USA > Maine > The story of one regiment; the Eleventh Maine infantry volunteers in the war of the rebellion > Part 11
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In the following January a portion of the land force, under General Stevens, attacked the enemy's works at Port Royal Ferry, where the shell road from Beaufort to Charleston crosses the Coosaw River. They captured the works, but only to be driven back a few hours later.
In March, 1862, General Sherman was relieved by General Hunter. General Sherman had not made the vigorous move- ments that it was expected he would, and General Hunter, after the reduction of Fort Pulaski by Captain Gillmore's batteries (planted during the regime of Sherman) and an abortive attempt to seize James Island, settled down to the work of gathering the negroes into schools and in organizing colored regiments, carrying
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ont, in conjunction with General Saxton, the military governor of so much of South Carolina as he could hold, "certain philan- thropic experiments of anti-slavery advocates," according to the historian of the Forty-eighth New York.
In October, 1862, General Hunter was relieved in his turn, General Mitchell taking command. After a consideration of the situation, General Mitchell wrote North: " I have no faith in send- ing troops to this Department. Let me be brought North with all my veteran troops here." To this Secretary Chase wrote a reply, in which he said : " I think you err in desiring to come North with the best troops of the Department. In my judgment the successes of the next three months must be chiefly on the coast of the Atlantic and the Gulf."
General Mitchell then began to organize reconnoissances, one of which, under General Brannan, raided the Charleston & Savan- nah Railroad. General Mitchell died of yellow fever imme- diately after this raid, and General Hunter returned to the com- mand of the Department, and again all military operations were subordinated to the elevation of the negro. And, really, as it is neatly summed up in the biography of General Mitchell : "The Department of the South never was of any benefit in suppressing the rebellion, except as a naval rendezvous."
We do not propose to criticise the wisdom of enrolling the ne- groes. As the Government had to care for them, it was the best school that could have been devised for its wards. But the spirit that makes aggressive soldiers was not in them. Slaves by birth and training, the pride that makes courage was lacking -- did not exist-and wherever put to the test they failed. The better show- ing made by the Fifty -fourth Massachusetts, under Colonel Shaw, at Fort Wagner, does not traverse this statement. The Fifty- fourth was made up of Northern negroes, born free and raised in legal equality, the flower of their race in America ; and I submit that they owe much of the length and breadth of their reputation to their color, and to the social position and heroic death of their white colonel.
Certainly he died gloriously, but I cannot find in the storm of the assault on Wagner, in which he died, that his followers showed anything like the daring bravery of the men of such regiments as the Forty-eighth New York or the Sixth and Seventh Connecti- ent ; these fighting their way into the fort, and holding a bastion
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through the night, in spite of the desperate efforts of the Confed- eratos to dislodge them.
The colored regiments were fairly officered ; all holding commis- sions were white, and nearly all the officers had been non-commis- sioned officers in veteran white regiments. But there was a reluctance among the best men in white regiments to accept com- missions in colored regiments, in which they would have rank and pay, but not a standing among officers of white regiments. This feeling was exemplified by our Sergeant-Major when Colonel Littlefield of the Fourth South Carolina said to him : "Sergeant- Major, how would you like a captaincy in my regiment ?" " Not at all, not at all," was the curt reply. "Why not ?" was the surprised inquiry. " Because I'd rather be sergeant-major of a white regiment than colonel of a colored one," was the answer of our bluff and ever frank-tongued friend.
It was fondly hoped by the North that Foster's expedition would bring about the capture of Charleston, "the cradle of the rebellion." To capture Richmond would be grand, but to capture Charleston would be glorious-the birthplace of secession, where the signal gun of the rebellion had been fired. An ardent desire possessed the Northern mind to know that the flag was floating over Fort Sumter once more, and whoever would give them this vengeful victory would win glory and gratitude. And it seemed so easy to the uninitiated ; just to run the ironclads in, batter Sumter down, let loose the infantry, and, hurrah !
