USA > New Hampshire > Colony, province, state, 1623-1888: history of New Hampshire > Part 19
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I J. H. Huntington.
2 J. B. Walker.
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The thirteen American Colonies had, at that time, all told, of both white and black, a population of about one million and a half of souls (1,425,000). The French people of Canada num- bered less than one hundred thousand.
The respective claims to the central part of the North Ameri- can continent by England and France were conflicting and ir- reconcilable. The former, by right of discovery, claimed all the territory upon the Atlantic coast from Newfoundland to Florida, and by virtue of numerous grants the right to all west of this to the Pacific Ocean. The latter, by right of occupation and exploration, claimed Canada, a portion of New England and New York, and the basins of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, to- gether with all the territory upon the streams tributary to these, or a large part of the indefinite West.
To maintain her claims France had erected a cordon of forts extending diagonally across the continent from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico. If one will follow, in thought, a line starting at Louisburg, and thence running up this great river to Quebec and Montreal, and thence up Lake Champlain to Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and on westward and south-westward to Frontenac, Niagara, and Detroit, and thence down the Ohio and Mississippi to New Orleans, he will trace the line across which the two nations looked in defiance at each other, and instantaneously see that the claims of France were inadmissible, and that another war was inevitable. It mattered little that of the forty-five years immediately preced- ing the treaty of Aix La Chapelle, fourteen, or one-third of the whole number, had been years of war between these two neigh- bors. They were now, after a peace of only half a dozen years, as ready for a fresh contest as if they were to meet for the first time upon the battle field. In fact, another conflict was unavoid- able ; a conflict of the Teuton with the Gaul; of mediævalism with daylight ; of conservatism with progress.
Hostilities may be said to have been commenced by the French, when, on the 18th day of April, 1754, they dispossessed the Ohio company of the fort which they were erecting at the forks of the Ohio river, afterwards named Fort Du Quesne.
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The plan of a Colonial Confederation, formed at the Albany convention in July of that year, having failed of acceptance by the mother country and the colonies both, the home govern- ment was forced to meet the exigency by the use of British troops, aided by such others as the several Provinces were will- ing to furnish.
The campaign of the next year (1755) embraced :
Ist. An expedition, under General Braddock, for the capture of Fort Du Quesne.
2nd. A second, under General Shirley, for the reduction of Fort Niagara, which was not prosecuted.
3rd. A third, under Colonel Moncton, against the French settlements on the Bay of Fundy, resulting in the capture and deportation of the Acadians.
4th. A fourth, under General William Johnson, against Crown Point, a strong fortification, erected by the French, in the very heart of New England and New York, whence innum- erable bands of Indians had been dispatched by the French to murder the defenceless dwellers upon the English frontiers, par- ticularly those of New Hampshire, to destroy their cattle and to burn their buildings and other property.
To the army of this latter expedition New Hampshire contri- buted, in the early part of this year, a regiment of ten compa- nies, the first being a company of Rangers, whose captain was Robert Rogers, and whose second lieutenant was John Stark.
But a few words just here in explanation of the character of this ranging branch of the English army. It was a product of existing necessities in the military service of that time. Most of the country was covered with primeval forests and military operations were largely prosecuted in the woods or in limited clearings. The former were continually infested with Indians, lying in ambush for the perpetration of any mischief for which they might have opportunity.
It became necessary, therefore, in scouring the forest to drive these miscreants back to their lairs, as well as in making military reconnoissances, to have a class of soldiers acquainted with In- dian life and warfare ; prepared, not only to meet the Indian on
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his own ground, but to fight him in his own fashion. The Brit- ish regular was good for nothing at such work. If sent into the woods he was quite sure either not to return at all, or to come back without his scalp. And the ordinary provincial was not very much better. From this necessity, therefore, was evolved the " Ranger."
He was a man of vigorous constitution, inured to the hard- ships of forest life. He was capable of long marches, day after day, upon scant rations, refreshed by short intervals of sleep while rolled in his blanket upon a pile of boughs, with no other shelter but the sky. He knew the trails of the Indians, as well as their ordinary haunts and likeliest places of ambush. He knew, also, all the courses of the streams and the carrying places between them. He understood Indian wiles and warfare, and was prepared to meet them.
