USA > New Hampshire > History of New Hampshire, Volume III > Part 10
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ernment mint without the loss of a single dollar. Thus the superior safety of the Independent United States Treasury was demonstrated. Moreover, there was a financial panic in 1837, due to the suspension of specie payment at a time when there had been an overplus of many millions in the United States treasury, that was actually distributed among the States, and there were forty millions of specie in the vaults of the banks. It did not seem to occur to those who distrusted the private banks that corporations not trustworthy in the handling of money would not be any more reliable in the management of railroads and other public improvements. Since then such corporations have filched more money from the pockets of the people than all the defaulting banks ever did, yet the old cry is still heard, that governments as such may only "control," but not build and manage any internal improvements. Let private capital continue to absorb the wages of the toilers, as in all history has been the fact. The legislature of New Hampshire, in 1839, adopted a series of resolutions in favor of the United States Treasury and payment of notes in gold and silver, instructing their senators and representatives in congress to support bills to such effect.
Governor Page cautioned against excessive legislation and frequent changes in the laws, as tending to increase litigation and useless expense. Special legislation in favor of corporations had wrought evil. There were corporations "with a sole view to avoid personal responsibility, to enable individuals to transact business under their corporate name, with an exemption from all responsibility, beyond their mere interest in the corporate property. Applications to the legislature for such favors ought not to be encouraged. The interests of the public, as well as the rights of individuals, should be guarded with great care. The number and power of corporations in this country have been extended to an alarming degree, and it may require the utmost vigilance and efforts of our people, as well as their legis- latures, to retain the government of the country in opposition to so many and so powerful combinations."
The State made an appropriation for the education of the blind, and $675 were expended for that purpose in an institu- tion in Boston. Still the State was sending its deaf and dumb to be trained at Hartford.
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A HISTORY
Governor Page's message in 1841 stated that there were then one million and a half of soldiers enrolled in the militia throughout the Union. Of this number about thirty thousand were in New Hampshire, who were called out thrice each year for inspection, drill and review. The expense was great and the people were groaning under the burden. The same arguments were used for and against preparedness that are used now. We must be ready to defend ourselves always, or somebody is likely to attack us ; so it was said then, and "preparedness" led us into the Mexican War.
The legislature of 1840 having abolished the law for the imprisonment of poor debtors, the governor the following year suggested "whether some small portions of the uncollected avails of the debtor's labor might not justly and consistently with the best good of community be exempted from the opera- tion of the trustee process." The little republic at Indian Stream, by its acts of 1832, was teaching the great State ad- vanced legislation. See previous chapter.
The settlement of the northern boundary of Maine and New Hampshire by the Ashburton Treaty, in 1842, was pre- ceded by much excitement and talk of another war with Eng- land. The terms of the Treaty of Paris, in 1783, seemed to be clear and to sustain the American contention. The British claimed more than they expected to get, so as to settle by a seeming compromise. British forces were sent into northern Maine, and Maine sent militiamen to resist encroachments. New Hampshire passed a series of resolutions in sympathy with Maine and pledged the national government her support in defense of her own right and that of a sister State. War was averted by concessions. The northern boundary of New Hamp- shire remained as the State claimed, but Maine lost a portion that properly belonged to her, little, however, in comparison with what England claimed, for she asked for one-third of the State. The motto of grasping nations seems to be-Claim all and take what you can.
The election of 1842 resulted in the choice of Henry Hub- bard for governor. The opposition was scattered among three or more candidates, the chief of whom was Enos Stevens. Hub- bard's votes numbered 26,831, and he was re-elected the two following years. He was born at Charlestown May 3, 1784, and
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graduated at Dartmouth College in 1803. Jeremiah Mason was his instructor in law and his native town was the place where he practiced and made his home. Sixteen times he was mod- erator at town meetings, and eleven times he represented his town in the legislature. In 1825 he was Speaker of the House. He was Judge of Probate two years in Sullivan county. The Democratic party sent him to congress, 1831-5. From 1835 to 184I he filled a seat in the senate of the United States. After his retirement from the governorship he removed for a time to Boston, where he was sub-treasurer. He returned to Charles- town in 1849 and died there June 5, 1857. He is described as a willing and unwearied worker, ardent and courteous in political debates, loved by friends and respected by opponents. He was specially active in the passage of the Pension Act of 1832, which gave some late reward to the soldiers of the Revolution. On the split-up of the Federalist party he sided with the Jacksonian Democrats and was their ardent leader.
