USA > Nebraska > Douglas County > Omaha > History of Omaha from the pioneer days to the present time > Part 12
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things that shall best redound to the political peace and permanent prosperity of the entire territory." This report was laid over under the rules.
Mr. Doane made a third report, concurring in the main with that of Dr. Miller. "To agree that, because a single instance may be found," says Mr. Doane, "of a returning emi- grant from Utah, who has pitched his tent in some remote part of the territory, and is cohabiting with two women claim- ing to be his wives, therefore, polygamy exists in the territory, would be quite as conclusive and sensible as the attempt made by the chairman [Taylor] of this committee to fasten upon our fair territory the stigma of slavery by the very slender data upon which his conclusion is based." Mr. Doane maintained that if slavery did exist, the evil must be corrected by the judicial and not by the legislative branch of the government.
On the 7th of December, "a bill to abolish and prohibit slavery in this territory," was introduced in the house. After considerable discussion in both branches of the legis- lature an amended act "to prohibit slavery" was passed, early in January, 1860. It was vetoed by Governor Black in a long and carefully prepared message. He held that it was unconstitutional, and that the owners of slaves had a right to hold them until the territory framed a state constitution and was admitted to the union as a state. On motion of R. W. Furnas the message was made the special order for the 11th of January, but on that day a motion by Mr. Porter that it be laid on the table was carried. The next day a motion to revive the matter was carried by a vote of six to five. The whole subject, however, was on motion of Mr. Furnas indefinitely postponed. Thus it was that the council adjourned without final action on the slavery question. A similar result was brought about in the house.
The question, however, came up again in the next legis- lature which met December 3. 1860. Hon. John M. Thayer introduced into the council a bill "to abolish slavery and involuntary servitude in the territory," while Mr. Mathias introduced a bill in the house. The house bill was passed December 10, by a vote of thirty-five yeas to two nays, and on December 26. the council bill was passed by a vote of ten yeas to three nays. The bills, upon being ratified by the
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two houses, were presented to Governor Black for approval, but he vetoed them, his reasons being the same as given in his former veto message. The house, however, passed the bill over his veto by a vote of thirty-one yeas to. two nays, on January 1, 1861, and the council followed suit by a vote of ten yeas to three nays. Thus was the question of slavery finally settled in Nebraska.
Colonel E. D. Webster, who was then editing the Omaha Republican, and who took a prominent part in the politics of that day, gives an interesting reminiscence of the fight over this question in the legislature of 1859-60, when the bill was first vetoed. "When the legislature met," says Colonel Webster, "it was discovered that of the thirty-nine members of the house, the republicans had thirteen and the democrats twenty-six. the latter being equally divided be- tween the Douglas and the Buchanan wings of the party. In the council, which held over, the republicans had only two members, and the democrats eleven, of whom six were Douglas men and five were Buchanan men. The republi- cans resolved to put the democrats to a test on the question of slavery, and a committee, selected by a republican caucus, was appointed to draft a bill prohibiting and abol- ishing slavery in Nebraska. The breach between the Doug- las and Buchanan democrats had greatlywidened, and the feeling was very bitter. The governor was a Buchanan man, and the secretary, Morton, was a disciple of Douglas. Nearly all the southern federal office-holders were Buchanan men, while the northern office-holders were either followers of Douglas or squatter sovereignty men. The Douglas men generally supported the bill to abolish and prohibit slavery, and, after a fierce struggle, it passed both branches of the legislature, and went to the governor for signature. How many people are there in this state who would think that the last democratic governor Nebraska ever had would have vetoed this on the ground that it was unconstitutional. Yet the governor did it. During the debate Strickland, who was speaker of the house, made a very effective speech in favor of the passage of the bill. It passed the house by a bare majority, and then went to the council, where it was thoroughly debated by Dundy, on the republican side, assisted by the Douglas democrats and opposed by the Buchanan men. Governor Black vetoed it in as able a state
10
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paper as. I have ever seen from any source. It was states-
manlike and courteous. Meeting the Hon. Alfred Conkling, who was then residing here, I asked him to write a review ยท of Governor Black's message, and although unnecessary, I admonished him that as I had great respect for Black per- sonally, not to be severe or attach to the veto message any other reasons than those arising from a sense of official duty. Conkling cheerfully made the review, which was published, and which all republicans and all Douglas men felt was a complete and satisfactory refutation of the sophistries of the slavery propagandists as presented in the governor's message. According to the Buchanan idea slavery was still lawful in the territory. During the pro- gress of the debate on this bill in the council George W. Doane, who was then a member from Washington county, and who was at heart an anti-slavery man, but who had more regard for the harmony of the party than he had love for freedom, introduced a series of resolutions as a substitute for the bill. These resolutions recited that the legislature was democratic, that harmony was of great consequence, that there was no danger of slavery ever being firmly estab- lished in Nebraska, that the bill was intended by the aboli- tionists as a fire-brand to divide and distract the democratic party, therefore it was inexpedient at this time to give any further consideration to the bill, and it should be indefinitely postponed. Without criticising this proposition the Repub- lican dubbed the author 'George Washington Resolution Doane,' which name he bore for a long time, and even at this day he enjoys the joke when reminded of it."
