis- sioners could only urge the new charter boundary under which they had at first set up their claim. But the justices and their adherents had a prudent regard for that troop of "horse and foot", and they finally gave way. And thus was effected what has been hu- morously termed the "Conquest of Maine," which ended the "Commissioners' War."
A few years later Rigby's claim to Lygonia was abandoned, and Gorges' right was purchased by Mas- sachusetts; so that the whole region from the Piscata- qua to the Kennebec became rightfully subject to the Puritan government, and was all included in the coun- ty of Yorkshire.
6. By an article tacked on to the treaty of Breda in 1668, the French were again in possession of Acadia, with its boundary at the Penobscot, or, possibly, farther west. The inhabitants did not relish the prospect of becoming French subjects; so they turned for aid to the only government that could protect them -which was that of Massachusetts. Under these circumstances what could the Bay colony do but examine again her very elastic charter, and order a new survey to correct the errors of the first ? This was precisely what she did; and by it her boundaries were made to include the chiefest part of the county of Cornwall.
In 1773 the Dutch re-captured New York, and Gov- ernor Lovelace went home. There were now none of the Duke of York's officers in the way ; and the next year Cornwall was made a part of Massachusetts, and received the name of the county of Devonshire.
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7. Now for a short time, the settlements flourished, so that in the beginning of the year 1675 there were thirteen towns and plantations within the present limits of Maine, while the inhabitants numbered between five and six thousand souls. The vessels of the villagers bore away ample freights of lumber from the mills, furs from the trading houses. on the rivers, or loaded themselves with fish from the sea ; the fields yielded abundantly, and thriving herds of cattle were in the woody pastures.
S. Then came the Indian wars; and the scene was changed. Several years previous to this time there had been war between the eastern Indians and the Mohawks, who lived about the Hudson river, in the State of New York. A decisive battle was fought in the year 1669, in which the Eastern Indians were beaten. The victorious Mohawks pursued their assailants into Maine, destroying the villages of the Tarratines, and penetrat- ing nearly to the St. Croix; and many generations after the Indians pointed out on the shores of one of the Passamaquoddy ponds the scene of the final battle. But in a few years the tribes had greatly recovered from their losses; and, encouraged by their new friends, the French, they were eager for war with their new foes, the English settlers of Maine.
What was the chief reason that Maine so readily submitted to Massachusetts? Who were found to be inciting the Indians against the English ? What English ruler ordered the colonial forces to take possession of Acadia ? To whom was the territory between the Kennebec and St. Croix granted? What did the King's com- missioners form in the Duke of York's territory ? When the com- missioners were gone what did Massachusetts do ? What has this tour of the commissioners been humorously called ? By what means did Massachusetts obtain the right of control in the province of Maine? By what treaty did France again obtain possession of Acadia? How did Massachusetts obtain control of the Duke of York's settlements ? What county did she make of this new pos- session ?
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CHAPTER VIII.
1. Before I tell about the wars with the Indians, some further account of these people will, I think, be interesting to my readers. The natives of Maine are generally called Abnakis, though the name has been more especially applied by American writers to those dwelling on the Androscoggin and Kennebec rivers. This name comes from Awahbenahghi, the name ap- plied to the Maine Indians by those living west of the Hudson river. It signifies our fathers at the sun rise. According to their own account, the Indians of Maine are all descended from a common stock. The Sokokis, who dwelt on the Saco river, were oldest ; and the Anasagunticooks or Androscoggins, Canibas or Kennebeeks, Wawennocks and Etechemins followed in order. The last nation was composed of the Tar- ratines, or Penobscots, the Openangoes, or "Quoddy" Indians, who dwelt on the ponds and rivers emptying into Passamaquoddy Bay, and the Marechites, who occupied the region of the St. John's river. The peninsula of Nova Scotia was inhabited by the Mic- maes, who were of a separate origin, and differed widely in language and customs.
2. The word "Etechemins," in English, is canoe men, and was probably given them because they made such long journeys at sea. "Openangoes" means lit- tle sables, and signifies that they were a very cunning people. The Wawennocks were a very brave people, and that is what the name means. At the time of Captain Smith's visit to the coast, this was the superior tribe in Maine; and their sachem, called the Bashaba, was ruler over the tribes from the St. John's river to the Merrimac. The region between
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the Penobscot and Kennebec, occupied by them, was known as Mavooshen.
