USA > New Hampshire > History of New Hampshire, Volume IV > Part 10
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3 Journal of the House, 1870, p. 182.
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was the unsuccefful candidate of the Democratic party for gov- ernor in 1872 and 1873 and again was elected to that office in 1874. His character as well as business abilities placed him at the head of his profession as a civil engineer, made him prominent in the management of Manchester banks, and pushed him forward as the standard-bearer of his political party. In all the positions he held he won the confidence and esteem of the people. He died in Manchester, May 8, 1895.
There is nothing distinctive in the message of Governor Weston, nor in the action of the legislature of 1871, except that more time was spent in calling the roll for yea and nay votes than in any preceding gathering of the law-makers. Neither party had force enough to come out of the trenches and take the field, and so they played politics, which is a species of warfare, behind barbed wire entanglements. The yeas and nays were ascertained by roll-call seventy-five times, and there were three hundred and twenty-seven members of the House, so that the legislators had plenty of time to read the two newspapers, a copy of which for each member they had voted to themselves at the expense of the State. The House did pass an act to punish horse thieves and refused to increase the tax on dogs. Further than that there is nothing of public interest worth recording in the annals of history. The Kilkenny cats were trying to eat each other up. Harry Bing- ham had returned to the House, where he remained for eleven more consecutive years as representative from Littleton. This in- sured animation and able leadership to the Democratic party, and the Constitution was well guarded.
The next year the Republicans went to Manchester, mother of governors, and picked out for their candidate the most influ- ential man, Ezekiel A. Straw, so that the city might be divided against itself. The result proved that they were wise as serpents, if not harmless as doves. Although Mr. Weston had about 1800 votes more than he had the year before, Mr. Straw had about 3300 more than the Republican candidate of 1871, and the Labor Reform leader fell off considerably. So Mr. Straw became gov- ernor by a vote of 38,325, the largest vote any gubernatorial candi- date had received up to that time.
Ezekiel Albert Straw was born in Salisbury, December 30, 1819. He was educated in the schools of Lowell, Mass., and at
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E. Cl. Siew
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Phillips Academy, Andover. He was in the employ of the Amos- keag Manufacturing Company from 1838 till his death, first as civil engineer thirteen years, then as agent of the land and water- power department, then in charge of the machine shops and finally of the mills, so that he was active manager of the entire business of the company. He was treasurer and principal owner of the Namaske Mills from 1856 to 1864 and after the latter date the sole proprietor. In 1841 he was sent to England to obtain information and machinery for the establishment of the Manchester Print Works. In the State legislature he served from 1859 to 1864 and was president of the senate in 1866. He also served on the staff of Governor Stearns, and had been chairman of the Finance Committee during the period of the Civil War. No man in the State was better qualified to manage its business affairs, and the voters seem to have recognized that fact. His administration justi- fied their expectations. Dartmouth college gave him the degree of Master of Arts. He died in Manchester, October 23, 1882.
The ruling ideas of the governor's message were reform of abuses, relief from the burdens of taxation and economy in the expenditure of public money. During the preceding year a large portion of the war debts of cities and towns had been assumed by the State, and the addition to the public debt was thus $2,205.695, making the total debt of the State in 1871, $4,565,782, of which a reduction of $427,658 had been made in one year. The towns and cities had been relieved to the extent of about twenty-five per cent. of their taxation, and the governor therefore advised that $600,000 be levied for further reduction. Thus effort was made gradually and within reasonable time to rid the State of debt, not passing it on to future generations and meanwhile paying large amounts in annual interest. The national debt was decreasing through the collection of internal revenue, there being collected in New Hampshire in 1868 $1,940,000, which was decreased to about one-eighth of that sum in 1871. The statesman who will pay off debts and at the same time decrease taxation is the one in popular demand. About this time congressmen at Washington were making themselves odious by voting to themselves a large increase of salary and collecting back pay, for which they got the name of "Salary- Grabbers." The legislature of New Hampshire passed a resolu- tion strongly condemning such action, and indeed the opposition
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throughout the nation was so great that the next Congress restored the old salary, although the grabbers had gone off with their spoils.