Governor Hubbard's messages to the legislature are able, suggestive, and lengthy, showing the trend of political thought and commercial activity. At this time it was proposed to dis- tribute among the States the money received from the sale of public lands. This was strenuously opposed by the governor and legislature. They said that such money should be used for the expenses of government and the tariff should be lowered. A few manufacturers were being "protected" at the expense of millions of consumers. It then cost one million dollars out of every fourteen millions of tariff to pay expenses of collection, and the governor cites the opinion of some expert, that the direct and indirect costs of collection of tariffs averaged forty- five per cent. of their gross amount. In spite of tariff and sale of lands the nation had in one year contracted a debt of twenty million dollars.
An important recommendation of the governor was, that, when an accused person was shown to be innocent, he should not be compelled to bear any expense in his own trial. Some- times it was an insupportable burden for a poor man to defend himself against malicious accusation. The accuser, whether the State or an individual, ought to bear the expense, if the accusa- tion is unsupported. So it would seem, but there is something to be said on the other side. The upright and law-abiding citizen
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rarely is accused, while the real transgressor of law often fails to be convicted. Some measure of self-defense may perhaps well be left to every citizen. The governor was averse to allowing retrials, generally speaking, after a jury had come to a con- clusion. In many cases their first decision should be final. Again the voice of a governor is raised against capital punish- ment.
He advises against the creation of corporations, the mem- bers of which are privately irresponsible for the debts of the corporation. Stockholders in banks should be made liable for debts contracted, as was the case in English law and also in the law of one of our own States at that time. The legislature had no moral nor constitutional right to confer on corporations, as railroads, the power to take private property for their own use, under the plea that it was for the benefit of the public. The stockholders in railroad corporations are not working for the public, but to enrich themselves. They render, it is true, a service to the public, as does every honest laborer, but they are paid for their services.
Another recommendation of Governor Hubbard will be appreciated by those who insist that women should have their full and complete rights. He advised that the property of females, up to a declared limit, should not be taxed, on the ground that they had not equal opportunities with the men for earning money.
John Hardy Steele was elected governor as a Democrat in 1844 and was re-elected the following year, his principal com- petitor being Anthony Colby. Governor Steele was born in Salisbury, North Carolina, January 4, 1789. He was apprenticed to a mechanic at an early age, and was later brought to Peter- borough, New Hampshire, by Captain Nathaniel Morrison, to work in his carriage factory. He was soon a manufacturer himself, making chairs and gigs. He had mechanical genius and put in operation the first power loom in the State, in 1847, building and superintending a cotton mill at West Peter- borough, in 1824. He visited England and Ireland in 1842. At different times he represented Peterborough in the legislature, and acted on the governor's council. After retiring from the governor's office he attempted the role of the scientific farmer, in which he found much pleasure and no remuneration. The
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output was more than the income. Experiments in scientific farming are a beautiful recreation for such as have agricultural tastes and have made a lot of money in manufacturing and trading. The ordinary farmer can not follow their example. Governor Steele died at Peterborough July 3, 1865.
A passage in Governor Steele's message of 1845 is worthy of attention, since the threatened evil is ever recurrent :
Individuals as well as associated wealth rarely, if ever, suffer an op- portunity to pass without making strenuous exertions to retain, if not to gain privileges denied to the mass of the community; and it is too often the case that individuals, even among legislators, are to be found, who, from personal motives, as well as from undefined expectations of benefits to themselves, are ready to advocate and grant to corporations privileges and immunities which they would at once refuse to partnerships or to individ- uals. In my opinion acts of incorporation should never be granted, except where individual or partnership enterprise is manifestly incompetent to ac- complish the object intended, and when granted should be rigidly restricted in their powers and privileges. In short, they should be made, as they are intended to be, servants and not masters of the people. A different course, or one granting to combined wealth exclusive privileges or immuni- ties, would ere long raise the grantees above the grantors, and corporate bodies would soon usurp the power, without possessing the dignity or per- sonal responsibility of the landed and titled aristocracy of Europe.