3. The mouths of the small rivers in this vicinity were specially noted for the abundance of oysters they produced. There are at this day on the banks of sheltered coves along our coasts' long mounds composed almost wholly of the shells of oysters and clams. Those on the Damariscotta river are in some places fifteen feet deep and twenty rods in width. Layers of charcoal scattered through the mass show where the fires were made; and among the shells are found knives, gouges and spear-heads of stone and horn, and bits of pottery. Bones and whole skeletons of human beings have also been found, but no tradi- tion tells us whence they came or why they are buried there. The Indians told Popham's colonists frightful stories of a nation of cannibals living to the northward, who were of great size and had teeth an inch long. The Jesuits of the early French missions upon the St. Lawrence river also relate that there was a tribe about the mouth of that river who devoured the bodies of their enemies. Uneas, chief of the Mohegans, was once seen by white men to eat the flesh of his foe; and English captives who escaped from the Indians have told of similar barbarities. These facts lead us to conclude that at the time of the discovery of this country, many of the native tribes sometimes fed on human flesh ; and I fear that this must explain the presence of human bones in the shell heaps of Damariscotta. Before the breaking out of the war between the settlers and the Indians in Maine, the Wawennocks had ceased to exist as a tribe. A few had joined the Canibas, but the larger portion, influenced by the Jesuits, had re- moved to the River St. Francis, in Canada.
4. The natives of Maine were taller than the aver- age of white men; and, if no stronger, were usually more agile. Their complexion was a copper brown, and their black, coarse hair usually hung in a long
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mass over their backs, though the women's was some- times braided, while the men's was more frequently cut short over the forehead and the remainder tied in a knot at the top or back of the head. They had broad, beardless faces, retreating forcheads, prominent check bones, small, glistening, black eyes, and large white teeth. Many of their women were of comely face and figure, and some of them would have been almost handsome, had they been cleanly. Yet both women and men were generally morose in countenance and manner.
5. In the summer the dress of men and women was rarely more than a girdle of leather having a short skirt or fringe below the waist, with the addition of moc- casins, if they were hunting or traveling. In the win- ter the buskins, leggins and mantle of fur formed a warmer attire ; but there were some families so poor that they were at times obliged to wear hard, furless skins, even in the cold weather. They had a way of tanning and dressing skins which made them very soft and pliable ; one substance used in this process being an oil prepared from the brains of animals.
6. The household work and the cultivation of the soil were left almost wholly to the women and children. The only labor of this sort which the warriors under- took was the raising of their tobacco; and the boys were very impatient to become old enough for hunters and warriors, as they were then freed from the drudg- ery of the wigwams and cornfields. But sometimes to save the crop, the whole family took hold together, and made quick work with the cornfield. When not engaged in war or hunting, the men occupied them- selves chiefly in making their bows, arrows, spears, knives and other implements. This was really a slow and laborions process, as flint and shells were their keenest tools.
7. On war and hunting trips, especially when these were short, the squaws were left behind, and the men
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did their own cooking. Their wigwams at these times being only for temporary use, were of small size and of the simplest construction. They were generally form- ed of straight poles set on the ground in a large circle, but coming together at the top, and covered with broad strips of bark. The cabins in the villages were larger, with the top arched by bending the upper parts of the poles and binding the overlapping ends together. Others were in theform of a rectangle, with tall crotch- ed posts along the middle and sides, supporting the ridge and eave poles. The largest wigwams of which we have any account in Maine were not over forty feet in length ; and such were occupied by several families. Each family had its own fire, and there was sometimes a slight division of stakes and bark between. They obtained fire by rapidly twirling a dry stick with the end in a hollow in another, some light material being laid close about it to catch the first spark or tongue of flame. There was no fireplace except a hole in the ground or a few large stones to support the sticks. The smoke flowed and eddied to every part. of the cabin before it found the opening at the top left for its escape. In this smoke along the highest part of the room were slender poles, where, in the hunting season, hung strips of flesh cut from the carcases of deer, bear and moose, being dried to preserve it for use in later moons.
