A history of the Town of Unity, Maine, Part 14

Author: Vickery, James Berry
Publication date: 1954
Publisher: Manchester, Me. : Falmouth Pub. House
Number of Pages: 292


USA > Maine > Waldo County > Unity > A history of the Town of Unity, Maine > Part 14


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The claims of a few individuals in this vicinity to be recognized as the exclusive friends of the Union on the "representatives of civilization" in Freedom will be duly appreciated. When it is known that not one of them, to my knowledge, has enlisted for the defense of the Union, while both captain and more than forty of the privates in the company with whom my name has been associated have enlisted and are ready to defend the Union at the cannon's mouth."


Elliot closes his letter with the affirmation that he was ever ready to defend his country "against all foes at whatever the cost of sacri- fice." Following Elliot's long letter appeared two affidavits which tes- tified that they "in the evening of the 8th upon the arrival of Hon Robert Elliot, and that we saw nothing contravening the laws of good and loyal citizens. No one was molested and all seemed harmony and joy." They also stated that they had inspected the homes of William Murray, A. J. Billings, and Benjamin Williams and were satisfied that no injury was done to them, since there was no glass broken, not a mark made upon them on said night, also they asserted that no one


20. Whig and Courier, November 14, 1861.


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was molested in dwellings assailed. This statement was signed (before justice of peace Jonathan H. Fuller) and signed by the following:


J. D. Lamson, B. F. Cunningham, Lee Longfellow, Enos Emery, T. M. Moulton, Elen Mussy, H. C. Hussey, Nov. 16, 1861. Another sworn statement said Benjamin Wing said his injury was caused by a horse's kick.


From the foregoing facts presented, what was the truth? What has been concealed? It seems probable that there was a demonstration which got out of hand. Had not Elliot already been punished enough? Why not end the unhappy episode without more unfavorable pub- licity which would only smear reputations and cause hurt feelings? That Elliot had led and fostered treason seems the most significant as well as unfortunate.


Through the spring and summer, the Union hastened military preparation. As already indicated there was feverish excitement for young men to get into uniform. Eager volunteers went to Belfast and recruiting officers appeared in town. Jonathan F. Parkhurst was ap- pointed commander of a company of light infantry. (Co. E. 2nd Div.) Parkhurst records several military trainings; "Apr. 27, 1861, our company gathered together and we had an afternoon drill; part of the company voted to go. May 4th, another military training."21


The first volunteers in this area were assigned to the fourth Maine which departed from Belfast May 20, 1861 for Rockland; thence they traveled by ships to Washington, where they arrived on June 20, soon enough to get a foretaste of war at Bull Run.


The first year of the war proved how antiquated were the nation's defenses, but even more, how inadequate was the system of conscripting an army. Thousands of young men flooded the recruiting offices eager to serve the Union's cause; however, they volunteered in such num- bers that the government was unprepared to utilize them properly. Consequently, many militia units were ordered disbanded.


Between 1861 and 1865 Unity furnished approximately one hun- dred and twenty-five men to the Union forces. (See Appendix for a list of soldiers furnished by this town.) Some of the men saw only nine months service, while others served for three years or longer. The majority of the men served in the ranks as enlisted men. Abner Knowles Jr., was born here, was commissioned Colonel of the Sixth Regiment for a short time. John Berry served as lieutenant of a col- ored U. S. regiment, but died of yellow fever in New Orleans. Alonzo Libby and Marcian McManus became officers after serving first as privates.


21. Jonathan F. Parkhurst wrote "Our Military Company went down to Albion; had a training."


Adjutant General's Report, 1861, This company evidently was dis- banded before any actual service.


See also A.G.R. Vol. II, 1862, p. 59. According to these figures 146 men enrolled themselves in the town training band. Also between Apr. 1861 and Oct. 1862 eighty-seven men entered the Union armies.


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Perhaps one of the most distinguished, as well as one of the most remarkable records, was that of Joseph P. Libby, who enlisted at Bel- fast on June 15, 1861 as a private in Company A, 4th Maine Regi- ment of volunteers. Libby was assigned to Sedgwick's Brigade of Hemtzelman's Division of the Third Army Corps. Libby's service record shows that he participated in the following battles: Bull Run, July 21, 1861; Siege of Yorktown, April 5 to May 4, 1862; Williams- burg, May 5; Fair Oakes, May 31, June 1, 1862; Seven Days Retreat, June 26 to July 1, 1862; Chancellorsville, May 1-4, 1863; Gettysburg,


July 1, 2, 3, 1863; Manassas Gap, July 21, 23, 1863; Mine Run, Nov. 26-28, 1863; Wilderness, May 5-7, 1863; Spottsylvania, May 8-18, 1864; Cold Harbor, June 1-12, 1864.22 Indeed, Libby had one of the most remarkable military records of any soldier from Maine. Years later he took great pride in attending his regimental reunions, and once he attended one at Gettysburg, where he presented his small granddaughter to Gen. Sickles.


