USA > New Hampshire > Coos County > Historical sketches of the discovery, settlement, and progress of events in the Coos country and vicinity, principally included between the years 1754 and 1785 > Part 11
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me a good dinner and a bottle of wine. Then Capt. Sherwood called on me to examine me. In the even- ing, Capt. Sherwood and Capt. Prichard waited on me to Mr. Jones, where we drinked a bottle of wine. Capt. Prichard and I slept there.
" Tuesday, 13th. This day marched to St. John's. Col. St. Leger took me to his house, and gave me a shirt, gave me some refreshment, which I much need- ed. Told me I was to dine with him. Major Rogers and Esq. Marsh and others dined there. Then gave me my parole, which I am told is the first instance of a prisoner having his parole in this fort without some confinement. Lodged with Esq. Marsh.
" Wednesday, 14th. This morning, Esquire Marsh and I were invited to Capt. Sherwood's to breakfast. Then Capt. Sherwood took charge of me, and I lived with him. To my great satisfaction, this evening came Mr. Spardain to see me, who was a prisoner to me at Ti. He said, on hearing that I was a prisoner, he went to the commandant to inform him of the good treatment he and others had from me while they were prisoners to me. The commandant sent him to my quarters to inform me that my good treatment of them was much to my advantage."
In this same journal, under date of June 14th, we
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have the colonel's impressions from witnessing a Ro- man Catholic procession, and his views of the Cana- dians. He was at this time at Three Rivers.
" June 14th. This day there was a Roman Catho-
lic procession. Their walks, their shows, very extra- ordinary. Their carrying God Almighty about the streets is something new to me. I think it is a curse to the land, and a curse to their king, to have such a miserable set of inhabitants as these Canadians. They are the most ignorant, superstitious, idle, and careless set of people that can be thought of, spend- ing half of their time in holidays and going to mass. The women wear riding-hoods the hottest weather."
This journal of Col. Johnson will show clearly the policy of the British towards different individuals of the Grants, treating those of some distinction with great urbanity and kindness, in hopes of winning them over to their cause, and treating others with needless severity. Col. Johnson was treated with mark- ed attention during his whole stay in Canada ; but it fared differently with Page and Elkins. Johnson was for some time kept at St. John's, and was allowed his parole-not a parole to go where he pleased, but a parole known in the military profession, which dis-
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tinguishes between friends and enemies in camp ; and it is a privilege granted to certain individuals every day, and proclamation of it is made every day by a certain officer.
Page was sent directly down to Montreal, and we never hear of him afterwards. Jonathan Elkins was carried directly down to Quebec, and was there im- prisoned, and suffered immensely from want until late in the fall of 1781, when he and one hundred and fifty others were put on board a ship and sent to England, where they were confined in Mill Prison from February 9, 1782, till the 24th of June follow- ing. They had but two-thirds the allowance of a common soldier, and they were miserably clad, most of them. Dr. Franklin, who was then our minister at France, hearing of their poor condition, sent each prisoner one shilling sterling per week, in addition to their allowance from the British government, and this was a great relief to them. Col. Elkins says to me under his own hand-" There were among us forty captains of vessels, and many others who had some learning ; and when we got our shilling a week from Dr. Franklin, it was proposed that we, who had no learning, should pay four coppers a week for school- ing, and soon many schools were opened. Among the rest, I procured paper, pen and ink, and a slate,
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and paid my four coppers per week for tuition. By this means, many who could neither read nor write, got so much learning, that they were capable of trans- acting business for themselves, and a number of us learned the mariner's art, so as to be capable of navi- gating a ship. On the 24th of June, 1782, there were one thousand seven hundred and thirty-three prison- ers put on board a cartel, and sent to America in ex- change for Lord Cornwallis' grenadiers and light in- fantry. And I returned with them to my native country.
"JONATHAN ELKINS.
" Peacham, Vt., Dec. 8, 1832."
