USA > Missouri > A History of Northeast Missouri, Volume I > Part 23
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This convention of 1865, commonly called the "Drake Convention" from its leading spirit, Charles D, Drake, drew up a new constitution. The most important changes were the immediate abolition of slavery and the drastic qualifications for voting. In place of the oath of loyalty and of abstention from open armed resistance to the Union, imposed by the previous convention, a voter was now forced to take the "Iron-clad oath," that he had not shown sympathy with the South by word or deed in any of a carefully defined list of ways. The obvious intent, and actual result, in most counties, of this requirement, enforced by registrars of voters with plenary power to reject oaths even when tendered, was to throw the control of the state into the hands of the aggressive Union men and disfranchise thousands of moderates who had refused to take part in the war. The extension of this oath to ministers, teachers and lawyers, seems absolutely indefensible, could not be enforced in practice and was soon declared unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court. Apart from the provisions reflecting the recent conflict, the constitution was an able and progressive frame of government, particu- larly in its very liberal provisions for education. Although the iron-clad
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cath was imposed on all voters on the ratification of the constitution, it was adopted by a very small majority and would have failed.but for the soldier vote.
PERIOD OF REORGANIZATION (1865-1875)
The period from 1865 to 1872, is a time of reorganization and transi- tion in political parties when party names were confusing and hard to define. Immediately after the war, Frank P. Blair, John S. Phelps and other former Democrats and aggressive Union men revived the Demo- cratic party on the platform of loyalty to the Union, opposition to the iron-clad oath in Missouri and the radical reconstruction policy of con-
GOVERNOR CHARLES H. HARDIN
gress in the South. Blair was candidate for vice-president on the national Democratic ticket in 1868, but the oath rendered the party help- less in Missouri. Meanwhile the radicals or Republicans as they must be called at least by 1867, were far from united. The liberal faction, led by Carl Schurz and B. Gratz Brown, were eager for a general am- nesty and the repeal of the oath in return for negro suffrage, while the more radical wing accepted negro suffrage but insisted that it was un- safe and unwise to repeal the oath. The common support of negro suffrage held these two discordant elements together and secured the election of Governor Joseph W. McClurg in 1868, but when the fif- teenth amendment to the national constitution gave the right to vote to the negro, the two factions split on the retention of the iron-clad
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oath. In 1870 they nominated separate state tickets, the liberals nomi- nating B. Gratz Brown, the radicals Governor McClurg. Public opinion had been steadily becoming more liberal, the characteristic conservatism of the people was reasserting itself, the carpet bag government and negro domination in the South was very unpopular in the state and serious charges had been brought against the honesty of the radical legislature in Missouri. The Democrats made no separate nomination and sup- ported Brown, who was elected. At the same time an overwhelming majority of the people voted to remove the iron-clad oath from the constitution.
The same general influences that defeated the radicals in Missouri were weakening the national Republican party throughout the North. To organize this opposition, the liberal Republicans in Missouri pro- posed in 1872 a national convention at Cincinnati and the nomination of a national ticket. The invitation met a hearty response and the na- tional liberal Republican party was organized. The platform called for home rule in the South, reform all along the line and especially in the civil service and the tariff. But the convention very unwisely nomi- nated Horace Greeley, a disgruntled Republican, not at all representative of the party principles. Greeley carried Missouri, but was hopelessly beaten in the country, despite the reluctant support of the Democrats. In the state election the local liberal Republicans and Democrats made a formal alliance, dividing the state ticket between them. The Demo- crats received the governorship and after a long struggle between the discordant elements nominated Silas Woodson, a conservative moderate Union man, who had taken little part in the war. He was elected and the conservatives gained full control of the state government.
After 1872 the liberal Republicans disappeared as a separate party, the majority of them joining the Democrats, thus making the party still more complex. The repeal of the test oaths in 1870 brought back the ex-Confederates into politics, so that radical Unionists like Blair, men who had risen high in the Confederate army like Cockerell, conservative Whigs like Rollins and liberal Republican advocates of negro suffrage were all fighting under the same banner. The result was that for some years old antagonisms kept the more positive leaders in the background. In 1874 the Democrats nominated for governor and elected another conservative who had not taken an active part in the war, Charles H. Hardin. After long discussions the people at this election by a slight majority decided in favor of a new constitutional convention, which in 1875 drew the present frame of government of the state. It is chiefly remarkable for its ultra-conservatism and stringent limitations on the powers of the government state and local. In spite of frequent amendments, it is today quite inadequate for the new conditions.