George Theon Ranlett, another Unity soldier, enlisted in Co. H in the Second Maine Cavalry on December 18, 1863, but on August 1, 1864 was transferred to the Navy, where he served on the steamer Ossipee in Farragut's Fleet. Stationed near New Orleans in June 1864 Theon Ranlett wrote to his brother John S. Ranlett and Lindley Mosher as follows:


Chancahoula Station, La. Monday June 22, 1864


Brother John and Lin, I received your letter last week and was very glad to have a letter from you; I am enjoying good health and get along nicely. The boys are all well. George Woods remains in the hospital yet I have not seen him since the company left Thibodaux but hear from him every day. I am going down in the cars Friday to see him. T. S. Keen was down this forenoon, says he is much better at present but thinks that he will die with the consumption as his lungs are very much affected. The Col. talks some of discharging him as soon as he is able to go home. Dana Carter and I tent and live together, have very good times when we don't have to be out too much nights. We were out Sunday last week and Monday nights scouting after gaurilles; and the most fun we have is going out after rebs all the rest of our Regt. has been in several skirmishes, and the three companies that are up Red River are fighting every day.


Tuesday 21st last night I was detailed to go on guard and had to leave off writing very short, and then I have got to change my subject very much to my grief. I have some very sad news to relate. George Woods breathed his last last night. He went to bed as usual and cheer- ful. In the hospital laying about three feet from another bed and sick man, was very socialble after he went to bed. This morning the steward was going round to see the sick and found him dead. He was buried this


22. His service record shows the Joseph P. Libby as placed in a regimental hospital at Harrison's Landing on the James River, sick of malarial fever and then transferred to the Episcopal Hospital, Philadel- phia, where he remained five months. He rejoined his regiment at Poto- mac Creek, Va., and fought at Chancellorsville. In December 1863 he was transferred to Gen. Hancock's Second Corps. During his long service, Libby was never wounded or taken prisoner. He was discharged July 19, 1864 at Rockland, Maine. .


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forenoon. We have lost three men in the hospital and have four in there now that we expect to die every day, but we have lost two of our Free- dom number very unexpectedly and soon.


Ruel Austin says he should like to be in our old tannery splitting hides.


I have nothing new to write now for I have given you a good history of our encampment here, if you get all my letters? There was five of our men out on patrol last Friday night on the traveled road and ten in- fantry patrol on the railroad. The roads being about twenty rods apart; the cavalry see the infantry and haulted them three times. They did not hear them and did not stop; the cavalry supposing them rebs let them have a whole volley. The infantry supposed that they were attacked by rebs and returned a volley; shot one cavalry man; shot him in the groin; lived seven hours. After the infantry returned a volley and shot one man, our patrol fell back and alarmed the camp turned the company out and started for the rebs at a gallop but to our astonishment they proved to be our own infantry patrol, but such is war. I can't stop to write any more now this afternoon so good bye at present. John, write once a week and let me know all that is going on at home and be a good boy to father. Tell father that I will write to him next and cheer him all you can in his lonely hours and afflictions. I shall try to do the best I can for him. Tell Eureka I will write a note to her and Frank next time I write. Remember me to all my folks in their hour of trouble also to Lamson's folks. I have written to Lamson's folks and will write to Alden Woods tomorrow.


There is a mail once a week, comes Wednesday and goes Saturday.


Who lives in the old Ben Douglas house? also in the Ross house? tell Fide I will change some peaches for some strawberries next winter. By the way, what are they going to have for a fourth of July. I have not been there for five years, but I am going to be there one of these days I tell you.