Stand such a man in a pair of stout shoes or moccasins ; cover his lower limbs with leggins and coarse small clothes ; give him a close-fitting jacket and a warm cap ; stick a small hatchet in his belt ; hang a good-sized powder-horn by his side, and upon his back buckle a blanket and a knapsack stuffed with a moder- ate supply of bread and raw salt pork ; to these furnishings add a good-sized hunting-knife, a trusty musket and a small flask of spirits, and you have an average New Hampshire Ranger of the Seven Years' War, ready for skirmish or pitched battle ; or, for the more common duty of reconnoitering the enemy's force and movements, of capturing his scouts and provision trains, and getting now and then a prisoner, from whom all information possible would be extorted ; and, in short, for annoying the French and Indian foe in every possible way.
If you will add three or four inches to the average height of such a soldier, give him consummate courage, coolness, readi- ness of resource in extremities, together with intuitive knowl- edge of the enemy's wiles, supplemented with a passable knowledge of French and Indian speech, you will have a toler- able portrait of Captain Robert Rogers at the beginning of our Seven Years' War.
He received his first captain's commission in the early part
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of 1755, and was employed by the New Hampshire government in building a fort at the mouth of the Ammonoosuc river and in guarding its Northern and Western frontiers until July, when he was ordered to Albany to join the army of Major-General Johnson. His first service there was in furnishing escort, with a company of one hundred men, to a provision train from Albany to Fort Edward. From this latter point he was after- wards repeatedly despatched, with smaller bodies of men, up the Hudson river, and down Lake George and Lake Champlain to reconnoiter the French forts. Some of these expeditions extended as far north as Crown Point and were enlivened with sharp skirmishes. He was absent up the Hudson upon one of these when the French were defeated at the battle of Lake George and Baron Dieskan was made prisoner.
This year of 1755 was one of the most eventful of the carly American history. It marks the fatal defeat of the disciplined little army of the intrepid but despotic General Braddock, who said that the savages might be formidable to raw American militia, but could never make any impression upon the King's. regulars ; but who, had he survived the fight, would have seen the remnants of his boasted regulars saved from utter annihila- tion by the bravery of these same American raw militia, skil- fully and valorously handled by the young American militia colonel, George Washington.
1 Upon the breaking out of the " Seven Years' War " John Stark was commissioned by the governor as second lieutenant of Rogers' company of Rangers, attached to Blanchard's regiment. Captain Rogers mustered a company of rugged foresters, every man of whom, as a hunter, could hit the size of a dollar at a hun- dred yards distance ; could follow the trail of man or beast ; endure the fatigue of long marches, the pangs of hunger, and the cold of winter nights, often passed without fire, shelter, or covering other than their common clothing, a blanket, perhaps a bear- skin, and the boughs of the pine or hemlock. Their knowledge of Indian character, customs, and manners was accurate. They were principally recruited in the vicinity of Amoskeag falls,
I George Stark.
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where Rogers, a resident of the neighboring town of Dunbar- ton, which then extended to the Merrimack river, was accus- tomed to meet them at the annual fishing season. They were men who could face with equal resolution the savage animals, or the still more savage Indians of their native woods, and whose courage and fidelity were undoubted.
It was early in the summer of this stirring year of 1755 that Rogers' company of Rangers received orders to march through the pathless forests to join their regiment at Fort Edward, the head-quarters of General Johnson's army, which place they reached early in August, a short time before the desperate attack made on Johnson by the French and Indians at the south end of Lake George, near Bloody pond, so named from the slaughter on this occasion.
1 In the spring of 1755, when an expedition was being fitted out to attack the French at Crown Point, so little was known of the country between the Merrimack and Lake Champlain, it was supposed that the Upper Coos Meadows were upon the direct route from Salisbury Fort (Franklin) to Crown Point, hence Governor Wentworth directed Colonel Blanchard to stop when on his march and build a fort at these meadows. While he was delayed in making his preparations for the march, Captain Robert Rogers, with his company of Rangers and detachments from other companies, were sent forward to build a fort. It was located on the east bank of the Connecticut, just south of the mouth of the Upper Ammonoosuc, and it was called Fort Went- worth, in honor of the governor. When completed, the com- mand continued their march to Crown Point.