The following paragraph from a New York newspaper of the period gives the Northern view of the case with which the city could be captured. Those of us that were rather bear neighbors of Sumter and Moultrie a few months later will laugh a little at the belief that these forts were encased in iron. We learned that they were more invulnerable to bombardment than iron could make them, that pulverized rock and sand come nearer to making walls of safety for their defenders than could thrice triple plates of banded iron. This is the paragraph : " A letter from the blockading squadron off Charleston, just received in Boston, says that, from observations with powerful glasses and the statements of deserters, it is evident that Charleston is strongly fortified. There is no doubt that Fort Moultrie, as well as Fort Sumter, is iron- elad, and that the rebels have a considerable number of very powerful guns in position. Still. if no accidents happen to our
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ironelads (and a number will be kept in reserve to meet emergen- cies), the admiral in command [Dupont] is confident that he will be able to capture the city. The land troops at Charleston consist mainly of conscripts, who would not probably make a very stout resistance to our march inward, in case the city should be captured. When the letter was written it was not known when the assault would be made."
It was some time before it was made. We lay at Port Royal for two months before the first step was taken toward the object of our coming into this Department. During this time we were variously occupied. Arriving at Hilton Head on the morn- ing of the 31st of January, we lay in the harbor until the 2d day of February, when the Cahawba steamed to Beaufort, ten miles inland, where we landed, that the ship might be swabbed and drenched into something like cleanliness. We disembarked at Beaufort in the morning of the 3d, and went into camp, reem- barking on the afternoon of the 4th, returning to near Hilton Head the next day.
The day spent in Beaufort was passed in fraternizing with the members of the Eighth Maine, encamped there, many of whose members were relatives and town friends of many of us. Return- ing to Hilton Head, we remained on the Colawba until the 10th, when our division disembarked on St. Helena Island, and went into camp. And it was time that it did, for the long confinement on shipboard, where we were unable to secure pure air or facili- ties necessary to cleanliness, induced much sickness : a sort of fever breaking out which sent many to hospital, and brought about a number of deaths. With the enlarged freedom secured by our landing, the health of the regiment speedily improved.
Little of interest took place for some time now. From the diaries I learn that during February and March there were drills -company, battalion, and brigade -- and many reviews : that the Ninth Maine was stationed at Hilton Head Island, and that much visiting took place between the members of the two regi- ments. A note in Morton's diary tells us that an order was issued for roll calls to be made every two hours of the day ; this, as there were complaints of brutality of unknown soldier's to the negroes on the island. There were a multitude of " contra- bands" encamped on it. besides droves of the native ones that had remained in their huts on the abandoned cotton plantations.
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The 26th of January a War Department order was read on parade, by which we learned that we were. permanently attached to the Eighteenth Corps, and under Hunter.
Captain Sabine rejoined from Maine on the 1st of March, bringing with him a new set of colors-a flag and markers. This flag was " the map of the Peninsula," as someone called it, it having in bright gilt letters "the name of nearly every station of the regiment," as Newcomb puts it. It was formally pre- sented to the regiment on the 24th of the month.
On Sundays the brigade band played at our regiment's dress parade. In March mosquitoes and sandflies began to plagne us. Muggy weather is reported for the 12th, and so vehement did the sun become about this date that the tents had to be covered with palmetto branches, spread on arbor frames made of crotched uprights and crossed sticks. On the 22d of March the One Hundredth New York left the island for some point unknown to us.
The disintegration of our old brigade now began, and the regi- ments brought together on Meridian Hill were soon widely sep- arated. The One Hundredth New York alone rejoined us, but not until a year later. And now Naglee entirely severed his con- nection with us.