Theon


Other Unity men wrote expressing their army experiences, all simi- lar in vein, of the awful episodes of the war, of politics and of news of home. E. M. Barker of Troy writing to his Uncle James Connor of Unity quite bluntly :


"I suppose the draft will take place shortly in Maine, will it not? I do not want to see some of these thundering, whining sneaking, fault finding, proclamation resisting copperheads come out here and show themselves. I don't know how this will sit on your political stomach, but I hope and trust that you are not so far beside yourself to have the least sympathy with them. I for one would much rather turn right about and fight them than to eat hard bread much longer, but the staff does not agree with me very well.


We had a very interesting time over the river the other day playing ball and hide and seek with the johnnies, for we had them in such a way that they had to do half the hiding and when they got uncovered, they had to do some pretty hard fighting or leave their position. You have doubtless seen a full account of Old Joe on the Rapahannock, so would be useless for me to undertake to tell you.


Our lieutenant, Warren Cox was killed and Samuel Myrick and two other members of the Company were wounded, since the fight our regiment has been consolidated in six companies, so we are with a company from Gardiner and makes our duty easier than before . . unless you are fooled to get mad at what I have written about politics, and if you are foolish, why you may go to h-ll and let old Phil Kearney have the handling of you for awhile . . . Goodbye.23 E. M. Barker


23. Ms. Letter, Connor Papers, May 20, 1863. E. M. Barker was a private in Co. B, 3rd Regt. Me. Vol., age twenty, enlisted June 4, 1861, taken prisoner July 2, 1863 and died soon after.


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The majority of the boys in blue survived the war. Tragedy was inevitable. Perhaps the most pitable was the inconsolable mother who had lost a son. How utterly tragic was the case of Martha Stone Kelley, who lost two sons and a son-in-law in the war. James Kelley, writing to the author, recalled seventy years after her heart-rending cry when her brother-in-law broke the news of the third casualty in her family. Perhaps, too, as tragic was the instance of brothers fighting on the opposite side. Charles Farwell of Unity, adopted son of Ala- bama, joined the confederate army and was killed in battle, while close relatives served in the northern armies. 24


On July 2, 1862 the President called for 300,000 volunteers to be supplied by August 23 and to be completed by draft. Each town was assigned a quota. On August 4 the chief executive issued a requisition for 300,000 enrolled militia to be raised by draft unless filled by volun- teers. A month later Gov. Washburn ordered a draft throughout Maine. To both calls Maine's quotas were 9,609 for each call. Unity's quota for the three year volunteers was fourteen.25 At a special meet- ing the town appropriated $1400 to compensate each enlistee with a bounty of $100. At a second town meeting to fill the quota of the second call of nine month militiamen, the town voted to pay a twenty dollar bounty to each of the eight men required. A second commit- tee consisting of Dr. Main, James Fowler, Jr., Raymond S. McManus, and William Stone were appointed to procure this particular quota. Because of large numbers of young men, many still in their teens, not yet disillusioned by the rigor of battle, this quota was easily filled.26


In March 1863 Congress authorized a Conscription Law which made each man between twenty-one and forty-five liable for service. In setting up the draft machinery the State of Maine was divided into five districts, while all men were placed in two classes; namely those between 21-35 years of age, 2nd, those between 35-45 who were mar- ried.


Under the law it was permissible for a person to furnish a substi- tute or pay a three hundred dollar commutation. Three Unity men


24. Nathan P. Farwell of Unity and Rockland brother to Charles Farwell was appointed by the President to fill the vacancy of Senator William P. Fessenden of Maine.


25. Republican Journal, July 18, 1862. The complement of men to be raised by each town was computed by the State. Unity 14; Troy 15; Montville 18; Thorndike 10.


26. Town Records, Book III. At a town meeting held on July 23, 1862 Unity voted that a committee of five persons "take charge of this town's quota of men, see them to their regiments, see them mustered in, and see that such and such only are under their charge as this town's quota receive the town bounty upon being mustered into serv- ice." The committee was comprised of Dr. J. F. Main, Eli Vickery, Lindley H. Mosher, Alfred Berry and James Fowler, Jr. At a meeting held Aug. 18, 1862 the town voted to pay the 9 months militia men $20. Also they raised a sum of $640 to be handled by a committee to procure eight volunteers to fill the town's quota provided said volun- teers are obtained and accepted as this town's quota by the governor.


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paid for a substitute, while six men paid the stipulated sum to avoid conscription.27 To encourage enlistment this state passed a law in 1863 that each drafted man or substitute who entered service would receive a $100 bounty; this was in addition to the $100 provided by our national government for three-year enlistments at the beginning of the war.


