USA > Missouri > Shelby County > General history of Shelby County, Missouri > Part 9
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Beyond a doubt, slavery had been a benefit to the slaves themselves. They were taken from the savages and bar- barians of Africa, and while in slavery they had received many benefits from the habits of civilization. They had learned how to work, and that exalted them and made them less dangerous free- mien. It had prepared them to enjoy their liberty when it should come,-a desire which was becoming a part of their being.
STIRRING TIMES AFTER THE ELECTION.
As may have been expected by the returns from Shelby county, when the news of the election of Lincoln and Ham- lin were received, dissatisfaction was evident on every hand; but after the first sting was passed they settled down to abide the consequences and await the result. A number of citizens, however, avowed themselves unconditional Union men, as they had every year since 1850, as in convention they met from time to time, and these were some who voted for Bell, men who had voted for Doug- las, and even some of Breckenridge's constituency were found among the Unionists. However, upon the secession of South Carolina and some other south- ern states, many changed their view.
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Secessionists one week were Unionists the next, and vice versa ; but, above all, there fluttered a hope that civil war might be averted.
Conservative men were trembling for the republic. There were the North and the South radicals that no terms of peace would appease. They did everything within their power to rend the common- wealth in twain. The northern fanaties did not want to live in a country where one-half depended on the rearing of children for the slave market, for pros- perity; the constitution that permitted slavery was classified as an instrument of infamy, and the flag was denounced as an infamous lie.
At the same time, the southern radi- cals were as prononneed in their vindic- tive aeensations, claiming that they had been and were about to be trampled on by the North, and therefore they were seceders and believed in breaking up a government which they could not con- trol. The majority, however, of this county, believed that the good of Mis- souri was identical with the good of other slave-holding states, but they were conservative enough to want to await the developments of the new administration before withdrawing the state from the Union. "Let us await the movements of the administration," was heard on every side; yet a goodly minority thought they could foresee the result and were in favor of secession at once.
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INCENDIARY TALK.
At Circuit court on the fourth Monday in November, 1860, the slaves belonging to the estate of George Gaines, deceased, were sold at the court house door, and during the sale there was a little Dutch- man who was abont half drunk and who swore it was not right to sell negroes. Although he talked very broken, the by- standers understood enough to think he was saying something about the divine institution of slavery; and he was ar- rested, taken before a justice of the peace, and had to give bond for his ap- pearanee at the next court, or go to jail to await the action of the next grand jury at the next term of Cirenit court.
His was an indictable offense under the statutes of Missouri, which said that if any person should say anything in the hearing of a negro calculated to make him rebellions or insubordinate, such person, on conviction, should be sent to the penitentiary for a term of not less than five years. The Dutchman gave bond for his appearance, but did not appear. If he had he would have stood a good chance for the penitentiary, for the negroes were not allowed to swear whether they heard certain remarks or not, and men were convicted on the testi- mony of proseenting witnesses who swore they "believed the negroes heard," ete. This was the way such trials were generally managed.
Holliday, "Sketches."
CHAPTER VI.
THE COUNTY'S WAR RECORD-THE MORMON WAR-THE IOWA WAR-SHELBY FIG- URES IN MEXICAN WAR-THE WAR OF 1861-GOVERNOR JACKSON REFUSES TO RESPOND-THE HUNNEWELL MEETING-THE FLAG-RAISING PERIOD-THE FIRST FEDERAL TROOPS-FIRST UNION COMPANY ORGANIZED-SALT RIVER BRIDGE BURNED-JOIN GREEN'S COMPANY-GREEN TAKES SHELBINA-REPORT OF COL. N. G. WILLIAMS, THIRD IOWA INFANTRY-WHAT THE KANSAS OFFICERS SAID- SECOND BURNING OF SALT RIVER BRIDGE-SHELBY COUNTY CONFEDERATE TROOPS-MOVEMENT OF UNION FORCES-GENERAL GRANT IN SHELBY-SECESSION OF MISSOURI-COUNTY COURT MEETINGS-CHANGES IN COUNTY OFFICIALS.
THE COUNTY'S WAR RECORD.