CHAPTER XIX.
OLD TIME POLITICAL CAMPAIGNS.
OMAHA THE POLITICAL HEADQUARTERS-SOME OF THE EARLY LEADERS-EXCITING INCIDENTS-SAMUEL G. DAILY'S SUC- CESSFUL CONGRESSIONAL CAMPAIGNS-E. D. WEBSTER'S PO- LITICAL STRATEGY-ELECTION FRAUDS.
The political campaigns of the early days of Nebraska were of an intensely interesting and exciting nature, and were participated in by men who attained to political prom-
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inence, many of whom are yet ranked among the most em- inent and influential citizens of the state. Omaha was, of course, the political headquarters of the territory.
There was no republican party organization in Ne- braska prior to the year 1859. A few men here and there, and some scattering members of the legislature called them- selves republicans. The democrats usually nominated their regular candidates, and then two or three other men would start in as independent candidates. Up to the fall of 1859 the regular democratic candidates, however, had always been elected. In the fall they nominated General Esta- brook for delegate to congress, and immediately there ap- peared half-a-dozen men who wanted to run as independ- ent democratic candidates, but none as republicans. How to organize a republican convention and consolidate the various factions into a movement against the regular demo- crats, had for some little time previous been the question with a few earnest republicans. It was in August of that year that a few known leading republicans were invited to a conference, having in view such an object. Such men as John Taffe, David L. Collier, of Burt county; A. S. Paddock, John S. Bowen, Elam Clark, E. H. Rogers, of Dodge; S. H. Wattles, Henry T. Clarke, of Sarpy; T. M. Marquette, S. H. Elbert, Dan H. Wheeler, Sam Maxwell, James Sweet, Judge Bradford, of Otoe; T. W. Tipton, Sam Daily, of Nehama county; Elmer S. Dundy, of Richardson county, and others were invited. Some came and some didn't. The result of that conference was the calling of a convention at Bellevue to nominate a republican can- didate for delegate to congress. The call was signed by a committee appointed by that conference. The wisdom of calling a republican convention at that time was disputed by several influential men, who subsequently joined the republican party. The men who met in that conference were like a band of brothers.
On the democratic side at that time were arrayed all the federal office holders in the territory. Among the lead- ing democrats were Governor Black, Judge Wakely, Hall, J. Sterling Morton, John A. Parker, William E. Moore, Dr. Miller, George B. Lake, G. W. Doane, A. J. Poppleton, A. J. Hanscom, Jonas Seeley, J. M. Woolworth, J. E. Boyd, J. F. Kinney, William Little, and others, all of whom were
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men of character and ability, and exceedingly bright and active. That campaign brought out on each side all the representative men. It was the first earnest contest held in Nebraska. The democrats held their first meeting on the steps of the Western Exchange building. The republicans advertised their meeting to be held at the same place. Judge Alfred Conkling, father of Roscoe Conkling, Sam Daily, E. D. Webster, and A. S. Paddock were announced to speak on this occasion. The United States marshal, William E. Moore, soon after the handbills were distribu- ted, advised the republican leaders to change the place of meeting, as "the democrats would not permit abolitionists to hold a meeting in the streets."