On July 2, 1863 President Lincoln issued a call for 300,000 more volunteers to be filled before September; and in October the Chief Executive asked for an additional 300,000 men. If the latter call did not succeed to fill up the Union ranks by January 4, 1864, the Presi- dent would order another draft. Prior to the Oct. 17 call, this town had furnished eighty-two men to the armed forces.


In a November (1863) town meeting the Unity citizenry considered further business in regard to raising money to "procure the town's quota of militia by volunteers under the recent and last call of the President for 300,000 soldiers." In response to the national crisis, together with the urgent need for soldiers, the town voted to raise $200 for each man who may volunteer and be accepted to fill the quota of soldiers required. Thereupon, the meeting placed this re- sponsibility in the hands of the selectmen. Unfortunately, it appears that the town officials failed to fill the quota, because on the 12th of December 1864 the town passed by an article to raise more money than that provided in the last month's meeting to procure the neces- sary men to fill the quota. Likewise, the selectmen were instructed by vote to petition the Governor to extend the time, if they failed to fill the quota. On Dec. 19, 1864 the town raised $1800 for the pur- pose of meeting the quota. In response to the calls between Oct. 17, 1863 and the final draft at the close of 1864, Unity furnished seventy- seven men to the Union forces.28 On Feb. 1, 1864 the President asked for 500,000 additional men to be drafted before March 10, on July 18, President Lincoln called for 500,000 men to serve for one year.29


27. Adjutant General's Report, 1863, Appendix E, p. 86. In 1863 there were no substitutes, although in 1864 James B. Vickery, B. B. Stevens and Gustavus Hunt furnished substitutes. Alfred H. Clark, Joseph C. Rackliff, Levi J. Whitten, Amaziah T. Woods, Wilbur F. Chase and Augustus Card paid commutation. Twenty-nine men out of the fifty-four available for draft were declared exempt because of phy- sical disabilities. Four failed to report.


The Conscription Law proved highly unpopular; it was not made the sole method of recruiting. Voluntary recruitment continued full blast, and the draft was applied only in those districts which failed to fill their quota with volunteers. Hence, public odium was quickly attached not only to the drafted man, but to the district where the draft was neces- sary. It was obvious that a drafted man represented a community which was unwilling to perform its duty. The War Department allotted to each Congressional district specific quotas. Since each community wished to avoid the stigma of the draft by producing a full quota of volunteers, large cash bounties were offered for recruits. Also a man could hire a substitute, or purchase exemption for three hundred dollars. It was said that "it was a rich man's war fought with poor man's blood."


28. Adjutant Gen. Report 1864, 1865. p. 27.


29. This July draft started on Sept. 19, 1864.


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(In this year (1864) Unity furnished eight soldiers, and one substi- tute.30)


On August 30, 1864 the Unity voters met again in town meeting to see what could be done about raising men to the recent call for troops. After discussing the matter, they voted to pay each volunteer three hundred dollars. There were real difficulties in finding qualified men to fill the quota. Hence, the elders signified that the selectmen "use their influence in this town and elsewhere in procuring the quota of soldiers." Quite desperate five months later, the town voted "to pay $300 to every man who enlists and $200 to every man who fur- nished a substitute to fill the quota." In February they continued to find the situation almost equally deplorable. The selectmen were authorized to procure them for one year, two years, or three years as they thought best; also they were permitted to issue town orders ... and procure what money necessary to procure said men provided they shall not exceed the sum of $500 each. ... "that they be in- structed to procure men to the best possible advantage and with as much less than $500 to each man as they can be obtained".31 .. . Like other Maine towns, Unity found herself pressed by debt. The war dragged on; however, after 1863 the battles resulted more and more in Union victories. Not only were there many battle-fatigued men who would be glad to get home, but the families at home had come to realize the tragedy of war. Happy celebrants in the village burned the dilapidated old bark sheds of the tannery to celebrate a Union triumph. That steam roller Grant was besieging Richmond; Sherman following his terrible march to Atlanta turned northward leaving ruin in his path. The Confederate Armies realized their in- evitable defeat. It was with relief and thankfulness intermixed with exultation when the people of the North learned of Lee's surrender and the end of hostilities. Churches everywhere held services to give thanks to God. Many soldiers had returned home immediately after their enlistments had expired. Now all could come home. The great army of the republic came home to take up their duties, as they had left them. A few valiant dead lay in graves near where they had fallen. Other veterans returned ill, their bodies racked with pain and fever. Among those who would never return were William Coombs and his son Gustavus. Only eighteen years old, Young Coombs was killed at Port Hudson, Louisiana; Daniel Small was killed while on picket; Marcian McManus died a few years after his return home


30. Adjutant Gen. Report 1864-5, p. 713. 15 men were listed exempt for physical disability, three over age. Reported deserted, 3; Failed to report, 5.