The citizenship of Shelby county, be it said to their credit, are and always have been a peaceable and law-abiding people. They, however, are not cowards, and whenever a call has been made for volunteers to defend our nation's honor, Shelby has willingly responded with her just proportion. The people, however, are the peaceable kind, and prefer to live the simple life around the home fire- side rather than to shoulder a rifle and march to war. Were all nations like Shelby county the time would soon come when. as Isaiah said nearly three thou- sand years ago, "they shall beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks: Nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more."
The people of Shelby county. however, participated to some extent in four wars.
THE MORMON WAR.
The followers of Joseph Smith, who claimed to have received from an angel
a new bible (1827) at Palmyra. N. Y., had found their way into Missouri and had settled in the western part of the state. The people clamored for their expulsion, and in 1838 and 1839 consider- able skirmishing took place in Caldwell and Carrol counties between the militia of Missouri and the disciples of Joseph. It was to uphold the honor of the state that Capt. S. S. Matson, in the early part of the year 1839, was sent with a company of Shelby county volunteers to the field of battle. The company got only as far as Keytesville, Chariton county, and then disbanded and returned home, withont so much as the smell of powder on their coats.
THE JOWA WAR.
Missourians located along the border of Iowa had for years been in a dispute with their Iowa neighbors over the boun- dary line between the two states. At times the contention took on a serious phase. The people of Iowa and Missouri became revengeful and unfriendly. and
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from 1837 to 1845 there were numerous small but sometimes quite serious en- gagements between the two contending sections. To aid their Missouri neigli- bors a company of infantry was organ- ized in about the year 1840 in Shelby and sent to the front. The matter was, however, settled by the Supreme court of the United States, and the infantry, like Captain Matson's company, turned around and marched right home again, without the stain of blood upon their hands.
SHELBY FIGURES IN THE MEXICAN WAR.
When a company was organized in July, 1846, at Palmyra, to reinforce Col. Sterling Price's 2d Missouri Mounted Infantry, with Gen. David Willock as captain, Shelby furnished some valiant volunteers. On arriving at Fort Leaven- worth; Colonel Price's regiment was found full, and four additional compa- nies that were present, including the company from Marion, were formed into an extra battalion, to be attached to the regiment. Willock was elected lieutenant- colonel and Anson Smith succeeded him as captain of Company I, of Marion. Samuel Shepard later succeeded Smith. Of Company I, 2d Missouri Volunteers, Willoek's Extra Battalion, Shelby county, furnished :
James A. Carothers, first lieutenant (dead), and privates William H. Brown, George W. Barker, J. Calvin Carothers, Robert Clark (died in service at Las Vegas, February 22, 1847), James R. Creel, Thomas S. Dunbar, Peter P. Davis, James Parker, W. R. Strachan, General MeNeal (provost marshal).
The company left Palmyra, July 20. 1846, arrived at Fort Leavenworth in
due time, and was mustered into service August 20. Arrived at Santa Fe in October, in which section they spent their term of service. Some of our members joined the assault on El Moro, Janu- ary 25, 1847, and were also in our Indian fight on the Seneca river, February 1, 1847.
The principal service rendered, how- ever, was guard and garrison duty at Las Vegas, Santa Fe and Taos, and in grazing camps. In the fall of 1847 the company was mustered out at Leaven- worth and returned home October 10-12. The company marched from Mexico to Leavenworth, thence to Palmyra, most of those from Shelby stopping at home en route.
THE WAR OF 1861.
The twenty-first general assembly of the state of Missouri met at Jefferson City on December 31, 1860. The Shelby county representative, Hon. John Me- Afee, played a prominent part in the proceedings of this assembly. Mr. Me- Afee was chosen speaker of the house as a Democrat of the extreme pro- slavery wing of the party. He received seventy-seven votes to forty-three for Marcus Boyd of Greene county, a Bell- Everett man, and four for Thomas L. Price, of Cole county, a Douglas-Dunn man, and one for John Hyer, of Dent county. This was a great honor for Shelby county and also to her illustrious representative, who was chosen to this high position at so critical a period in the history of the state. The message sent to the legislature by the retiring governor, Hon. Robert M. Stewart, was mild and conservative on the slavery and secession proposition. To show how
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conservative he was, we give the follow- ing extract from his message: " The people of Missouri ought not to be fright- ened from their propriety by the past unfriendly relation of the North, nor dragooned into secession by the re- strieted legislation of the extreme South."