Word was passed around among the republicans, who armed themselves and assembled at the appointed place, prepared to defend the right of free speech. Judge Conkling presided and made the first speech, and was followed by E. D. Webster, who was rudely interupted three times by a fellow named Luce, who three times said, "That's a lie." Immediately after the third time, a young man named Nash pitched into Luce and gave him a terrible pounding and drove him away. Nash came from Springfield, N. Y., and was raised near Mr. Webster's old home. When the war broke out he went back to New York, and enlisted in the 116th volunteers. He was wounded at the battle of Fair Oaks, and retired from the army with the rank of major. After he had whipped Luce, he shouted, "Go on, Mr. Webster, that fellow will not interrupt you again." The meeting then proceeded without any further trouble.
Samuel G. Daily was the nominee of the republican con- vention for delegate to congress. The next night after the nomination he went to Plattsmouth, and, much to the surprise of his republican friends, made a squatter sover- eignty speech. This so disgusted Dave Wentworth, a bright young man, that he got drunk and resigned from the editorship of the Republican, which was then being con- ducted by Mr. Webster. Wentworth said there was no use trying to organize a republican party in Nebraska, and he accordingly returned to New York. Webster, however, proved himself equal to the emergency. He wrote a stiff republican speech, such as Daily ought to have made, and published it in the Republican, representing it as the speech
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delivered by Daily at Plattsmouth. When the paper reached the South Platte country, the Douglas democrats called Daily's attention to it, and expressed surprise that he should make one speech and the paper report another-that the speech that he made for local effect was a squatter sovereignty speech, and that the one for foreign circulation was directly opposite. This annoyed and puzzled Daily, who came to Omaha to investigate the matter. "Who re- ported my speech at Plattsmouth?" asked he of Mr. Web- ster. "Nobody reported it," replied Webster. "I wrote such a speech as you ought to have made and which you will have to make if you are going to run as a candidate. You made a d-d locofoco speech."
"I can be elected on squatter sovereignty." said Daily. "But you must educate the people, and the sooner they learn the better it will be for the territory," replied Webster.
After a long conference, Daily invited Webster to go with him to Nebraska City to hear his next speech, but Mr. Webster could not go. However, Daily made a good repub- lican speech at Nebraska City, and from that time he continued to grow strong as a campaign speaker. Although he was an illiterate farmer, he was by no means an igno- rant man. His grammar and pronunciation were imperfect. He pronounced "schism" as if it were spelled "skism," chair-cheer; scare-skeer, &c., and the democrats dubbed him "Skisms" Daily. They continued to call him by this nick-name until he taught them to respect him by his effi- ciency in debate and his subsequent election. They challenged him to joint debates with his opponent, General Estabrook, an educated man and an eloquent and logical talker. Daily's friends hesitated to allow him to accept the challenge, but they finally accepted and several debates were held, Daily always maintaining his position credita- bly, notwithstanding the fun that was made at his bad pronunciation and grammar. Meetings were held all over the territory, and the contest brought out the strongest men on each side. Among those who spoke for Daily were Paddock, Collier, Thayer, Bennett, Tipton, Dundy, Hitch- cock and Lockwood. Among those who addressed meet- ings for Estabrook were Governor Black, Morton, Miller, Doane, Rankin, Poppleton, Lake, Redick and Strickland.
The republicans everywhere nominated a full legisla-
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tive ticket, as did also the democrats. When the election was over and after the returns were in, the republicans found that Daily had received a majority of from 150 to 175 votes, but the democratic newspaper, the Nebraskan, claimed the election of Estabrook. It did not state, how- ever, where the discrepancy in the republican figures existed. or where the democrats expected majorities from. Finally, when the returning board, consisting of Governor Black, Chief Justice Hall and United States District At- torney Bowen, met and the returns were opened and counted it was discovered, to the great surprise of all republicans, that Buffalo county, in which Fort Kearney was located, 150 miles beyond the frontier-Grand Island being the frontier at that time-had a return of 292 votes. A thorough investigation revealed the fact that the return was manufactured in Omaha, that no election had been held in Buffalo county, and that the return had been filed with the governor's secretary with this knowledge. The certificate of election was given to Estabrook, but Daily contested the election and was awarded his seat in congress.