It would appear that as soon as we reached Port Royal differ- ences arose between Generals IIunter and Foster as to which should command the expedition against Charleston. General Foster naturally thought that, as he brought the troops from North Caro- lina that were to make the attack, the honor of taking Charleston should be his ; besides, as he was identified, as a Lieutenant of Engineers, with the defeuse of Sumter against Beauregard's bat- teries in April, 1861, he may have had a sentimental desire to figure as its captor. But Hunter was as strenuous that, as the commander of the troops already identified with the Department, the glory of capturing Charleston should be his. And then the question of negro regiments was a bone of contention. Hunter, a strong Abolitionist, who had already issued a proclamation of emancipation that was repudiated by the Government, and who was rather given to posing for the admiration of the wing of the Republican party he had identified himself with, was appar- ently cocksure of the efficiency of his negro troops, while many of the officers of Foster's commind were very dubious as to the
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wisdom of their enrollment. The following extract from a paper of the time gives the opinion that General Hunter and his North- ern admirers held of his rights in the premises :
" Major-General Hunter deserves the thanks of the country for his prompt dealing with the malcontent officers of the corps from North Carolina, which was recently sent to his Department. These officers, because they thought Major-General Foster ought to lead the forces in South Carolina, systematically disregarded General Hunter's orders, and studiously embarrassed his plans. Because they found negro soldiers in South Carolina, they openly declared that, if the Union had got to be saved by such means, it should not be saved at all, and put themselves actively to the work of stirring up insubordination and mutiny among the white soldiers. General Hunter, in promptly putting some of these men under arrest, and expelling others from his Department, has discharged his part of the duty in the premises."
The charge of inciting insubordination and mutiny is, of course, a gross exaggeration, as is that stating that they " openly declared," etc.
Soon after, according to a Jater-dated issue of the same paper. there was a sort of reconciliation between Hunter and Foster. It stated : " The question as to the division of command between Generals Hunter and Foster, arising from imperfect instructions, has been settled to the satisfaction of all parties, and General Foster has returned to Port Royal to take the personal command of his own troops. General Hunter's authority in the Depart- ment and in the direction of the expedition is undisturbed, and we may hope to hear, at an carly day, that the forces under his control are in motion against the enemy."
But this arrangement was of short duration. General Foster soon returned to North Carolina, and General Naglee was ordered to report at Washington. He turned his command over to General Heckman, and issued his farewell order to the division. This was read on parade on the 6th of March ; and on the 9th nearly all the officers of his old brigade went over to the steamer that was to take him North, to bid him farewell.
General Naglee was imperious in disposition, and without a bit of veneration for more authority. He was, consequently, in frequent collision with the powers that were. But he was a kindly commander, and though reputed quick and sharp of
DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTHI. 113
specch, I do not remember his ever using a harsh word to those of us connected with his military household ; and as an orderly at brigade headquarters I came in daily contact with him for some months. His bravery, his gallantry, and his martial appearance-for surely no handsomer soldier ever sat in a saddle -endeared him to his old brigade.
A few words from Maxfield's diary-words from the heart cvi- dently, and without a thought of their over being seen by other eyes than his own-gives us an idea of the feeling Naglee inspired in one of the coolest of us : "St. Helena Island, S. C., February 24th .- Grand review by Major-General Hunter. Hunter puts on considerable style. As he rode along, accompanied by his staff, General Naglee and staff, and Admiral Dupont, he resembled an Eastern monarch. But, for all this, he could not but look inferior while riding beside the gallant Naglee."
I witnessed this review from the rear of the reviewing position, and a fine sight it was to see the eighteen veteran regiments-some- thing like ten thousand men-brought from North Carolina and Virginia, march past. There was Heckman's brigade, composed of the Twenty-third Massachusetts, the Ninth New Jersey, the Eighty-first and Ninety-eighth New York; Stevens's brigade, in which were the Twenty-fourth Massachusetts and the Tenth Con- necticut ; and two other brigades besides our own-the old Naglee brigade, which was composed of the One Hundred and Fourth and Fifty-second Pennsylvania, the Eleventh Maine, the One Hundredth New York, and the picturesquely uniformed French Battalion from New York, with its wild music of blaring bugles and rolling drums. These last-named regiments marched by their old brigade commander, stopping beautifully, rather for his approval than for that of any other man, and he looked proudly and silently on until the head of the Eleventh reached the review- ing position, then leaned over and whispered a few laughing words into Hunter's car, that caused that regally attended gentleman to smile and look with curious interest at the stalwart Pine Tree State men as they strode by. Naglee lost no opportunity of exalt- ing the name of his " Yankee squad " ; for the unfaltering devo- tion of the companies with the colors at Fair Oaks, the cool action of the regiment at White Oak Swamp, and the promptness and vigor always displayed by the Eleventh in carrying out his orders, had touched an answering chord in his own bold breast.