The inaugural message of Governor Claiborne Fox Jackson was not so con- servative. He held that the interests and destiny of the slave-holding states were the same; that the state was in favor of remaining in the Union as long as there was any hope of maintaining the guarantees of the constitution, but that in the event of a failure to reconcile the differences which then threatened the disruption of the Union, it would be the duty of the state "to stand by the South," and that he was utterly op- posed to the doctrine of coercion in any event. Governor Jackson coneluded his message by recommending that a state convention be called "in order that the will of the people may be ascertained and effectnated."
The legislature on January 17th passed a bill in accordance with Gov- ernor Jackson's recommendation, calling a convention and appointing the follow- ing February 18th as the day of the election of delegates, and February 28th as the day that the convention should convene. The hill also provided that there should be three delegates from each senatorial district, so that in the aggregate the convention was composed of three times as many delegates as there were state senators.
Restrictions and limitations were, however, placed upon the authority granted to this body of men, so that no
act, ordinance or resolution passed by them should become valid until ratified by a majority of the qualified voters of the state voting upon the question.
It therefore became impossible for Missouri to secede from the Union with- out a vote of a majority of her qualified voters. Hon. Charles H. Hardin, of the Boone-Callaway district, was the author of this part of the resolutions. Mr. Hardin was afterwards elected governor.
At that time, as now, Shelby county was comprised in the district with Adair and Macon counties, which was then the seventh district. Each county was al- lowed to name a candidate on the uneon- ditional Union tieket. The three can- didates were John D. Foster, of Adair; Frederick Rowland, of Macon, and Joseph M. Irwin, of Shelby. G. W. Hillias, a young lawyer of Shelbyville, was selected as the conditional Union candidate. He was to vote for secession on certain conditions that might possibly arise. Mr. Hillias later, or on March 7, 1861, established the Shelby County Weekly, a newspaper which he published at Shelbyville. Irwin and his two run- ning mates were elected by a large majority, and on the very day that Jef- ferson Davis was inaugurated president of the Confederacy. Shelby voted nearly three to one for the unconditional Union candidates. Sterling Price, of Chariton county, was chosen president of the con- vention that assembled at Jefferson City, February 28, 1861. Mr. Price was later a distinguished general in the Confed- erate army. After being in session for two days, the convention adjourned to meet in St. Louis on the 4th of March following, the day that Abraham Lin- coln became president. Here it con-
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tinned in session until March 22d, at which time an adjournment was taken until the third Monday in December, un- less called together prior to that date by a call of a majority of a committee of seven. Of the ninety-nine members of this convention, fifty-three were na- tives of Virginia or Kentucky, three were Germans, and one an Irishman. Thir- teen were from the North. On the 9th day of March the committee on federal relations, through its chairman, Hon. Hamilton R. Gamble, of St. Louis, made a report declaring that secession by Mis- sonri was "certainly not demanded." The report further said, "The true posi- tion for Missouri to assume is that of a state whose interests are bound up in the maintenance of the Union, and whose kind feelings and strong sympathies are with the people of the southern states, with whom we are connected by the ties of friendship and blood."
There were only five or six votes in opposition to the resolution. Throughout the proceedings of the convention Mr. Irwin was a radical Union man. He did not figure prominently in the debates during these strennous days, but his votes were all cast on the side of the radical Union men. IIe cast his vote for the test oaths, and on July -, 1863, (the day the convention adjourned sine die.) he voted for the ordinance emanci- pating the slaves, to take effect July 4, 1876, and providing for the payment to every loyal owner of the sum of $300 for every slave so emancipated.
It was now war-war and rumors of war. The people of Shelby county were as intensely agitated over the matter as a people could possible be. The only topic of conversation was war. A large
part of the population of the county sym- pathized with the South and freely and openly gave expression to their feelings, while the Union side likewise had many friends and defenders. War was not only freely discussed, but many actually prepared for it, while others declared in conservative tones that Missouri had done nothing to bring on a war, and would do nothing to help it along should one break out. They would say, "We are neither secessionists nor abolition- ists, and we are neither fanatics nor fire-eaters."