Governor Straw's recommendation as to the improvement of public schools has produced marked results since his time. He said :
Too much prominence is given to book knowledge; the young brain is stimulated and crammed, and the scholar is too apt to leave his school impressed with the belief that he is to obtain his livelihood by the use of his wits, and that to labor with his hands, in aid of his brain, is derogatory to his position. This should not be so; the eye and the hand should be trained to artistic and mechanical employment at the same time, or alternat- ing with the education of the brain in the book-school.
He advocated a system of manual and industrial training, so that pupils might go forth from school, not only knowing a lot, but also able to do something. He also called attention to the inefficiency of the prohibitory law to prevent the sale of intoxicating liquors in large cities and towns, and raised the question whether local option would not decrease the evil.
In 1872 a new political party appeared in the presidential contest, called the Liberal Republican party. It was made up of Democrats who were dissatisfied with the pro-slavery attitude of their party and Republicans who did not like the reconstruction policy of their party. The Liberal Republicans and the Democrats united in Missouri in 1870 on a basis of reforms and universal am- nesty. On the first day of May, 1872, this fusion held a national convention at Cincinnati and nominated Horace Greeley for president and B. Gratz Brown of Missouri for vice-president, and on the ninth day of July following the Democratic national convention adopted the platform and candidates of the fusion party. They were so overwhelmingly defeated at the polls, that the fusion party van- ished before the next presidential election. The leopard had not changed his spots, nor the Ethiopian his skin. This national elec- tion of 1872 is of special interest to the people of New Hamp- shire, because Horace Greeley was a native of the Granite State, and so also was Henry Wilson, elected as vice-president with General Grant's second election as president. Of Greeley it is more fitting to say something in connection with journalists, while a sketch of Wilson appears in the list of United States senators.
In 1874 James A. Weston had 35,608 votes for governor, and
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Luther McCutchins, the candidate of the Republican party, had 34,143 votes. Neither was elected by the people, because the Prohibition party had cast 2,097 votes for John Blackmer. A con- vention of the Senate and House elected James A. Weston by a vote of 182 to 151 for Luther McCutchins. Then filibustering was resumed in the house and every effort was made to block legisla- tion and kill time by calling the roll for yeas and nays one hun- dred and seven times, beating the record of 1871. The published Journal of the House contains little else than the names of the rep- resentatives repeated over and over again to the disgust of the reader. Thus in misuse of time and printer's ink the State was the loser of thousands of dollars, but that is nothing to politicians. Legislators must act under party discipline, to further the interests of party leaders rather than for the benefit of all the people. It has been said that a statesman is a dead politician, but it is hard to see any statemanship in the filibustering of the years 1871 and 1874 in the New Hampshire legislature. Perhaps the politicians have not been dead long enough. Their virtues may shine forth in succeeding generations. No inaugural message of the governor appears in the Journals of the Senate and House. The Democrats were in full control and nearly every Republican officer in the State was replaced by a Democrat, so that the chief business of the governor and legislature was to get possession of the "spoils," a word well suited to political booty. Moreover, a new arrange- ment of councilor and senatorial districts was affected, city ward lines were altered and the judiciary system was changed by abol- ishing the Supreme Judicial Court and establishing a Superior Court of Judicature and Circuit, or trial, Court. All this was done in order to insure the triumph of the Democratic party in succeeding elections, but the common people, the voters, arose in their might and overturned the plans of wily men. It was this legislature that sanctioned the union of the Boston and Lowell and the Nashua and Lowell Railroads, thus beginning the forma- tion of the Boston and Maine system. The railroad combination was not a party measure, and good men differed an opinion con- cerning the wisdom of the movement.