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We served under many general officers during the remaining years of the war-Terry, Foster, Birney, Gibbon, Ord-but to none did we give the unquestioned obedience that we always gave Naglee. We respected their abilities, and followed them with confidence, but always with a reservation of opinion as to the wisdom of this or that order. But to Naglee our loyalty was an unquestioning one, and he was a bold man who would have dared criticise any act or order of his in our camp. We of the Eleventh never forgot him, he was the standard by which we measured all other commanders, his sayings and doings were affectionately remembered, and the recruits of later days listened to many a camp-fire story of his bravery, of his coolness in battle, of his gal- lant bearing everywhere; listened till they, too, came to regret with his own veteran followers the fate that took him from us.
In the month of April a movement was made on .Charleston. On the 3d of that month we received orders to cook four days' rations, to pack up, and be ready to start at any time. On the 4th we struck tents, starting away late in the afternoon, and towards night reached the wharf, when we wont on board the City of Bath, to be ferried out to the Cahawba, lying in the stream.
About seven o'clock in the morning of the 5th the Cahawba weighed anchor, and put to sea with a fleet of vessels. It was a beautiful day, and as we steamed over a calm and glistening sea, our brigade band, on board the Cahawla, playing now senti- mental, now martial airs, it seemed rather a gala-day affair than one of " grim-visaged war." About two o'clock in the afternoon we anchored of North Edisto Inlet-a broad deep waterway, a sort of landlocked harbor, the mouth of the North Edisto River-a capital point from which to land and cut the Charleston & Savannah Railroad, but a few miles from our anchorage. We lay in this roadstead, with other crowded transports and a few gun- boats, during the 6th, 7th, Sth, and 9th, expecting the fleet to force its way past Sumter and Moultrie and into the harbor. Should they promise to succeed in this, we were to land and march on the rear of the city.
The fleet attacked in the afternoon of the 7th, and after an artillery [Quel fof two hours and a half duration was forced to withdraw. It was Admiral Dupont's intention to attack the next day, but, on the commanders of the ironclads coming on board the flagship-the Ironsides-that evening and stating the injuries
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to their vessels, which were of varying severity, from those of the Keokuk, which sank the next morning, down to a merely riddled smokestack, the Admiral determined not to resume the attack, as, in his judgment, it would have converted a failure into a disaster. Had he succeeded in entering the harbor he would have had but twelve hundred men with thirty-two guns, as five of his seven iron- clads were wholly or partially disabled. In brief, the ironclad fleet was overmatched by the weight of the Confederate fire, and, had it succeeded in passing the outer forts and in entering the harbor, it would probably have been sunk by the heavy fire of the inner batteries. And were the ironclads successful in entering the harbor, if they remained afloat, they could be boarded by boat parties in the night.
In the month of January General Beauregard had suggested that six boat parties be organized and trained to attack at night such of the ironclads as succeeded in penetrating into the harbor. The suggestion reads : " The men should be armed with revolvers, if practicable, and provided with blankets with which to close all apertures, also with iron wedges and sledges to stop the towers from revolving ; with bottles of burning fluid to throw into the towers, with leather bags of powder to throw into the smoke- stacks, and with ladders of about ten feet in length to storm the towers in case of need." The actual organization of this corps does not seem to have been carried out, but doubtless in an exi- gency enough volunteers would have offered to make it possible to try this novel boarding scheme, though the chances are that the most useful of the list of articles the boarders were to carry would have been the life-preservers in addition to the other-named articles ; for, what with boarding nettings and the small arms of the monitors, and the case with which a big shot can be driveu through the bottom of a small boat, boarding parties would have been likely to have to swim for it.