We return again to see how it resulted with John- son. Notwithstanding Johnson was treated with so much apparent respect, he could not but observe that he had his quarters often shifted from St. John's to Montreal, then to Chambly, then to Three Rivers, and at each place he would be interrogated by differ- ent officers relative to the views and feelings of the inhabitants of the Grants, and what he thought of the prospects of the Colonies. To all these and sim- ilar inquiries he replied with as much apparent indif- ference to the cause of America as he could show, never relating to them an untruth, and still reserving:
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to himself whatever he thought might be advanta- geous to them, and detrimental to America. And he had cause to congratulate himself for having adhered to this uniform course ; for he found out, after a while, that all his conversation with these different officers, at different places, was penned down and sent to the supreme commandant, to be inspected by him, to see if his statements agreed. He caught the read- ing of a note, also, which was sent from one in high command to the young officer who had the charge of him. The purport of it was this-" I take you to be a person of too much sense and intelligence to be im- posed upon by the prisoner." The young man's sense and intelligence were not enough to restrain him from occasional hard drinking, and at one of those seasons, he left this note exposed to Johnson's inspection. These things taught Johnson that after all their show of confidence in him, they were still suspicious of him ; and he thought, if they were dis- posed to play Yankee with him, he would take a game with them at that. He accordingly affected more and more indifference to the cause of the Colonies, until they began to feel that if he was in other circum- stances, he would render them essential service. Ac- cordingly, after retaining him between seven and eight months, they told Johnson if he would give.
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them information of the movements of the Ameri- cans, supply their scouts with provision if called up- on, and return to them when they demanded, he might return home upon his parole. Johnson assent- ed to these stipulations, and signed the following in- strument : -
"I, Lieut. Col. Johnson, now at . John's, do hereby pledge my faith and word of honor to his ex- cellency, Gen. Holdimand, whose permission I have obtained to go home, that I shall not do or say any thing contrary to his majesty's interest or govern- ment ; and that whenever required so to do, I shall repair to whatever place his excellency or any other his majesty's commander-in-chief in America shall judge expedient to order me, until I shall be legally exchanged, and such other person as shall be agreed upon, sent in my place.
" Given under my hand at St. John's, this fifth day of October, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-one.
"Col. THOMAS JOHNSON."
Upon Col. Johnson's signing this instrument, he returned home to his family at Newbury, and neither received any intelligence from the British, nor gave
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any, until January following, as we learn from a communication of Col. Johnson to Gen. Washington, bearing date, May 30, 1782. In January, Col. John- son received a letter from Capt. Prichard, by the hand of Levi Sylvester, of Newbury, and one from George Smith, in Canada. In February, 1782, Col. Johnson wrote a letter to Gen. Holdimand and one to Prichard, and sent them by Sylvester. He sent, also, two newspapers containing the account of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis. A copy of those letters was sent to Gen. Washington the May following, and a copy of Smith's letter to Johnson was also enclosed. Sylvester informed Col. Johnson that Major Rogers had come into the Grants at the head of a strong scout, and was then at Mooretown, now Bradford, and wished to see him that night ; but Johnson was detained, and did not go until some days after, and then he did not find Rogers, and did not see him at all.
At this time Col. Johnson feeling oppressed with his peculiar situation, being liable, on the one hand, to be viewed and treated as a traitor by the British, and on the other, to be numbered with the enemies of his country, determined to communicate to Gen. Washington all he had learned in his captivity, all he had done to obtain his liberty, and all he had done
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from the time of his leaving Canada, and his motives for doing so, and solicit the general's advice in respect to the course he had better pursue. He accordingly wrote a detailed account, covering about nine pages of common-sized paper, too long to be inserted in these sketches, agreeing, to wonderful exactness, with the statement the colonel made to me, near the close of life, although he did not know at that time that a single line of it was in existence, and expressed the deepest regret that he had not kept copies of his let- ters to Washington, and of Washington's letter to him. They have, however, since come to light, hav- ing been found among Washington's private papers, and are now in the possession of the Rev. Jared Sparks, of Cambridge, Mass., and have been by him transcribed and certified, at the request of Mr. David Johnson, of Newbury. This first paper to which I allude is an interesting document, and, would my limits permit, I should be pleased to give it entire to my readers ; but the letter accompanying, and those which followed this communication, will explain this whole affair, and revive many interesting facts which have lain dormant, perhaps, in the minds of the aged for many years. The letter accompanying the docu- ment bears the same date of the document itself, and is as follows :
9*
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"THOS. JOHNSON TO GEN. WASHINGTON.