31. Town Records. Jan. 16, 1865 and Feb. 9, 1865. Eli Vickery was asked to serve with selectmen as recruiting officer. In Town Meet- ing held March 31, 1866 the town voted $4325 to pay orders outstand- ing against the town for bounty money, the final act by this town to raise money for war volunteers. From 1863 to the close of the war the town and state compensated the families of soldiers by special sums appropriated for that purpose.


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from disease contracted in Libby Prison. Lemuel Reynolds died in a Union hospital. Jeptha Murch and Alonzo Libby also died of a disease contracted during their service. Wilfred Mitchell was killed at siege of Port Hudson, Louisiana. Joseph V. Rackliff died in 20 Corps Hospital, City Point, Virginia, from wounds received at the terrible battles near Petersburg, Virginia. Gallant were these men, who died that the Union might be preserved. They are our honored dead.


CHAPTER VIII


THE TEMPERANCE MOVEMENT


Trouble and more trouble resulted from the excessive drinking which occurred during the early years of the nineteenth century. Families were neglected or broken; men, and women too, became de- praved by intemperate drinking habits. Drinking caused poverty, unhappiness and idleness. An amusing example, but an altogether graphic one, reveals something of the annoyance that intoxication caused at public meetings. At the annual March town meeting of 1864, the patient, but angry moderator, S. S. Berry, an abolitionist and strict temperance man, announced in heated tones of voice, "Voted to move that cider out of the house and 'Rod' Scribner with it."


As early as 1823 the more sober element of the community voted at town meeting that "no spiritous liquors shall be sold at or in the town house, where said meeting is held."1


The national temperance movement seems to have begun about 1780 when the Methodists advocated total abstinence by teaching temperance by "precept and example", but the reformers' attempt to curb the excessive appetites of the public and the demand for ardent spirits continued largely unabated. However, a more success- ful movement got under way about 1820. The church again cham- pioned the cause; thousands of messages denounced the evil of drink. Nevertheless, the pleas for temperance were ignored until about 1830. Temperance societies began to demand repeal or revision of the state liquor laws.


Spirituous liquors were sold in nearly all the stores, shops and tav- erns of the town of Unity. We find the selectmen between 1821 and 1826 licensing Isaac Adams, Allan Taber, Elijah Winslow, Oliver Farwell to sell liquor in their stores, and likewise licensing Dr. Rufus Burnham, also an innholder, to sell liquor in his tavern. Again two years later the selectmen granted permits to Hale Parkhurst and Rufus Burnham to be retailers of spirituous liquors in this town, while in 1833 in addition to the others, Jesse Whitmore, Thomas Chandler, Amos Webb and John L. Seavey, all styled innholders, were per- mitted to sell ardent spirits. Because of this widespread opportunity, drunkeness, of course, became quite prevalent, especially among those who could not easily afford it. On several occasions the select- men sent notices to the grogshops or taverns that certain paupers were


1. Town Records, Meeting of March 14, 1864.


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not to be served liquor. However, this action seems not so much a movement to curb intemperance, but to check pauperism. The fol- lowing notice was sent to one Thomas R. Curtis: 2


About 1830 the temperance movements became effective in Waldo County, although it proved to be more than a decade before their in- fluences would be noticeable. Stores, as well as taverns sold liquor. A rum barrel was found in every store, and for a nickel any man might partake if he wished, mostly as a matter of social intercourse.


In the fall of 1831 a Thorndike Temperance Society was organized and meetings held for a year.3 The Rev. Cyril Pearle of Bangor ad- dressed this society in June 1832 and again in September. Whether this society's influence extended to this town, we do not know; how- ever, a beginning was made. In 1837 a Mr. Appleton from Massa- chusetts, after making a survey of Maine's license system, reported that the state law giving the right to sell ardent spirits should be repealed. Appleton's influence almost succeeded in passing a liquor law forbid- ding its sale; Neal Dow then began his crusade for temperance, result- ing in the "Maine law" of 1851, one of the most stringent liquor laws ever passed.




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