On the very evening of the attack, Admiral Dupont received a confidential letter from the Secretary of the Navy, desiring him, after attacking Charleston, to send a'l the ironclads in fit con- dition directly to New Orleans, reserving only two of them. The Washington idea is given in an unofficial letter from the Assistant Secretary of the Navy, that accompanied the letter of Secretary Welles : " Matters are at a standstill on the Mississippi River. and the President was with difficulty restrained from sending off
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Hunter and all the ironclads directly to New Orleans, the opening of the Mississippi being the principal object to be obtained." So altogether, in the condition of the fleet, and with the virtual orders of the Navy Department in mind, when, on the night after the attack on the forts, some of General Hunter's staff officers boarded the Ironsides, with the proposition that the army and fleet cooperate in the reduction of Morris Island, it could not be enter- tained by Admiral Dupont.
Our mission was at an end, and on the 10th we returned to Port Royal, and the next day steamed to Beaufort, where we landed and went into camp, as did the Fifty-second and One Hundred and Fourth Pennsylvania regiments.
It was our last cruise on the steamer Cahawba. Afflicted as it was with the third plague of Egypt, it had been our home for so many days, had borne us safely over such a stretch of water, in storm and calm, that we had contracted a rough affection for the stout old transport ; and for Mr. Davis her first mate, too. We had heard the command from the wheel-house so often of, "Stand by your anchor, Mr. Davis," and the hoarse return of that old mariner, " Ay, ay, sir," that he seemed part of the ship
itself. As the regiment came alongside to go on board the Cahawba, to take a part in this Charleston expedition, our men saw the head of the rough old sailor peering over the side of the Cahawba. What a yell of "Stand by your anchor, Mr. Davis," rang out of five hundred throats ! I am sorry to have to state that, instead of the orthodox reply to this nautical command, Mr. Davis only growled, " There's that damned Eleventh Maine again."
CHAPTER XIII.
BEAUFORT, S. C.
Its Abandonment by its White Inhabitants, and Occupancy by the Union Forces-Raids of United States Negro Troops from this Point -The Confederate Weakness in South Carolina-Incidents of our Life in Beaufort-We Are Ordered to Fernandina, Fla.
BEAUFORT was the home of many of the planters owning the productive cotton and rice plantations of the archipelago of sea islands comprising what was known to us as the Beaufort district. The houses were spacious, and were mainly surrounded by once beautiful grounds and gardens, now neglected and grown up in tangled luxuriance of semi-tropical flowers and plants. The white residents left the city en masse when the news came that the forts at Port Royal had fallen ; Admiral Ammen says that there was not a white person left there when the Union troops marched into it. But there were any number of negroes to receive them, and to occupy the deserted mansions, for the attempt of the whites to drive their slaves before them in their exodus failed largely, some thousands of negroes remaining behind, and their number was constantly added to by the raids made into the interior. Lieutenant Newcomb describes one of these raids. We will copy his words, adding the comments of Confederate authorities : "June 3d, 1863 .- Colonel Montgomery has returned from an expe- dition into the interior with his regiment of darkies, and has brought some five hundred contrabands, mostly women and children. I have been down to the church where they are tem- porarily. They make a motley crew. It is reported that one company destroyed thirty-four plantations, buildings all burned. In all, upwards of a million dollars' worth of property was destroyed. Montgomery did not lose a man. The destruction of many private dwellings is much deplored."
In Beauregard's " Military Operations" this raid is treated of in this way : " The enemy advanced as far as Combahee ferry, burned the ponton bridge at that place, and the houses on the
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river side, and moved up as if determined to march into the interior. The Federal forces employed on this expedition were mainly colored troops drawn from General Saxton's command at Beaufort. After pillaging and burning as they are wont to do, they carried off with them numbers of negro slaves from the adjoining plantations, but went no further and withdrew pre- cipitately."
At this very time the Confederate forces were so weak in South Carolina that Beauregard's chief of staff wrote General Ripley, commanding the military division in which Charleston was situated : " Of course, there are not troops enough available in the Department to hold the line of the railroad (the Charleston & Savannah), if the enemy aim seriously at its possession ; but as it may be a more raid, which may be foiled, it will be best, perhaps, to send all disposable infantry from Sullivan's Island, and a section of Preston's, or some other battery, without delay, say with ten days' rations."
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