"Newbury, 30 May, 1782.
"May it please your excellency to indulge me while I say, that in the month of March, 1781, I was taken a prisoner, as set forth in my narrative, continued in Canada until September, when I ob- tained liberty to return home on parole, which I could effect only by engaging to carry on a corres- pondence with them. 'This was my view, to get what intelligence I was able respecting their plans and movements, and in hopes to be exchanged, that I might be able, in a regular way, to have given some important intelligence. I have taken such measures as appeared most likely to effect the same; but as these have hitherto failed, I find the season so far advanced as not to admit of further delay without acquainting your excellency.
" The proposed plans of the enemy for the last campaign were frustrated for want of provisions ; but they determined to pursue them this spring as early as possible. To this end, they have used their most unwearied endeavors with Vermont to prepare the way, which they have, in a great and incredible degree, brought to pass, and is daily increasing ; and unless some speedy stop is put to it, I dread the con- sequences. I entreat your excellency, that if possi-
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ble, by a regular exchange, I may be enabled to give all the intelligence in my power without hazarding my character, which, otherwise, I am determined to do, at the risk of my honor, my all-and, perhaps, to the great injury of hundreds of poor prisoners now in their hands. Having had experience, I am grieved to think of their situation. This infernal plan of
treachery with Vermont (as I have often heard in Canada) was contrived before Ethan Allen left the British, and he was engaged on their side. It ran through the country like a torrent, from New York to Canada, and the present temper of Vermont is a piece of the same. Were the people in general upon the Grants, on this side the mountains, to declare for New Hampshire or New York, it would be contrary to the agreement of their leading men ; and, unless protected by your excellency, the innocent with the guilty would share a miserable fate. This part of the country being sold by a few designing men, of whom a large number are very jealous, a small num- ber have by me their informer, or otherwise, got the certainty of it, and it puts them in a most disagreea- ble situation. They are desirous of declaring for New Hampshire ; but many of their leaders earnestly dissuading them from it, it keeps us in a tumult, and I fear the enemy will get so great an advantage as to
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raise their standard to the destruction of this part of the country. They keep their spies constantly in this quarter without molestation, and know every move- ment, and transmit the same directly to Canada ; and when matters take a turn contrary to their minds, we are miserably exposed to their severest resentment. I am entirely devoted to your excellency's pleasure. Should my past conduct meet your excellency's ap- probation, my highest ambition will be satisfied ; if not, deal with me as your wisdom shall dictate.
I most earnestly entreat your excellency to meditate a moment on my critical and perplexing situation, as well as that of this part of the country, and that I may receive by Capt. Bailey, the bearer, who will be able to give you further information, your excellency's pleasure in this affair. I beg leave to subscribe my- self your excellency's most sincere and most devoted servant.
"THOS. JOHNSON."
Col. Johnson stated in this letter what he verily believed to be true of the men in the Grants, who were carrying on a correspondence with the British. He viewed it just as it was viewed by the British, and he had no means of knowing any thing to the con- trary ; but it ultimately appeared that some of these
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men, who were considered friends to the British, were playing a deep game, in which the British, the Con- tinental Congress, and themselves, were distinct par- ties. These men were determined that Vermont should be a distinct and independent community, like the other states ; but as Congress would not receive them, and had withdrawn their troops that had been sent for their defence, they managed as they could with the British to preserve the Grants from invasion. There is no doubt but the British were completely deceived by them, and Ethan Allen procured an en- gagement, on the part of the British, that no hostili- ties should be carried on against Vermont. The
principal men in this understanding were Thomas Chittenden, Moses Robinson, Samuel Safford, Ethan Allen, Ira Allen, Timothy Brownson, John Fasset, and Joseph Fay. But at the same time, the British correspondence, with them was transmitted to Con- gress, by these men, to operate as an inducement for Congress to receive them into the Union, and Ethan Allen wrote to Congress in the following bold and impassioned language :- " I am resolutely determined to defend the independence of Vermont, as Congress are that of the United States, and rather than fail, will retire with the hardy Green Mountain Boys into the caverns of the mountains, and wage war with hu-
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man nature at large." But surely there was enough seen and heard in Canada, at the time Col. Johnson was prisoner there, to make any friend of his country tremble for the consequences. But we have Gen. Washington's answer to Col. Johnson's letter of the 30th May, 1782.