The Republicans regained control in 1875. Person C. Cheney of Manchester had 39,292 votes and Judge Hiram G. Roberts of Rollinsford had 39,121 while the Prohibition candidate, Nathaniel
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White, had 773, enough to throw the election of governor into the legislative assembly. There Person C. Cheney had 193 votes and Hiram R. Roberts had 186. The following year the political contest was hotter than ever before, and Mr. Cheney was re- elected, this time by a popular majority of more than three thou- sand over Daniel Marcy, the Democratic candidate
The year 1873 is remembered as a time of financial panic caused by over-capitalization and the suspension of specie pay- ment. The failure of Jay Cooke and Company was the prelude ; distress and anxiety followed. The antidote was applied in 1875 by an act of Congress fixing January 1, 1879, as the day for resumption of specie payment. The measure was advocated espe- cially by Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune, and his saying became a proverb, "The only way to resume is to resume." After the act of Congress paper money gradually became equiva- lent to gold, so that when the day of resumption arrived, actually more gold was deposited in treasury vaults than was asked for.4
About this time the newspapers were filled with scandal con- cerning the Credit Mobilier in America, an imitation of such an institution that arose in France in 1852, a company that gave credit on movable personal property. The American company was formed in 1859 and in 1867 its charter was purchased by a company formed for the construction of the Union Pacific Rail- road. Its capital stock was increased to $3,750,000. It rose in value and paid enormous dividends, and somehow much of its stock was found to be in the possession of senators and representa- tives at Washington. The public thought it was there to influ- ence legislation. General Dix was president of the road and congressman Oakes Ames of Massachusetts had a contract to build 667 miles for $47,000,000. The United States government gave in bonds $16,000 per mile to help build the railroad, besides 5,000 sections of land. The total cost was $60,000,000. The government practically built the road and gave it away to speculators. The
4 A cartoon of the times is well remembered, representing the Secretary of the United States Treasury on guard at the opened door of the treasury vault, viewing the bags of gold within and one eye turned backward, with a rhyme,
"A cautious look he stole around ; His bags of chink he chunk; And many a ghastly smile he smole, And many a wink he wunk."
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House committee of investigation recommended the censure of Oakes Ames and another congressman; the Senate committee rec- ommended the expulsion of Senator James M. Patterson of New Hampshire, only five days before his term was to expire, and no action was ever taken on the recommendation. It is evident that the design was to make of Senator Patterson a scapegoat to bear away the sins of many others. He had been an honored professor in Dartmouth College, and his character was never under sus- picion among the people of New Hampshire. After his return from Washington he served a long time as State Superintendent of Public Schools.
Chapter VII POLITICAL AFFAIRS TILL 1884
Chapter VII
POLITICAL AFFAIRS TILL 1884
Gov. Person C. Cheney-Number of Savings Banks-Doubted Control of the State Senate-Total Abstinence Furthered by Reform Clubs-Ninth Census-Centennial Exhibition-The Spoils of Office Re-distributed- Sixth Constitutional Convention-Complete Religious Equality-A New Survey of the State-The Greenback Party in the National Election of 1876-Gov. Benjamin F. Prescott-Faultiness of Legal Procedure-The Referee Law-Exodus of Tramps from New Hampshire-A New State Prison-Biennial Election,-Gov. Natt Head-Cost of Insurance in 1879 -Savings Banks-Gov. Charles H. Bell-He Recommends the Prohibi- tion of the Manufacture of Intoxicating Liquors-Warns against Bribery in Elections-Political Wrangle over the Election of a United States Senator-Gov. Samuel W. Hale-State of Public Affairs and Institutions -State Industrial School-Normal School at Plymouth-Asylum for the Insane-Education for the Blind and the Deaf-Mutes-State In- debtedness about 1884-Banks and Insurance-National Guard-Board of Agriculture-Fish-Culture-Roads and Forests-Extent of Railroads -Population-Gov. Moody Currier.