"In the spring of 1755, Jona. Lovewell was appointed by the General Court of New Hampshire to warn a town meeting in Bow, 22d of April, for the choice of officers, &c., which he ac- cordingly did, and subsequently made return that he warned the meeting and attended as moderator, at the place and time appointed ; 'but that there was but one inhabitant of said Bor that attended.' This apparent disregard of their authority seems to have been resented by the government ; for, at the very next
I J. H. Huntington.
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session, they passed what was called the ' Bow Act,' for assess- ing and collecting taxes in the refractory town ; in which they set forth ' that in contempt of the law, and in defiance of the government, the said town of Bow refused to meet at the time and place appointed,' &e. As a remedy for this it was enacted ' That Ezra Carter and Moses Foster, Esqs., and John Chand- ler, gentlemen, all of said Bow -be assessors to assess the polls and estates within said town of Bow, * the sum of five hundred and eighty pounds and sixteen shillings, new tenor bills of public credit.' Not having complied with the act, they were doomed, and feeling themselves oppressed, petitioned for for- bearance and a redress of grievances." 1
While the inhabitants of Rumford were thus complaining of grievances and struggling with their difficulties, the proprietors of Bow proper became sensible that the controversy in which they were involved was detrimental to their interest, and, to " save the great expense which inevitably attends contention," they proposed terms of "accommodation and agreement," having respect, however, chiefly to settlers of Suncook, which resulted, in 1759, in an act for incorporating a parish, partly within the places known by the name of Suncook and Back-street, by the name of Pembroke.
The Provincial government of New Hampshire never recog- nized the existence of the township of Suncook. That part of Allenstown lying north of the Suncook river was known as carly as the French and Indian war as Buck-street. According to Holland's map of New Hampshire, published in England just after the revolution, there was a gore of land between Bow and Allenstown ungranted by the New Hampshire proprietors. This gore can be traced in Carrigain's map, published in 1816, in Walling's map of Merrimack county, published in 1858, and in the map accompanying Hitchcock's Geological Report, pub- lished in 1826. The place called Suncook in the charter from New Hampshire evidently means to include this ungranted gore, as it had no other name by which it could be briefly designated.
Upon the decease of General Braddock, Governor Shirley suc- ceeded to the chief command of the English forces in North 1 1list of Concord.
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America, and on the 15th of March, 1756, Rogers received orders from him to repair to Boston for a personal conference. He reached Boston on the 23d of the same month, and as the result of his interview with the governor was commissioned to recruit an independent corps of Rangers, to consist of sixty privates, an ensign, a lieutenant, and a captain. The corps was to be raised immediately. None were to be enlisted but "such as were accustomed to travelling and hunting, and in whose cour- age and fidelity the most implicit confidence could be placed." They were, moreover, "to be subject to military discipline and the articles of war." The rendezvous was appointed at Albany, "whence to proceed with whale-boats to Lake George, and from time to time to use their best endeavors to distress the French and their allies by sacking, burning, and destroying their houses, barns, barracks, canoes, batteaux, etc., and by killing their cattle of every kind, and at all times to endeavor to waylay, attack, and destroy their convoys of provision, by land and by water, where they could be found."
Within thirty days from the issuance of this commission, the enlistment of the new corps of Rangers was complete, many of his old company re-enlisting, and Rogers again selected John Stark for his ensign, or second lieutenant. Although no impor- tant military operations were attempted during this campaign, the Rangers were constantly on foot, watching the motions of the enemy at Crown Point and Ticonderoga, cutting off their convoys of supplies, and often making prisoners of sentinels at their posts.1
The efficiency of the campaign of the next year (1756), which contemplated the taking of Crown Point, Niagara and Fort Du Quesne, was seriously impaired by the repeated changes of Commander-in-Chief ; Major General Shirley being superseded in June by General Abercrombie, while he, about a month later, yielded the command to the inefficient Lord Loudon. The only occurrences of particular note during this campaign were the capture of our forts at Oswego by General Montcalm and the formal declarations of war by the two belligerents.