The delegate to congress was elected in 1859 for the session of congress which began in the preceding March, but congress did not meet again until December. The democrats, both wings, fearing the election of a republican president, and seeing that the vote was close in the terri- tory, concluded that if a republican should be elected, and all the patronage given to republicans, that they would have no chance to elect a democratic representative two years later. They therefore passed an act which was ap- proved by the governor, bringing on the election the next year. Accordingly, in 1860, the democrats nominated Mor- ton, and the republicans renominated Daily. J. Sterling Morton had received from General Craig, of St. Joe, Mis- souri, a dispatch stating ttha the appropriation of $50,000 for the Nebraska capitol had been defeated at Washington by Daily, and this dispatch was shown to Colonel Webster, who saw that it was intended to be used against Daily and that it would greatly injure him if something was not im- mediately done to counteract it. He accordingly secured a copy of it and published it the next day, and commented upon it about as follows: That Daily, anticipating the election of a republican president and congress that year,
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and the appointment of republican disbursing officers, pre- ferred to have the money, when appropriated, pass through the hands of honest men, and that the writer (Webster) would have done the same thing if he had been in congress. This explanation was satisfactory to Daily's friends north of the Platte. When Daily returned he was told by Web- ster that he must make the explanation good by securing the appropriation, and by rising above local jealousies and sectional feeling, which, as the old-timers will remember, he did to everybody's satisfaction.
About this time, in April or May, 1860, the republican national convention had been called to be held on the 2d of June at Chicago, and it was questionable whether delegates from the territories would be permitted to take seats and participate in the deliberations of the convention. It was resolved, however, to send six delegates to represent the republicans of Nebraska. The territorial committee was called together and the delegates were selected by that body without holding a convention, the territory being thinly settled and there being no railroads or other con- venient means of transportation. The convention was
dispensed with to save expense. The delegates chosen were John Taffe, A. S. Paddock, P. W. Hitchcock, S. H. Elbert, William H. Taylor and E. D. Webster. All the delegates, except Taylor, who substituted O. H. Irish, at- tended the convention at Chicago. Webster was chairman of the delegation, and announced the vote. Paddock, Irish and Webster voted for Seward for president, Taffe and Hitchcock voted for Lincoln, and Elbert voted for Chase. Irish was appointed by the convention as the Nebraska member of the national committee. He afterwards became superintendent of engraving and printing in the treasury department. Hitchcock and Paddock became United States senators. Taffe became congressman and served three terms. Elbert became chief justice of the state of Colorado.
When the territorial conventions met to nominate can- didates for delegate to congress, in 1860, Daily, as has already been stated, was chosen by the republicans, and the democrats selected J. Sterling Morton, who had a well- established reputation as a trenchant, vigorous wit, and an elegant and ready debater. The democratic committee im- mediately issued a challenge to Daily to meet Morton on
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the stump, and much to their surprise the challenge was accepted. They began their joint discussions south of the Platte. When they arrived in Omaha, Webster inquired of Daily how he was getting along. "Pretty well," replied Daily, "but Morton ridicules me, and this is rather annoy- ing. He quotes my ungrammatical expressions, and mis- pronunciations, and in that way gets the laugh on me." "Daily, why don't you turn the tables on him?" asked Webster. "Turn the tables," said he, "how?" "Morton's opportunities and yours have been very different," said Webster; "his father was a wealthy man, and lived in a large city, where churches and school houses were numer- ous. He had the greatest advantages that a young man could have, and which wealth could give to him. He graduated from college, one of the highest universities in the country. He came west with a small fortune. Your father settled with his wife and family of small children in the heavy timber of Indiana, and was an exceedingly poor man. He had to fell the timber, cut it into logs, burn the logs into ashes, pile the ashes and make black or pearl ash, and you have many a time taken the solitary mule or horse he possessed, and gone a long distance to the country store to market it, and buy tea for your mother. Your father lived in a cabin, so remote from civilization that he had to use the ground for a floor. He had no team, no plow, no farming implements. When he had cleared a patch of ground, where the log heaps had burned, he cut holes in the ground with his axe, dropped corn into those holes and covered it, and pressed the ground with his feet. There was not a school house or church within reach, but you had a Christian father and mother, who gave you such instruct- ion, rude though it was, as they had received. They taught you from the bible and other religious books, such princi- ples as made you, when you reached manhood's estate, to love freedom and hate oppression. Such principles have compelled you to be a republican instead of a democrat. Your competitor's children are blessed, as their father was, with wealth-blessed as the children of your fellow-citizens are not, who have taken up claims on these prairies and who are turning over the sod, and are building school houses and churches. His boys in a few years will be making fun of your boys' pronunciation, as he does now of yours. Now,
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Daily, that is the kind of a speech to make to get even with him-to turn the tables on him." "I'll do it," said Daily, who had listened with intense interest to Webster's in- structions.