P ERSON C. CHENEY was born in that part of Holderness which is now Ashland, February 25, 1828. He was educated in academies at Peterborough, Hancock and Parsonsfield. Engag- ing in the manufacture of paper with his father at Peterborough he represented that town in the legislatures of 1853 and 1854. In 1862 he was Quartermaster of the 13th regiment and served with the army of the Potomac. By reason of exposure and over- work in the campaign before Fredericksburg a long and dangerous sickness was brought on and he was constrained to resign his com- mission and return home, being honorably discharged in August, 1863. He then sent a substitute into the field. Removing to Manches- ter in 1866 he continued in the paper industry and his business capac- ity became so well known that he was elected mayor of that city in the years 1872-75. Dartmouth gave him the degree of Master of Arts. In 1876 he was appointed United States Senator, to fill out the unexpired term of Austin F. Pike, or until the meeting of the legislature the following June, when he declined to be a candi-
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date for re-election. He was a member of the Republican National Committee from 1892 till his death in 1901. For about six months, 1892-93, he was minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary to Switzerland. Bates College elected him a trustee and he founded a scholarship in that institution. He died in Manchester, June 19, 1901, highly esteemed for upright and honorable character in all business relations and long recognized as a political leader.
There is little of historical interest in the message of the governor. The savings banks then numbered sixty-eight, with an aggregate deposit of $30,214,585. The Salmon Falls Bank was the only bank of discount doing business under a State charter. Its capital stock was $50,000 and it paid an annual dividend of ten per cent. The governor recommended the abolition of the religious test in the approaching constitutional convention, and that suitable preparation be made for the celebration of the one hundredth anniversary of national independence.
In the legislature of 1875 the Democrats held control in the Senate by a strict interpretation of law. In two senatorial districts the Democratic nominees, James Priest and John Proctor, had more votes than any other candidates but not a majority over all. In the second district the votes intended for Nathaniel Head had been cast for Natt Head, by which name he was commonly known, although the check-list gave his name as Nathaniel and he himself owned that name. Consequently the governor and council felt obliged to throw out the 3,771 votes cast for Natt Head and thus seat James Priest in the Senate. In the fourth district by casting out about sixty votes thrown for men who had not been for seven years residents of the district a majority was found for John Proctor and he was seated. Thus the Democrats had seven men in the Senate, and the Republicans five. The five Republicans revolted and set up a Senate of their own, appealing to the Superior Court of Judicature for their decision concerning the right of Messrs. Priest and Proctor to sit in the Senate. The Superior Court was constrained by law to sanction the decision of the governor and council and declared that they had no authority to declare who was properly elected. Each House must judge in such a matter. Therefore the five revolters returned to their seats in the Senate, defeated, as they thought, by the letter of a law, against the intentions of voters. The governor in his message
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suggested some change in the law or constitution, to prevent the recurrence of such mistakes. The event stirred up much political strife and aroused a feeling that somehow an injustice had been done, yet it is not easy to see how the decision could have been legally other than it was. The Republican majority in the House took up the matter, which was none of their business, since they had no authority nor responsibility to determine who should be seated in the Senate, each branch of the legislature being, accord- ing to the Constitution, "final judges of the elections, returns, and qualifications of their own members." Much loud talk was made in the House about the "arbitrary and unconstitutional action of the governor and council," and the newspapers spoke of the affair as the "Senate Steal." All this had its desired influence in affect- ing the vote at the next election, when the Republicans came into full power. The majority of the people will vote for what they think is right, regardless of what laws and constitutions may say, and this fact is the hope and salvation of a republic. If the law is not right and works injury, it must be changed, but, while it exists on the statute books, judges and rulers must obey it.
In the year 1876 there was a notable movement in favor of total abstinence from the use of intoxicating drinks, furthered by the organization of Reform Clubs, although many persons were drawn into such clubs, who had always been total abstainers. Gov- ernor Cheney, in his second message, thus speaks of the movement :
At no time, probably, in the history of the State, has the public con- science been more thoroughly aroused to the great evil of intemperance. In no equal period have so many citizens of this State taken upon themselves a solemn pledge to abstain from that which intoxicates. This reform move- ment has pervaded all classes. The high and the low, the rich and the poor, alike have felt and recognized its power. It has had the sympathy of every religious sect, of all political parties, and has engaged the active efforts of many of their representative men; but it has found its readiest and most effective champions in men but recently the victims of drinking habits. Nor has it lacked, nor can it lack, the earnest support of the women of New Hampshire. In many instances these combined influences have reached the dealers in intoxicating drinks, and not a few of them have voluntarily closed their places of sale. In other instances a sentiment has been created which has led to a more complete enforcement of the law. It speaks well for the law, which has now remained on our statute books nearly twenty-one years, that opposition to it seems to subside in proportion as moral forces become effective.