Certainly the governor had some prophetic insight and fore- sight. The struggle between the masses and the capitalists has been unabated since his time and is now more violent than ever. There can be only one issue, however long postponed.
The tariff question was ever before the people, and every governor had something to say about it. If there was depres- sion in business, want of currency, or panic, the innocent tariff was blamed. If there was business prosperity, the friends of a high protective tariff pointed to it as the direct cause. The governor told the legislature that France, England and Ger- many had depression in business and also prosperity during the years that we had the same in the United States, and England had no tariff. The opening of China as a market had more to do with increased business than the tariff, and the governor spoke as a manufacturer. It is well to carefully distinguish between occasions, coincidences, and causes.
In the governor's message of June, 1845, the annexation of Texas is advocated with enthusiasm and Oregon is claimed
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against the pretensions of Great Britain. A special committee considered this part of his message and brought in a series of resolves, which were adopted by the House, not without opposi- tion. It is interesting at this time to note the antipathy then felt toward the nation that we now sympathize with most deeply. The aggressions of Great Britain were keenly felt. The gov- ernor said, that "no people or government ever yet admitted or even proposed to waive or yield any of its rights to the claims or demands of Great Britain but in the end had cause to repent of so doing. The public, I trust, have not yet forgotten the easy terms on which that haughty power obtained possession of a large portion of the State of Maine. Our government was first induced to listen to quibbles about the words, "Sea" and "Ocean," then amused by the discovery that Mars Hill was high enough to cast a shadow over the treaty line, and at last astounded by the discovery that Mars Hill was too high to permit the boundary line to pass over it."
The report of the committee recalls the "overreaching policy and deep duplicity of Great Britain in relation to the northeastern boundary," which ought to be a warning to look out for our rights in the settlement of the northwestern boundary. The animus of the people is shown in the following:
Resolved, That the interference of England to prevent the peaceful an- nexation of Texas to the Union is a measure as unprecedented and unjusti- fiable as insulting to the Republic, and requires speedy explanation by the British ministry.
Resolved, That the interference of the United States to avert from any portion of the people of this continent or the world the miseries of British colonial servitude would be abundantly justified by the acts of that govern- ment.
Resolved, That the recent development of the intrigues of the British government with those of Mexico and Texas, to defeat the policy of this nation in relation to the annexation of Texas, demonstrates the sagacity, wisdom and patriotism of such of our statesmen as, by their efforts, brought this great measure to a triumphant consummation.
The resolves were opposed by a minority on the ground that the admission of Texas into the Union was only a part of the plan to extend slavery in this country, and that said plan ought to be combated by every friend of humanity, patriotism and religion. The discussion showed how bitter still was the mem- owy of the Revolution and the War of 1812. Nations should be
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judged by what they now are, not by what they once were, and the same is true of individuals.
During the administration of Governor Steele the Geologic Survey of the State was completed by Dr. Jackson after a labor of two years or more. Previous to this he had surveyed Maine and Rhode Island and parts of Nova Scotia and New Bruns- wick. A more minute survey was made by Dr. C. H. Hitchcock in 1870-73, so that here may be noted only the discovery of minerals by Dr. Jackson, which led in some cases to business enterprises. A condensed report made to the legislature in 1842 sums up his chapter on Economical Geology in his First Annual Report on the geology of the State, printed the preceding year. He disabuses the public mind of the conceit that coal mines may be found in granite formations, putting an end to the fruitless exploration for that mineral. He found magnetic iron ore, not only at Franconia, where mines had been worked since 1805 by the New Hampshire Iron Manufacturing company, but also in Jackson, Bartlett, Piermont and other towns. The bog iron ore of Gilmanton was at this time about exhausted.