8. Every winter the hunters went away to the streams and ponds at the heads of the rivers to hunt deer, moose and beaver ; though smaller parties hunt- ed game for food at all seasons and in all directions. Poor hunters would rarely kill moose or bear, and would secure few even of the smaller animals. But my readers will remember that the Indians had no guns or other weapons of metal, until the white men furnished them, so that, with their weak weapons, much skill and prowess was necessary. Sometimes a com- pany of hunters would join for the capture of a herd
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of deer. Having surrounded them with fire, they posted themselves near the open passages of the forest, then started the herd by frightful shouts ; and large numbers of the beautiful animals would be killed as they tried to escape from the enclosure. At other times the hunter would encase himself in the skin of a moose or deer, and steal toward the herd, imitating their movements. They also made up large parties for duck hunting. The time was chosen in the month of August, when the old birds had shed their feathers, and the young were of good size, but yet unable to fly. The hunters, sweeping the pond in their canoes, drove the birds into thecreeks and coves at the borders, where they were killed by thousands with clubs and paddles.
9. The ordinary canoe was very light, being form- ed of birch bark on a frame work of wood. They also made them of logs, which they burned hollow, then smoothed with their stone gouges. These, log canoes were sometimes long enough to carry forty per- sons. They made fish hooks of bone and deer's horn, and with the same material they sometimes tipped their arrows and spears, though they generally used flint or jasper for this purpose. Their knives, axes and chisels were also made of some hard stone. They made thread, lines, and nets of the bark of trees, of strong grass, and of deer sinews. They built weirs of great stones and stakes in the ponds and rivers, in which the fish became entangled ; but usually they caught them in nets, or with hooks, and speared them from their canoes by firelight.
10. When the sanup (husband) was lazy or a poor hunter the family depended mainly on the maize, beans and crookneck squashes which the squaw raised. She also gathered the fuel, dressed the game and cooked the food. This was first served to the sanup, and other grown up males; and when these had eaten, the squaw might satisfy her own hunger and that of the
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children. When venison was plenty, and corn in the milk, the Indians fared sumptuously. The corn they roasted on the ear, or, boiling it with new beans, made the dish called succotash. The dry corn was parched and pounded into a coarse meal, which they called nokehike. Then there was samp, which was corn hulled in boiling lye; and hominy, which was corn broken and boiled. The season of berries afforded them a delicious relish, and they laid up great stores of nuts; and sometimes in the spring they were obliged by scarcity of food to dig groundnuts, which they roasted in the ashes. Maple syrup they could make only in small quantities until the whitemen came and brought them kettles; their boiling before this time being done chiefly in wooden troughs, by dropping in hot stones. Neither did they know how to make bread of their corn until taught by Europeans. Their food was caten from the troughs in which it was cooked, or from wooden bowls. They had, too, a rude sort of earthern ware, but it appears to have been quite soft and frag- ile. Neither chair nor table was found in their cabins, and they sat or lay on inats and skins on the bare ground, or on a low platform of bark, or of hemlock boughs about the sides of the cabin.
11. Here the little Indians, dirty and fat, rolled and ran about, while the small pappoose coocd and cried on its cradle of bark. At sunset the maidens went forth to dance on the green, clad in their choicest garments, that they might attract the eyes of the bold young warriors. Perhaps the daughter of the chief was with them, the green erest of the heron contrast- ing in her black hair with the scarlet feathers of the tanager, her armlets and leggins of soft deerskin mark- ed with bright dyes, her moccasins gay with porcupine quills, and Her skirt bright with embroidered threads; while strings of the white teeth of the sable and otter gleamed upon her dusky bosom.
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12. Very often indeed a young brave became enam- ored of a comely maiden. When this happened he told his parents, who then held a talk about it with her parents. If her parents proved favorable, he then sent her a present,-a deer, a beautiful bird, furs or beads. Lest she should be unwilling when asked to live in his wigwam, he must now pay other attentions. So in theshades of the evening he took his station near her cabin, and did his best to charm her listening ear by his singing, or the rude music of his fife; or, if he was not musical, he must please her at the merry mak- ings of the young by his wit or feats of strength and agility. When she accepted him as her sanup (hus- band) he made more presents ; and then the desired guests were invited to the wigwam of her parents. Then followed feasts and dances for two or three nights, the young couple keeping beside each other until the frolics were over. Then the savage bridegroom led home his bride ; who thenceforth devoted herself to preparing his food, making his clothes and keeping his wigwam fire alive.