1 J. B. Walker.
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Rogers and his men were stationed at Fort William Henry, and made repeated visits to Ticonderoga and Crown Point, to ascertain the power of the enemy, and to annoy him as they had opportunity. They went down Lake George, sometimes by land upon its shores, and sometimes by water and in boats. In the winter their land marches were frequently upon snow-shoes, and their boats were exchanged for skates. On such occasions each Ranger was generally his o "n commissary, and carried his own supplies.
In his journal for this year (1756) Rogers notes thirteen of these expeditions as worthy of record. The first was down Lake George on the ice, in January, with seventeen men, resulting in the capture of two prisoners, and two sledges laden with provisions.
The second was made in February, with a party of fifty men, to ascertain the strength and operations of the French at Crown Point. Having captured one prisoner at a little village near by the fort, they were discovered and obliged to retire before the sallying troops of the garrison. With very marked sangfroid he closes his account of this reconnaissance by saying : "We employed ourselves while we dared stay in setting fire to the houses and barns in the village, with which were consumed large quantities of wheat, and other grain ; we also killed about fifty cattle and then retired, leaving the whole village in flames."
There often appears a ludicrous kind of honesty in the simple narratives of this journal. He occasionally seized certain stores of the enemy which a Ranger could destroy only with regret. He naively remarks, in narrating the capture in June, of this same year, of two lighters upon Lake Champlain, manned by twelve men, four of whom they killed : " We sunk and destroyed their vessels and cargoes, which consisted chiefly of wheat and flour, wine and brandy ; some few casks of the latter we care- fully concealed."
His commands on such occasions varied greatly in numbers, according to the exigency of the service, all the way from a squad of ten men to two whole companies ; and the excursions just mentioned afford fair specimens of the work done by the Rangers under Rogers this year.
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But Captain Rogers had qualities of a higher order, which commended him to his superiors. His capacity as a Ranger commander had attracted the notice of the officers on duty at Lake George. The importance of this branch of the service had also become apparent, and we shall not be surprised to learn that he was commissioned anew as captain of an inde- pendent company of Rangers, to be paid by the King. This company formed the nucleus of the famous corps since known as " Rogers' Rangers."
In July another company was raised, and again in December two more, thereby increasing the Ranger corps to four compa, nies. To anticipate, in a little more than a year this was far- ther enlarged by the addition of five more, and Captain Rogers was promoted to the rank of Major of Rangers, becoming thus the commander of the whole corps.
The character of the service expected of this branch of the army was set forth in Major-General Shirley's orders to its com- mander in 1756, as follows, viz. : " From time to time, to use your best endeavors to distress the French and allies by sack- ing, burning, and destroying their houses, barns, barracks, canoes, and battoes, and by killing their cattle of every kind ; and at all times to endeavor to way-lay, attack and destroy their convoys of provisions by land and water in any part of the coun- try where he could find them."1
The campaign of 1757 contemplated only the capture of Louisburg. To the requisite preparations Lord Loudon di- rected all his energies. Having collected all the troops which could be spared for that purpose, he sailed for Halifax on the twentieth of June, with six thousand soldiers, among them being four companies of Rangers under the command of Major Rogers. Upon arriving in Halifax his army was augmented by the addition of five thousand regulars and a powerful naval armament. We have neither time nor inclination to consider the conduct of Lord Loudon on this occasion farther than to say that his cowardice and imbecility seem wonderful. Find- ing that, in all probability, Louisburg could not be taken with-
1 J. B. Walker.
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out some one getting hurt, he returned to New York without striking a blow. If about this time our heroic commander of the Rangers used some strong language far from sacred, it will become us to remember "Zeke Webster" and think as chari- tably of his patriotic expletives "as we can." He returned to New York three weeks after the surrender of Fort William Henry, where, with his Rangers, he might have done something, at least, to prevent the horrible massacre which has tarnished the fair fame of Montcalm indelibly.