Inexhaustible beds of limestone were found at Haverhill and Lisbon. That at Haverhill was worked on a large scale, and six bushels of lime were sold for a dollar and a half. A bed of lime fit for agriculture was found at Amherst.
Copper was found in Franconia, Unity and Warren. The ore in Warren was associated with zinc. The zinc and lead mines of Eaton were considered workable. Here the zinc ore was five or six feet deep, and an analysis showed thirty-three per cent. of sulphur and sixty-three per cent. of zinc. An attempt had been made to work a mine of lead in Eaton twelve years before. The vein was eight inches wide. The zinc ores of Warren and Shelburne furnished as high a percentage of pure zinc as the mines wrought in England. The lead ore of Shelburne was declared to be rich enough in silver to pay a profit on the expense attending its extraction.
Two veins of tin ore were found in Jackson, specimens of which yielded seventy-three per cent. of fine tin. Another mine in Jackson yielded, from a specimen, sixty per cent. of arsenic and thirty per cent. of iron. One hundred pounds of the tin ore of Jackson were estimated to be worth from twelve to sixteen dollars.
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Mica was quarried in several towns, especially in Grafton, yielding fifteen hundred dollars in yearly sales. It was obtained also in Alstead.
1
Granular quartz was ground to powder in the town of Unity, and used in making sand paper and rifles for sharpening scythes. Another use suggested was that of mixing it with paint, “in order to encrust the pillars of public buildings so as to prevent injury from the knives of idlers." Quartz was also used in the manufacture of glass, especially at Keene by the New Hampshire Glass Manufacturing Company.
A plumbago mine in Goshen was being worked, and the ground mineral sold at three to five cents per pound, twenty tons being sold in a year. Plumbago was also found in Hills- borough and Antrim. A very valuable ore of titanium was found in Unity and in Merrimack, the latter worth sixteen dollars a pound, employed by dentists in the manufacture of mineral teeth and by porcelain painters.
The survey of Dr. Jackson gave much information about the rocks and soils of the State and was calculated to be of great assistance to the farmers. Some were induced to search for ore and minerals as an easier way of getting rich quick. The efforts made from time to time in Warren cost more money than was dug out of mines. The iron works at Jackson prom- ised well, and sixty thousand dollars were once offered for them by an English company, but the owners missed their opportunity in the endeavor to get one hundred thousand dollars. The ore is there in abundance.
In 1846 there was no election of governor by the people. Anthony Colby, candidate of the Whig party, had 17,707 votes ; Jared W. Williams had 26,740 votes as the candidate of the Democratic party ; and Nathaniel S. Berry had 10,379 votes, with about five hundred scattering. The opponents of the Democratic party combined in the legislature and gave to Anthony Colby 146 votes to 124 for Jared W. Williams.
Anthony Colby was born in New London, November 13, 1795. His education was obtained in the common schools. He was the first Whig to fill the governor's chair, owing his election to his personal popularity. He was a manufacturer and a man of the people, of genial disposition and known for benevolent works. It was he who established Colby Academy in New Lon-
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don, an honored institution under Baptist control. He was a trustee of Dartmouth College from 1850 to 1870, from which he received the honorary degree of Master of Arts. In the militia he rose to the rank of major-general. His party was not yet strong enough to hold the trenches gained from the political enemy, and so Governor Colby had to retire at the end of one year, the only man, as he jocosely said, who satisfied the people in such a brief time. He died at New London July 13, 1773.