The United States senators during this period show clearly the kalei- doscopic changes in politics. Waldo P. Johnson, supposedly a mod- erate, succeeded Green in 1861, but both Polk and Johnson were ex- pelled from the United States senate for disloyalty. To succeed them the assembly elected B. Gratz Brown, a former Republican, and John B. Henderson a former Democrat, but both at that time uncompromising Unionists. Brown was succeeded in 1867 by Charles D. Drake, author of the iron-clad oath and Radical Republican, while two years later Henderson was supplanted by Carl Schurz. On the resignation of Drake. Frank P. Blair, in 1871, was chosen to complete the term, but in 1873 the Democrats found it impossible to agree on any positive candidate and finally selected a relatively obscure conservative. Louis V. Bogy. When Schurz's term expired in 1875, however, the Democrats had to a great degree forgotten their former differences and elected
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Francis M. Cockrell, ex-brigadier-general in the Confederate army. Cockrell served continuously until the Republicans secured control of the assembly in 1904.
While these changes and realignments were going on in politics the state was recovering from the losses incurred during the war. In spite of the abolition of slavery, the depredations of the guerrillas and the damage to the railroads the destruction of wealth was not very great. But local government broke down, taxes could not be collected, schools were closed and business almost at a standstill during the first year of the war. After Price was driven from the state, and Governor Gamble restored order and secured the withdrawal of most of the Federal troops, conditions north of the river became fairly normal except for the guerrillas. Even after the war was over these were a disturbing factor, now attacking banks and railroad trains instead of Union sym- pathizers and private enemies. Perhaps the most serious loss to the state during the war was in population. With the actual loss of life and the very large emigration of ex-Confederates to Colorado, Oregon and Montana, the population was probably no larger in 1865 than in 1860. In the next seven years, however, there was a large immigration, particularly to the cities and from the old northwest into the cheap land in the southwestern part of the state.
FINANCIAL REORGANIZATION
The finances of the state were one of the hardest of the problems of the period. Except for the Hannibal and St. Joseph, the railroads were quite unable to pay interest on the state bonds loaned to them, which, principal and accumulated interest, amounted to nearly thirty-two million dollars in 1865. Extraordinary war expenses brought the total debt up to about thirty-six million. The railroads had suffered severely during the war, were in deplorable physical condition, and quite unable to borrow money or pay the thirty-two million they owed the state. The state foreclosed its mortgages and was forced either to run them itself or to sell them. The latter alternative was chosen but the state realized only about six millions on the sales. Ugly stories of corruption, probably founded on fact, figured prominently in Missouri politics for years afterward. As the sales contained provisions for the completion and extension of the railroads the state really received more than the pur- chase price.
In spite of this unfortunate experience the people eagerly welcomed new projects and aided them very liberally through city and county bond issues. Some of these projects were legitimate and resulted in new lines of great value, particularly the lines connecting Kansas City and St. Joseph with Chicago, but the larger number were fraudulent. The promoters, with or without the connivance of dishonest officials, secured the bonds, sold them to innocent third parties and never built the roads. To this day some of the poorer counties have been unable to redeem these railroad bonds.
By heavy taxation, selling the railroads, holding back the school fund and using the large Federal grants made to reimburse the state for war expenditures, the radicals were able by 1869 to reduce the debt about one-third. When the conservative elements secured control in 1870 and 1872 they cut down expenditures and steadily reduced the re- mainder. This was a period of expansion and inflation in business the country over, new settlers were coming to Missouri by the thousand and the state on the whole had more than regained the losses of the war when the national panic of 1873 brought widespread distress. The debts.
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state and local, became a serious burden, taxes were hard to pay and prosperity did not revive much before 1880.