The Union men and the secessionists, however, began to hold secret meetings. Friendly they remained as they met each other in the everyday walks of life; but the smell of powder was being wafted by every breeze that crossed the county, and in the dim distance the clank of arms and the muffled beat of the drum could be heard. While the meetings were supposed to be secret, they were known to both sides. The deliberations, how- ever, were intended to be kept strictly within the breast of eachi attendant. Both sides began to prepare for war, in case of an emerency, while each side hoped for peace. They resolved that if come it must they would have their pow- der dry and their affairs in a condition that they might loyally give their time and service to the cause they believed to be right and just. It matters little now which side was on the right and which side was in error, one thing can be said to the credit of both sides : no men were ever more sincere, more in earnest, and more honest in opinion.
The citizens of the surrounding coun- ties were also busy. Lewis, Knox, Adair and Clark, to the north, had declared in
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numerous public meetings for the Union. Monroe, to the south, favored the Crit- tenden compromise, while Marion, to the east, favored openly the cause of seces- sion. The citizenship of the county was nervous, feverish and excited during the winter of 1861. The Union sentiment seemed to predominate, yet the seces- sionists were bold and demonstrative, and on March 16 many attended the Con- federate flag-raising at Emerson, Marion county, and later the same event at Pal- myra. This fired their souls with enthu- siasm and filled their hearts with sym- pathy for their southern kinsmen. Many, yes, perhaps nine-tenths of their number, were connected with the South by strong cords of kinship, of birth, and other self- interests. Hon. G. Watts Hillias, who had been defeated as delegate to the state convention on the conditional Union ticket, now edited the Shelby County Weekly, at Shelbyville, and while in fact he was a secessionist, he was mild and in tone for the Union, with many "ifs" and provisos.
GOVERNOR JACKSON REFUSES TO RESPOND.
On the 12th day of April, 1861, when Fort Sumter was fired on by the Con- federates, there was great excitement throughout the whole country, which was participated in by even the peaceable citizens of Shelby. President Lincoln immediately issued a proclamation call- ing for seventy-five thousand volunteers, but Governor Jackson refused to respond to the call or requisition on Missouri. This news rapidly spread over Missouri, and many openly declared in favor of secession, while others stood steadfastly by the Union.
Governor Jackson issued a call on the
22d of April for an extra session of the legislature, as he said in the call, "for the purpose of enacting such laws and adopting such measures as may be deemed necessary and proper for the more perfect organization and equip- ment of the militia of the state, and to raise money enough and such other means as may be required to place the state in proper attitude for defense." This extraordinary session of the legis- lature lasted only twelve days, from May 12th to May 23d inclusive. The speaker of the house, Hon. John McAfee, of Shelby county, stood by the governor on all his measures. He zealously supported the governor's war bills, known as Jack- son's military bill, and all the measures adopted against the federal government.
THE HUNNEWELL MEETING.
A public meeting had been called to take place at Hunnewell on the 13th day of April. It so happened that this meet- ing followed the firing on Fort Sumter. Both sides were to be represented, and the cord of excitement was drawn to its utmost tension. The meeting was held and G. Watts Hillias represented the secessionists and Esquire Samuel B. Hardy, of Jackson township, espoused the cause of the Unionists. Al McAfee. who died only a few years ago at his home in Clarence, and who was a strong southern sympathizer, attended the meeting. It seems Mr. McAfee was somewhat disappointed in the way Hil- lias had presented the cause of the South, and he (MeAfee) gave vent to his feelings, in an article published in the Weekly the following issue of the paper. To give the readers of this his- tory some idea of the feeling that
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existed in those days, no less on the one side than on the other, we reproduce Mr. McAfee's letter :
"I attended the meeting at Hunnewell on Saturday last, and propose to give your readers a few items. In vain we have looked for a peaceful solution of our national trouble. War has begun and the time is at hand when every man should speak boldly and fearlessly his sentiment. Men cannot longer hide their real opinions under high-sounding and once loved and much cherished names. It is the high duty of every man to speak and act for whichever side he deems right. I am a southerner in the full sense of the word. I am proud of the name, and therefore neither afraid nor ashamed to make the avowal. All my feelings are with the South. I believe they have truth, justice and right on their side, and, such being the case, a justice-loving God will aid them in their glorious struggle for independence.