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The ninth census reported the population of New Hampshire as 318,300, of whom the number over ten years of age that could not read was only 7,618, the percentage of illiteracy being less than in any other State, showing the efficiency of the public school system.
To aid the Centennial Exhibition at Philadelphia the legisla- ture of 1875 voted to purchase ten thousand dollars' worth of the stock of the Centennial Board of Finance, which had been in- corporated by the Congress of the United States. It is not known, probably it was not expected, that anything would ever be realized on that stock. The centennial commission of New Hampshire were authorized to spend five thousand dollars to have the State becom- ingly represented in the Exhibition. A building was erected at Philadelphia, known as the New Hampshire building, costing the modest sum of three thousand dollars, a large part of which was raised by private subscription. The State had fifty exhibitors in the mechanical department, and was well represented in the agri- cultural, educational and historical departments. The women of New Hampshire assisted in the construction of the Woman's Pavilion.
Governor Cheney recommended the placing of the statues of John Stark and Daniel Webster in the hall of statuary of the National Capitol. A resolution concerning this matter was re- ferred to the next legislature.
Addresses to the governor were introduced into the House, calling for the removal of over fifty persons, whose names are given in the addresses, from office, indicating that now other victors wanted the "spoils." The offices included those of sheriff, solici- tor, judge of probate, pilot commissioners, register of probate, justice of the police court and attorney-general. It was thought that a sheriff could not be safely trusted, unless he were a Repub- lican. But this legislature was only following the example of the preceding Democratic administration and indeed the custom of national administrations for many years. Civil service rules were then unknown. There is no proper law yet for a proportional representation of the minority in public offices.
Edward H. Rollins was elected United States senator by a vote of 201 to 172 for John G. Sinclair. This was a viva voce vote in the House. The Senate concurred, and a joint session confirmed the election.
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The old Republican regime was reinstated, undoing all the work that the Democrats had done in a preceding legislature, restoring the old judiciary system.
The sixth constitutional convention assembled at the capitol December 6, 1876. Three hundred and forty-eight persons of the three hundred and seventy-two elected voted on the first ballot. Daniel Clark was chosen president on the second ballot, having one hundred and eighty-five votes, while William H. Y. Hackett of Portsmouth had one hundred and twelve votes. The conven- tion was in session eleven days. Thirteen amendments were sub- mitted to the people, who voted upon them March 13, 1677. Eleven of the amendments proposed were adopted. The basis of representation was changed from ratable polls to population, granting a representative to every town having six hundred in- habitants and two representatives to a town having eighteen hun- dred inhabitants. Provision was made for biennial sessions of the legislature. The number of senators was increased from twelve to twenty-four. It was provided that registers of probate, solici- tors and sheriffs should be elected by popular vote. The religious test was abolished although the word "Protestant" was not struck out from the bill of rights till the year 1902. The time of holding elections was changed from March to November. The removal of persons from office for political reasons was prohibited. It was voted that no money raised by taxation should be used for the support of the schools and institutions of any religious sect or denomination.
The majority of the convention of 1876 were not ready to obliterate all distinctions between Roman Catholics, Protestants, Jews and other religionists. They held that New Hampshire was still a Protestant State. Many wanted to so phrase the constitu- tion as to place all persons, of every shade of religious belief, upon terms of equality before the law, but it took another quarter of a century to educate the people to this thought. Perhaps the con- tinued influx of Roman Catholics, Jews and adherents of the Greek and Armenian Churches helped to the decision of 1902, when Church and State were completely separated, without any damage to either. For many years the objectionable phrases had not diminished the liberty or rights of any citizen, whatever his religion might be. The phrases were dead letters of the constitution.
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