13. Foot-races, wrestling, quoits, ball playing, and a sort of draughts were frequent amusements; and they were much addicted to gambling by every possi- ble means. The Indians were much given to smok- ing, also ; and the offer of a pipe of tobacco was a token of hospitality and peace. At all feasts the guest must eat all that might be put in his bowl, no matter how many times it was filled or how unlike it he felt ; otherwise he would give offense to his host. So many a poor Indian often went back to his wig- wam with a pain in his stomach.
14. Many people suppose the Indians to have been very healthy ; but this is a mistake. The Indian had fewer diseases than the white man, but these were more generally fatal. They doctored chiefly with sweating, astringents, salves and washes. They also had vegeta- ble teas for ordinary kinds of sickness. But their
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knowledge of medicine was very limited; and any in- telligent country housewife of the present day far sur- passes them in skill. Yet, being natives of the country, they were able to instruct the settlers in the uses of numerous plants. If a savage was very ill the "pow- wow" was called upon. This was the Indian medicine- man, or physician. His method of treatment was very mysterious to common Indians, and was supposed to have supernatural power. Drums were beaten, he made strange gestures, uttered wild cries,-sometimes over the patient, at others, shut up in a wigwam alone. IIe also carried at his waist a small bag containing bones, sticks and stones, which were thought to have virtue as charms against evil spirits, diseases and mis- fortunes.
15. The Abnakis believed in a good spirit, Tan- tum, or Tanto ; and in an evil spirit, which they call- ed Mojahondo ; but in general these were confused in one, and called by the name of the good spirit. Hocko- mock was another word used by some Indians, which the settlers took to signify the devil. At every new moon they worshipped the evil spirit for fear, because they believed he had power to kill them, and to send storm, pestilence, drought and famine.
16. Sometimes certain old men in each tribe, who kept in mind their treaties and traditions, were ap- pointed to teach them to the young. Beside the chief's who were war leaders, there were others who presided over the village and regulated petty matters, somewhat like our police justices. Both these were generally ealled sagamores. Over all was the sachem, who was chosen for his wisdom ; though, usually, he was the son of the sachem or of a chief. Yet his authority was not absolute, all important matters being decided in commeil. These were composed of the chiefs and old men ; and, sometimes, the aged squaws were present also. There was perfect order on these occasions ; when one was speaking all others kept silent, and even
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after he had ceased he was allowed several minutes in which to recollect anything he might have omitted with- out intention. It was considered very unmannerly to interrupt another, even in ordinary conversation. Thus we see that in some respects these ignorant and cruel savages set us a good example.
17. The language of the Abnakis is casy of utter- ance, and quite smooth and agreeable to the ear ; but its words are few and unfitted for nice distinctions. For instance, in the Tarratine dialect thou or you is "keah," but "keah-olet-haut-tamoria" means no more than thy will ; and their word for to-day consists of eight syllables, and many other ideas are equally diffi- cult of expression.
Names of places are generally descriptive, as Mattawamkeag, from matta, much,-wampa, white, or clear,-keag, or kik; earth ; and Anasagunticook (tribe)-properly, Amasacontecook,-from namaous, fish,-konte, stream,-cook from kik, place; meaning, The region of the fish river. For heaven they use the word, spumkeag, i. e., above the earth. "Metun- gus" is father, a man is "sanumbee," and boy is "skeenooses." If a Tarratine should inquire after your health he would probably say, Pah-que-num-se-eld.
18. Their dialects were constantly changing, for they had no written characters to preserve the form of their words ; so that when modern natives have been asked the meaning of some phrase long ago recorded by the English or French they have been unable to give it, but yet recollected the words as "old Indian." Still they very generally conveyed information by means of rude drawings, often leaving these records on trees and pieces of bark at points visited by them ; and these were readily understood by others of the tribe, who came after. A rock at the sea shore at Machiasport furnishes an interesting example of this kind of writing ; and it is probably the most extended Indian inscription in New England.
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