In spite of the confusion in politics and the feverish speculation and consequent collapse in business, the state was steadily advancing in the decade before 1875. Both the new constitutions provided for liberal ap- propriations for the schools, and the conservatives restored the school fund. The state made its first appropriation for the State University, and improved it by the addition of professional schools of agriculture, law, medicine and engineering. To supply the demand for trained teach- ers, a normal department was added to the University and three separate normal schools were established. Population was flocking to the cities; Hannibal and St. Joseph doubled in population, Kansas City grew from a little town of five thousand in 1860 to a bustling western city of over thirty thousand ten years later and was becoming the headquarters for trade to the west and southwest. St. Louis in 1870 was the largest city in the West and the third in the Union. The completion of the Eads bridge across the Mississippi in 1874 gave St. Louis for the first time un- interrupted rail communication with the East. But the confusion of the war and the rapid building of the railroads was ruining the river traffic, and Chicago with her better railroads and lake trade was already dis- puting St. Louis' supremacy.
MISSOURI SINCE 1875
Missouri politics for thirty years after 1875 seem monotonous and uneventful. Year after year the Democrats carried the state in national and state elections. The nominal issues were those of the reconstruc- tion times; the Democrats insisted on economy and conservatism and denounced the carpet bag regime in the South, the iron-clad oath, the sale of the railroads and the heavy debt in Missouri. As the party be- came better united, the more positive leaders came to the front. Gov- ernor John S. Phelps had served in congress from 1844 to 1862, had commanded a regiment in the Union army and had aided Blair in the re-organization of the Democratic party. He was succeeded by another Union Democrat, T. T. Critenden and he in turn by a Confederate brigadier-general, John S. Marmaduke. With Marmaduke the older line ends and the later governors are younger men who took no part in the great sectional struggle.
After the panic of 1873, the reconstruction issues although nominally dominant in politics, were really subordinate in the minds of the people to the newer economic and social problems. Times were hard and the westerners believed, rightly or wrongly, that their troubles were due to the excessive rates and discriminations of the railroads and to a cur- rency which enabled the East to exploit the West. In Missouri the de- mand that the government remedy these evils did not lead to any con- siderable third party movement, but the assembly made some attempt to regulate the railroads through a railroad commission. The demand for the free coinage of silver was generally endorsed and found one of its earliest and ablest champions at Washington in Richard P. Bland. In the eighties the revival of prosperity temporarily obscured this eco- nomic and social unrest and the Democrats maintained their unity. Governors D. R. Francis, a successful business man and efficient mayor of St. Louis, and W. J. Stone, a former member of congress received sub- stantial majorities. Francis was later a member of Cleveland's cab- inet and Stone has represented Missouri in the United States senate since 1903; both are today among the most prominent men in the state. Until 1903 the Democrats reelected to the United States senate Cockerell and
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Vest, first chosen in 1879, two senators who worthily continued the traditions of Benton, Henderson and Schurz.
When the panic of 1893 brought the economic issues to the front once more, the old party cries lost their magic. The Missourians joined the new People's or Populist party by the thousand and in the off year of 1894 in coalition with the Republicans elected a Republican superintend- ent of schools. Before the next national election, however, the radical or Populist wing had captured the national Democratic party. Its can- didate W. J. Bryan swept Missouri by tremendous majorities in both 1896 and 1900, carrying with him the Democratic candidates for gov- ernor, L. V. Stephens and A. M. Dockery.
Then came the first substantial Republican victory since 1868. The national Democratic candidate for president, Parker, was an easterner and a conservative, unacceptable to the radical element in the West, while the Republican candidate Theodore Roosevelt, apart from the currency issue, which renewed prosperity was driving into the background, repre- sented many of the reforms which the radicals desired. At the same time there was a revolt in the Democratic party against the older leaders under J. W. Folk, who secured the nomination on the issue of reform. The election resulted in the success of Roosevelt and Folk and the Re- publican candidates for the other state offices. The Republicans secured also a majority in the assembly and sent William Warner to the United States senate to succeed Cockrell. Four years later the split in the Democratic party still continued, Taft carried the state by a small ma- jority over Bryan, H. S. Hadley, the Republican candidate, was selected governor, but the Democrats captured the other state offices and a small majority in the assembly, which they held in 1912. The truth is that the older allegiance to party name and party machinery has broken down, the people more and more are voting intelligently on men and issues, and Missouri today is a doubtful state.