Colonel Webster went to Calhoun with Daily the next night. In the debate Morton indulged in his usual sarcastic criticisms of Daily, but when Daily replied, remembering Webster's instructions, he completely turned the tables on him. "His effort was one of the most effective speeches I have ever heard," says Webster, "because it was true. While telling about his family the tears rolled down Daily's cheeks. He wiped his eyes with his handkerchief, and the sympathetic audience, who were all in tears, followed suit. It was a touching sight. That was the end of democratic fun at Daily's expense. Morton never afterwards ridiculed Daily. Morton said to me, after the meeting, 'D-n you, Webster, I am indebted to you for this. That was not Sam. Daily.' We never let Estabrook or Morton have a joint debate in Omaha. During Daily's two campaigns we steered clear of Omaha."
The campaign between Daily and Morton was one of the most vigorous that ever occurred in Nebraska. Daily was well equipped, owing to his experience in his previous campaign with Estabrook. He was again elected, and the republicans also carried a majority of both houses of the legislature. In the council instead of two members, the republicans now had seven. They were Taffe, Thayer, Marquette, Elbert, Taylor, Tipton, and Dundy, while the democrats were Doane, Little, Bennett, and three others whose names do not now occur to the writer. When the returns on delegate to congress came in, the Nebraskan claimed the election of Morton by a small majority, but as in the preceding campaign, it failed to show wherein the republican figures, which gave Daily the election, were erroneous. A considerable time intervened between the election in October and the meeting of the returning board, the Nebraskan all the while claiming the election of Morton, although the Republican printed complete returns from every known voting precinct in the territory, which gave Daily a fair majority. Neverthless the Ne- braskan persisted in claiming the election of Morton, and when called upon by the Republican to state wherein its
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figures were erroneous it would content itself by saying, "Wait until the returns are in, and the correction is made of those already in." Meantime a gentleman named Henry, who was a democrat, and perfectly cognizant of all the facts connected with the manufacture of the fraudulent and forged returns at Fort Kearney the previous year, gave all the details to the editor of the Republican, without giving names. The history of that fraud was published with such minuteness as to render the article offensive to John McConihe, who was the private secretary of the gov- ernor, and to point to him as one who had more knowledge of the transaction than was consistent with official integrity, and to intimate that perhaps the democrats expected to perpetrate a similar fraud at this time. Editor Webster was frequently warned to be on his guard as McConihe pro- posed to cowhide him on sight. McConihe's threats became so numerous that finally one day Webster requested Mr. Wattles, of Sarpy county, who was in his office at the time, to accompany him on the street to meet McConihe. They had not gone far before they met McConihe with Tom Riley, who was city marshal. Both parties were armed. They exchanged salutations and passed on. "I don't think McConihe will assault you," said Wattles to Webster. The two men then entered Lacey & McCormick's store and sat down, Webster having his back to the door. While they were engaged in conversation McConihe came in, and to the surprise of everybody he dealt Webster a powerful blow on the back of the head, knocking him down. Webster quickly picked himself up, and a tussle ensued. McConihe was gettingthe best of Webster, when finally the latter grabbed three bars of lead from the counter, and in turn sent McConihe sprawling upon the floor. Webster instantly mounted his opponent as a cowboy mounts his broncho and belabored him until he shouted, "Take him off." The bystanders pulled Webster off. Both men then retired to the back room and washed off the blood in the same basin. "You have treated me very badly," said Mc- Conihe. "I have not treated you as badly as you deserve," replied Webster, "you struck me in the back of the head like an assassin. Luckily for you that I forgot I had this (showing a revolver), for I would have killed you." "That is not what I referred to," said McConihe, "it is the article
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