England and America both were humbled in the dust by the events of 1757 and 1758. Failure, due to the want of suffici- ent resources is severe, but how utterly insufferable when, ·
with abundant means, incompetency to use them brings defeat. Still, we are under greater obligation to Lord Loudon than we are wont to think. His imbecility helped rouse the British nation and recall William Pitt to power, whose vigor of pur- pose animated anew the people of other countries and prom- ised an carly termination of French dominion in America. 1
Sandown was incorporated in 1756.
2 Rev. John Houston, the first pastor of the Presbyterian church in Bedford, N. H., was born in Londonderry, N. H., in 1723. His parents were emigrants from the north of Ire- land, and known as Scotch-Irish.
He was educated at Princeton, N. J., graduating in 1753- He studied divinity in his native town with the Rev. David McGregor, pastor of the church in the east parish of that town.
Mr. Houston received his call to Bedford in August, 1756, and was ordained in September, 1757. His "stipend," as it was called, was to be equal to forty pounds sterling, but there was a provision by which the town, at its annual meeting, might vote to dispense with any number of Sabbaths which they chose, and the payment for those Sabbaths might be taken from the salary.
By virtue of being the first settled minister in town, Mr. Houston was entitled to certain lands reserved for that purpose in the settlement of the town. These he received and they
1 J. B. Walker. 2 Rev. C. W. Wallace
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added much to his small salary. He was also well-reputed for classical and theological learning, and his settlement gave pro- mise of usefulness and happiness.
From all we can learn he was thus useful and happy for a number of years. Then commenced the dark and stormy period in the history of our country. Bedford was especially patriotic. Every man in town, over twenty-one years of age, except the minister, signed the following paper : " We do hereby solemnly engage and promise that we will, to the utmost of our power, at the risk of our lives and fortunes, with arms oppose the hostile proceedings of the British fleets and armies against the united American colonies." Mr. Houston gave the following reasons for refusing to sign this declaration :
Firstly, because he did not apprehend that the honorable committee meant that ministers should take up arms, as being inconsistent with their ministerial charge. Secondly, because he was already confined to the county of Hillsborough ; there- fore he thinks he ought to be set at liberty before he should sign the said obligation. Thirdly, because there are three men belonging to his family already enlisted in the Continental army.
These reasons were not regarded as sufficient, so, May 16, 1775, the following article is found in a warrant for town meet- ing : "To see what method the town will take relating to Rev'd John Houston in these troublesome times, as we apprehend his praying and preaching to be calculated to intimidate the minds of his hearers, and to weaken their hands in defense of their just rights and liberties, as there seems a plan to be laid by Parliament to destroy both."
We hear of no action on this article until June 15, 1775, when a vote was unanimously passed in which it was stated : " Therefore, we think it not our duty, as men or Christians, to have him preach any longer for us as our minister."
Thus closed the ministry of Rev. John Houston to the people of Bedford. From all the light which reaches us through the dimness of an hundred years, we have no doubt that both par- ties were truly sincere. Judged, however, by subsequent
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events, it is evident that the people were right and the minister wrong. That is, they were right in their patriotism, and he was wrong in his loyalty to the King. Still it is worthy of notice that the removal of Mr. Houston from his pastoral office in Bed- ford was followed by a long period of religious declension.
1 In the early part of the winter of 1756-57, the English and French armies, under the respective commands of Lord Loudon and Gen. Montcalm, confronting each other in the vicinity of Lake George, retired to winter quarters ; the main body of the English regulars falling back on Albany and New York city, the provincial soldiers dismissed and sent to their homes, and the French falling back to Montreal. Each gen- eral, however, left his frontier posts well garrisoned, to be held as the base of further military operations the following season ; the force left by the French at their forts about Ticonderoga and Crown Point, at the northerly end of Lake George, being about 1,200 men, including Indians, and the English force at Fort Edward and Fort William Henry, near the southerly end of the lake, consisting mainly of four companies of Rangers, two companies at each fort. The company of Lieutenant Stark was posted at Fort Edward. All through the winter the Rangers patrolled the lake, and kept a vigilant outlook upon the French garrisons.
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