After 1872 Missouri entered a new stage in her economic develop- ment. The good government land was all taken up and immigrants from the East went farther west in their search for cheap land. From 1870 to 1890 the increase in population in the ten year period was about one-fourth, from 1890 to 1900 it fell to one-sixth and in the next decade was very small. After 1880 the increase was to be found chiefly in the cities. As far as an agricultural population was concerned, the state had reached the limit of rapid growth. The future development of the state must be along the lines of manufacturing and varied industries, although scientific farming is already checking the decline of agriculture. The manufacturing interests have grown steadily since the war. St. Louis ranks high in the boot and shoe and tobacco industries, while Kansas City and St. Joseph are among the most important meat packing centers in the country. The rapid development of the southwest is today of great advantage to these cities, which as in the days of the old Santa Fe Trail control the trade routes. In the extreme southwestern part of the state the zinc and lead mines, all developed since the war, have produced a group of prosperous and growing cities unknown in 1870; Springfield also has shared in their prosperity. While the great majority of Mis- sourians are still farmers, the state has passed definitely out of the ex- clusively agricultural stage in her history.
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PROCLAMATION ADMITTING MISSOURI TO THE UNION-FACSIMILE FROM THE ORIGINAL
CHAPTER IX ADAIR COUNTY By E. E. Swain, Kirksville."
EARLY SETTLEMENTS
Excepting those on the Missouri and Mississippi rivers, Adair was one of the first counties of Northeast Missouri to be settled.
The first party of whites came in 1828, from Howard county. The men who composed this band of settlers, according to tradition, were James Myers, Isaac Gross, Stephen Gross, Nathan Richardson, Reuben Myrtle and Jacob Gupp. All except Gupp are supposed to have been married. They located on the east side of the Chariton river about six miles west of the present site of Kirksville. They built three cabins, from which the settlement became known as "The Cabins." This set- tlement was broken up the next year by what is known as the "Big Neck War." Some Indians came down from Iowa, bent on making trouble. The little band, after having had some hogs killed by the in- vaders, sent to Randolph county for aid. Twenty-six men came to help the settlers rid themselves of the Indians. A battle was fought in which three white men, John Myers, James Winn and Powell Owenby, were killed. The Indians were well-armed and it is thought that the attempt of the whites to make them give up their arms brought on the fight.
After the contest the Indians withdrew to Iowa. The whites thought it best to retire to Randolph county, although by this time troops from several other counties and two hundred United States troops from St. Louis had arrived on the scene to protect them.
According to tradition the settlement of "The Cabins" was restored in 1830. John Cain, Andrew Bozarth, Isaac Parton and possibly others came to the settlement about that time. It is said that John Cain bought the claims of the Myers family to the land around the settlement, for a pair of shoe leathers. Between 1830 and 1840, settlements were made in all parts of the county.
Persons who are known to have settled in Adair county before 1841, besides those already mentioned, are: Frank Adkins, James A. Adkins, Hiram Bozarth, Washington Conner, Lewis Earhart, Samuel Eaton, Ben- jamin Ely, K. S. Filts, Jack Floyd, Nathaniel Floyd, William A. Floyd, Jesse Gilstrap, James H. Ginnings, William Hurley, Isaac Hargis, Charles Hatfield, William Horton, Samuel Hay, David James, William B. Jones, Jesse Jones, John Lesley, A. H. Linder, John Morrow, John Murphy, John Myers, Jr., Robert Myers, Frayel Myers, Robert Miller,
* In the preparation of the sketch of Adair county the contributing editor wishes to acknowledge an extensive use of the "History of Adair County" by E. M. Violette, professor of history at the State Normal School No. 1, at Kirksville.
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HISTORY OF NORTHEAST MISSOURI
Canada Owenby, William Parcells, Hartin Parton, Thomas Parton, Josiah Rogers, Hiram Reed, John Shibley, David E. Stone, Edward Stewart, Coleman Stewart, John Stewart, Andrew Thompson and Jesse Walker. Many women and children also came into the county during that time.