During Governor Colby's administration and the following year the Mexican War was in progress. In general the oppon- ents of slavery condemned the war and the annexation of Texas as movements in the interests of the slave-holding States. Resolutions approving the war were voted down in 1846 and passed by a small majority in 1847. One hundred and twenty- nine members of the House voted, that the Mexicans were a "weak, harassed and defenseless people," that sympathy was due to the friends of the brave men who had fallen "victims to the baleful spirit of conquest and lust of territorial aggrandizement," and that "the prevalence of better councils, and a wise, mod- erate and conciliatory policy might have saved us from this calamitous and bootless war." On the other hand a majority voted, that in the measures taken by the national executive "we recognize not only a spirit of justice, and a desire for peace, but at the same time, wisdom, statesmanlike forecast, and patriotic energy." The sober judgment of history seems to be, that the Mexican war was one of conquest on the part of the United States, although provoked thereto by many acts of aggression. The acquisition of territory and the extension of slavery were the chief motives. It was the triumph of a strong nation over a weak one. Nevertheless, the results, extending through the intervening years from that time to this, have demonstrated that the territory annexed to the United States was greatly bene- fited, and that it would have been better for all Mexico, if the whole of it had then become a part of this country. Even mili- tary conquest of the inferior by a superior civilization may be a blessing in disguise, but who shall decide at the critical moment, which is the superior civilization? Is it not that which pro- duces, in the long run, the best men in greatest number? And is not ideal character better than physical force? The trouble with Mexico has been the average Mexican, and the average
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has been low because of the oppressions of the powerful few.
New Hampshire had only a small part in the Mexican War. The most of the soldiers in three companies of the Ninth Regi- ment of United States Infantry were recruited in New Hamp- shire, under the auspices of Colonel Franklin Pierce. Among those who distinguished themselves for gallantry were Lieutenant George Bowers of Nashua, afterwards a Lieutenant Colonel in the Civil War, Sergeant John Bedel of Bath, afterward Colonel and Brevet Brigadier-General in the Civil War, Lieutenant Jesse A. Gove of Concord, who fell at the head of a Massachusetts regiment in the Civil War, Major W. W. S. Bliss of Lebanon, who was brevetted Lieutenant-Colonel for gallant and meritorious conduct at the battle of Buena Vista, Lieutenant John H. Jackson of Ports- mouth, who was saved from a death-bearing bullet by a Bible over his heart, came out of the war a Captain and afterwards served in the Civil War as Colonel of a New Hampshire regi- ment, Captain Theodore F. Rowe, brevetted Major for gallant conduct at Puebla, Lieutenant Thomas J. Whipple of Went- worth, who served also as Colonel in the Civil War, Lieutenant George Thom of Derry, who rose to be a General in the Union Army, Captain Henry Lane Kendricks, native of Lebanon, graduate and professor at West Point, who was brevetted Major for gallant conduct in 1847, afterwards commanded a western post, was promoted to be colonel and declined a commission of Brigadier-General in 1861, returning to West Point as pro- fessor and known as one of the best beloved instructors there, and Brigadier-General Franklin Pierce, afterward President of the United States, of whom more will be said in a subsequent chapter.1
Governor Colby was alive to the varied interests of the State. He called attention to the banking law, which he declared to be "aristocratic in its operation, and, if continued, our banks will be the most perfect monopolies that our state has ever reared. The unlimited personal liability of the stockholders forces the whole business into a sort of legalized copartnership of the rich, excluding the middling interests and others, who are the sole contributors to make up the yearly dividend which
1 For further particulars about New Hampshire men in the Mexican War see Military History of New Hampshire, by Hon. Chandler E. Potter.
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passes safely into the pockets of the few. The revenue arising from the proper management of them should be distribu- ted, as far as may be, among the many." He upheld the tariff as needful for the protection of American manufacturers and to secure higher wages for laborers, results at that time satis- factory to both capitalists and wage-earners. The governor, it seems, had power to order the commissioners to locate a railroad, contrary to their own convictions of the public good, and the repeal of such a law was recommended. Strict economy was urged and that all unnecessary public offices should be abolished. It is rare to find an Executive asking for a lessening of his own power, but Governor Colby wanted the people themselves to choose their own officers, unless debarred by the constitution. He was a good governor, but, being a Whig, had to be set aside by the triumphant return of the Democratic party to power in 1847, to continue to hold the reins of State government for another decade.
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