" To Capt. Thomas Johnson, Exeter, N. H. Head-Quarters, 14 June, 1782. " Sir,
" I have received your favor per Capt. Bailey, and thank you for the information contained, and would beg you to continue your communication whenever you shall collect any intelligence you shall think of importance. It would give me real pleasure to have it in my power to effect your exchange ; but some un- happy circumstances have lately taken place, which, for the present, cut off all exchange. If you can fall upon any mode to accomplish your wishes, in which I can with propriety give you my assistance, I shall be very glad to afford it.
I am, sir, &c. "G. WASHINGTON."
"THOS JOHSON TO GEN. WASHINGTON.
Exeter, July 20, 1782.
"I am obliged by your excellency's favor of the 14th June, to acknowledge your excellency's goodness in offering your assistance in my exchange. I think
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it proper to give a more particular account of my sit- uation, and have enclosed a copy of my parole for your perusal. I think, agreeable to the parole, they cannot refuse a man in my room, although there is no exchange agreed upon. Your excellency will de- termine on my rank. I was held at Canada a lieuten- ant-colonel in the militia. I was a captain, and after- wards chosen a lieutenant-colonel in the militia, agreeable to the order of the Assembly of New York ; but being at a great distance, before my commission could reach me, Vermont claimed jurisdiction, and I never had the commission, and I told them the same ; but I was obliged to acknowledge myself as such in my parole, or I could not have accomplished my de- sign. My situation grows more distressing. I have been exposed by the infirmity or imprudence of a gentleman, one that we could not have expected it from. I have received nothing of much importance since my last. I have since received a confirmation of their intentions to execute rigorous measures againt the opposers of Vermont. I have fears of an invasion on that part of New Hampshire by the im- prudence above mentioned. I have fears of the cor- respondence being stopped ; have wrote to Canada ; since which, by agreement, Capt. Prichard was to meet on Onion River, the 10th of this instant. Pri-
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vate concerns brought me here at this time. If sus- picion don't prevent, I expect something of impor- tance waiting for me ; should it prevent, shall stand in the greatest need of a man to send in exchange for me.
"I am, sir, your most humble servant, " THOS. JOHNSON."
We have another letter from Col. Johnson to Gen. Washington, dated at Atkinson, N. H., September 20, 1782. This is a letter of four pages, and as it differs not materially from the two former, I omit it in these sketches.
I give place to a letter of Meshech Weare to Gen. Washington on the subject of Col. Johnson's peculiar circumstances. This Mr. Weare was governor of New Hampshire in 1784.
"MESHECH WEARE TO GEN. WASHINGTON.
" Hampton Falls, Nov. 25, 1782. " Sir,
" The bearer, Col. Thomas Johnson, of whose conduct with respect to procuring intelligence from the enemy, your excellency has been informed, now waits on you to communicate some things which ap- pear to be important. From every information I have been able to obtain, I have no reason to suspect
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his honesty or fidelity. His situation at this time is very difficult, as he will fully inform you, and re- quests your assistance in such way as you may think proper. I cannot help expressing my fears of what may be the consequence of the negotiations carrying on between Vermont and Canada, of which there seems now to be scarce a doubt.
" I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, yours, &c.
" MESHECH WEARE."
We have one other interesting letter on this sub- ject. It is from Nathaniel Peabody, of Atkinson, N. H. Mr. Peabody was a member of the council in New Hampshire, in 1785, and subsequently a mem- ber of Congress.
"NATH. PEABODY TO GEN. WASHINGTON.
" Atkinson, State of New Hampshire, Nov. 27, 1782.
"Sir-I take the liberty to address your excellency respecting the unhappy situation of Lieut. Col. John- son, of Newbury, Coos, who will take charge of this letter, and do himself the honor to wait on your ex- cellency in person. Col. Johnson is desirous of giv- ing to your excellency every information in his power, relative to the situation, strength, and designs of the
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enemy at the northward, the embarrassed state of af- fairs in the country where he lives, and more particu- larly the ineligible circumstances in which his own person, family, and domestic concerns are unhappily involved.