There were no troubles with the Indians after 1845. In 1832, the year of the Black Hawk war, a fort known as Fort Madison, was built in the northern part of what is now Polk township, to furnish protection against the Indians. After about 1835, the red men did not offer vio- lence to any of the whites, but contented themselves with killing their hogs and other stock.
ORGANIZATION
The county was organized in 1841, being taken from the territory at- tached to Macon county. The territory to the north of the new county was attached to it for purposes of government. This was erected into Schuyler county in 1843, but was not completely severed from Adair county until 1845. Putnam county, which was organized in 1843, was attached to Adair county until 1845.
It is probable that there were less than one thousand people in Adair county when it was organized. The early settlers came from other coun- ties of Missouri to the southward, especially from Howard and other counties bordering on the Missouri river. Some came also from Ken- tucky, Tennessee, Ohio and Illinois. The life of the pioneer was hard, just as it was elsewhere. Farming was done under difficulties. Farms in the timbered region had to be cleared first and this meant much hard work. Because of the scarcity of oxen and plows, persons living near each other would often join and do the plowing on their farms together, taking them one at a time.
Grain was ground at first by hand-mills which the pioneers brought with them. Horse and water mills soon came into use and a steam mill was built about 1850 by a German colony near Nineveh. A tan yard was established in 1837 by Washington Conner.
The trading posts for the earliest settlers were Hannibal, Quincy and Huntsville, the two first named on the Mississippi river, to the east- ward, and the last named to the southward in Randolph county. Mail was carried across the county at first on horseback and later in stage coaches.
THE COUNTY'S GROWTH
Adair county has grown both steadily and substantially. The census reports show its population as follows: 1850, 2,342; 1860, 8,531; 1870, 11,448; 1880, 15,190; 1890, 17,417; 1900, 21,728; 1910, 22,700.
The county was one of the seven in Northeast Missouri that showed an increase in population between 1900 and 1910. An increase in the wealth of the county accompanied the gain in population. From $49,946 in 1845, the assessed valuation of property grew to $3,176,789 in 1880, and $5,840,078 in 1910. The actual valuation is, of course, several times the assessed property valuation.
When the county was organized in 1845 it was composed of five town- ships: Morrow, Benton, Liberty, Pettis and Wilson. Five additional townships have since been formed: Nineveh, Polk, Clay, Salt River and Walnut.
COUNTY OFFICERS
The first county officers were appointed in 1841 and held office until the election of 1842. Samuel Easton, Joseph Ringo and John Morrow
.
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were the first judges of the county court; Isaac Eby was the first sheriff, and David James was the first clerk of the county and circuit courts. Until 1872, when the office of county collector was established, the sheriff went around the county and collected the taxes.
The other first county officers were: James A. Clark, circuit judge; B. F. Stringfellow, circuit attorney; Thoret Rose, assessor; W. C. War- rener, treasurer. The office of coroner was created in 1846 and David Smith was the first incumbent. Grant Corbin was the first recorder, be- ing chosen after the office was created in 1898. The first county collector was A. J. Knight, chosen in 1873, and the first county superintendent was Robert Mercer, chosen in 1867. Guy Chandler, chosen in 1869, was the first public administrator, and J. D. Stephens, chosen in 1879, was the first probate judge.
The present county officers are: Aaron P. Hopson, presiding judge of the county court; Jacob H. Shoop, judge of the county court from the first district; Seymour J. Reed, judge of the county court from the second district; U. S. G. Keller, probate judge; Ed Rorabaugh, clerk of the circuit court; John T. Waddill, clerk of the county court; Grove Lowrance, recorder of deeds; Glenn C. Weatherby, prosecuting attor- ney; George F. Williams, sheriff; Ulysses G. Downing, collector; W. S. Polley, assessor; H. C. Worman, treasurer; Foster R. Easley, coroner; George E. McDowell, public administrator; Tyler Paine, sur- veyor; L. B. Sipple, superintendent of public schools.
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