"I attended that meeting to hear Hil- lias make a speech. I wanted to hear a secession speech, right out, but I was mistaken. He is a secessionist on cer- tain conditions. The young man, in a clear, forceful manner, presented the position he occupied in the recent can- vass. He was not for immediate seces- sion-wanted a fair and honorable com- promise, but, failing in this, was in favor of Missouri uniting her destiny with the South. We understood in this section that he was an immediate secessionist, and that his opponent occupied precisely the position which I find Hillias occu- pied. Hence your readers can reason- ably account for the heavy vote given for the so-called Union ticket. We are not sub-
missionists by any means. IIe gave the black Republicans some lovely blows. He elosed his speech, which was able and eloquent, with some just and cutting re- marks in regard to the proceedings of our state convention. He spoke thus of the majority. What a horrible imposi- tion this convention affair is!
"Judge S. B. Hardy arose to reply; said he had been requested so to do by some of the leading men of the party in this section. The judge began by com- plimenting Abe Lincoln. Said that Lin- coln had done all that man could do for the welfare of his country; that the black Republican party had already given the South more than they asked and seemed somewhat displeased at Hil- lias because he was hard on the black Republicans. Said he must not judge the black Republicans too hard-must give the devil his dne. The judge, in his anxiety to relieve the black Republican party from any censure, was willing to make Judge Douglas a black Republican. Now, I have no fondness for some of Judge Douglas's views, yet, if he can preach black Republiean doctrine with a more hearty will than did Judge Hardy, he is too blaek for me.
"I venture the assertion that Giddings himself does not more warmly support Abe Lincoln than did Judge Hardy, and vet he would feel himself insulted if I were to call him a black Republican. For shame, JJudge; you and those who act with you-who sustain Lincoln and preach the same doctrines of his party- do have the moral courage to come ont at once and say you are black Repub- lieans ! It would be more manly. In fact, we would respect you all more. Why
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seek to hide under the name of Union, unless you all intend to form a new party composed of black Republican principles and adopt the name of Union the better to deceive the masses? It is a good name, for you are all 'unconditional Union men'-submissionists in the true and full sense of the word. Southern men with northern principles don't suit this climate. There is no excuse for men to act thus. The Union of our fathers is dead. Black Republicans killed it.
"We who loved it, and attested that by following its light, now deeply mourn over it. We would gather up the bro- ken fragments and, placing them as they have been placed by our noble brethren of the South, would assist to guard those glorious particles forever.
"The question for Missonrians to settle is whether they will unite their destiny to a white man's southern con- federacy or with the negro confederacy of the North. Again, Judge, as you were the representative of your party, of course they endorse your views, and you said you were opposed to those seceded states being acknowledged independent by the government at Washington; hence you are in favor of coercion. That was a manly confession of yours. But I had understood your party had backed down from that position. 'Tis the same that your brethren of the North occupy. They are all in favor of coer- cion. The war has begun. When the judge closed, a glorious shont went up for the young champion of constitutional rights, and the way he poured hot shot into the judge and his black Republican allies would do the soul of an honest man good.
"Now, I undertake to say that the people of this township do not endorse any such sentiment as Judge Hardy uttered on Saturday last; nor do they endorse the policy pursned by a majority in the convention. The men are brave and intelligent; they loved the Union while it was one, but they are not base submissionists. Therefore it is useless for men under the garb of the Union to attempt to hide their love for black Republicanism. A. MCAFEE. "Jackson Township, April 16, 1861."
THE FLAG-RAISING PERIOD.
The Union sympathizers and the seces- sionists both began to stir themselves. The Confederates, however, were the most active, and began to show their loyalty to the cause they advocated by hoisting secession flags. These emblems were identical with the one used by the Confederate States. The first Confed- erate flag that was raised in Shelby county was the one that stood in William Baker's door-yard, at the place now called Cherry Box. The land on which the flag stood is now owned by J. G. Detwiler. Quite a crowd of southern sympathizers gathered at the pole- raising, and Capt. William H. Rawlings made a violent secession speech. In May a similar flag was raised on the south side of the court house square, near the entrance to the court house, in Shelby- ville. This was a great day for the southern canse in Shelby county. Nu- merous speakers were invited, but the only ones to respond were Hon. James S. Green, for whom J. M. Ennis drove in a buggy to Canton, Lewis county, and Ed- ward MeCabe, of Palmyra. Green was
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