" I have no doubt he hath been ungenerously de- ceived, injured, and betrayed by some persons with whom he found it necessary to intrust certain secrets, to him of great importance, and from whom he had a claim to better treatment.
" The latter end of last month I received a letter from Col. Johnson, the contents of which he will make known to you ; and I should have then done myself the honor of transmitting the same, with some other information, to your excellency ; but on a conference I had with the president of this state, it was concluded that intrusting affairs of that nature by common post-riders would be unsafe for the pub- lic, and dangerous for Col. Johnson, and that it was expedient to despatch an express on purpose, as it was adjudged probable your excellency had such a variety of other channels for information, that there was lit- tle prospect of giving new and important intelligence. From the best information I have been able to obtain, my own observation, and the personal knowledge I have had for some years past, of Col. Johnson, I am
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led without hesitating to conclude that he is a faith- ful and sincere friend to the independence of these United States ; that he would contribute every thing in his power to promote the political salvation of this, his native country ; and that he is a gentleman on whose declaration your excellency may place full de- pendence.
" I have the honor to be yours, &c.
"NATH. PEABODY."
The above has been copied from the originals now in my possession.
JARED SPARKS. Cambridge, Sept. 17, 1835.
There is nothing on paper to show the result of Col. Johnson's interview with Gen. Washington ; but it is well known with what feeling and interest the colonel related the particulars of that interview until the close of life. It is not probable that Gen. Wash- ington was at that time in circumstances to effect an exchange of prisoners, so as to set Johnson at liberty, nor does this seem to be the main object of his visit ; but he obtained the full approbation of Washington, and enjoyed his sympathies, as he had previously ex- pressed in his letter. But the treaty of peace, which
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was signed on the 20th of January, 1783, in less than two months after Col. Johnson's visit to Washington, set Johnson at liberty, dissipated all anxieties, and conveyed peace and independence to the states.
I have given place to the preceding documents for two reasons : one is, they give the present generation a more lively and distinct idea of the trials and dan- gers which the inhabitants of Coos sustained in the revolutionary struggle, than any general history of those times gives, or can give ; the other is, to do jus- tice to the injured. All know what aspersions were heaped upon Col. Johnson for the part he was said to perform at that eventful period, and what pain it in- flicted on him through life, although conscious of in- nocence in respect to those charges. He supposed time and Providence had forever deprived him of the means to demonstrate his innocence ; and under this apprehension, he resigned this life, January 4th, 1819, aged seventy-seven years. But it seems that Provi- dence designed ultimately to refute all those charges ; and what God undertakes is thoroughly done. If ever mortal man was vindicated in any supposed case, and his character set above all suspicion, that man is Col. Thomas Johnson, touching his patriotism in the day that tried men's souls.
I have already stated how desirable an object it was
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. with the British to get in possession of Gen. Jacob Bailey. A bold and determined effort to effect this was made on the 17th of June, 1782, while Col. Johnson was at home on parole. Gen. Bailey lived at the Johnson village, in a house where now stands the brick house of Josiah Little. Capt. Prichard and his scout, to the number of eighteen men, lay upon the heights west of the Ox Bow, and they made a signal for Col. Johnson to visit them. Johnson went, as he was bound to do by the terms of his pa- role, and he learned that they had come to capture Gen. Bailey that evening. Johnson was now in a great strait. Bailey was his neighbor, and a host against the enemy, and Johnson could not have him go into captivity ; and yet he must seem to conform to the wishes of Prichard, or he would be recalled to Canada himself, and in all probability have his build- ings laid in ashes. Johnson returned to his house, and resolved to inform Bailey of his danger, at the hazard of every thing to himself. But how was this to be done ? Bailey, with two of his sons, was ploughing on the Ox Bow. Prichard's elevated situ- ation on the hill enabled him to look down upon the Ox Bow as upon a map. The secret was intrusted to Dudley Carleton, Esq., the brother of Col. John- son's wife. Johnson wrote on a slip of paper this
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