USA > New Hampshire > Strafford County > Rochester > History of the town of Rochester, New Hampshire, from 1722 to 1890, Vol. I > Part 20
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Aug. 19, 1863, the town voted $300 bounty to each drafted man or substitute, to be paid ten days after being mustered in, and the same aid to families of drafted men as heretofore to families of volunteers, and the selectmen were authorized to hire $30,000 for that purpose. December 5, another $30,000 was voted
to be employed in the same way. In August the long-deferred draft took place at Portsmouth. Rochester reported 322 liable to military service, out of whom 97 were drawn. Only three of these, Henry Grant, George F. Guppy, and Ichabod Worster entered the service. Two, Otis Meader and John C. Shorey, paid the commutation fee of $300. Twenty-six procured substi- tutes. The remaining sixty-six were rejected for disability, or declared legally exempt for family reasons.
The war "dragged its slow length along" far beyond the ex-
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pectations of any. But through mingled successes and defeats the courageous heart of the people did not falter, nor their deter- mined purpose waver. They still pressed on confident of final victory. In February, 1864, the town voted $5,000 to reimburse drafted men who, in order to obtain substitutes, had been obliged to pay sums in excess of the town bounty. In March it was voted to give those who had served two years without bounty the same amount that had since been given to others.
At different meetings during the remainder of this year $72,000 was voted for bounties. In July Wm. J. Roberts, B. L. E. Gowen, and John Legro were chosen to act with the selectmen in pro- curing volunteers, and $300 was voted to each enrolled citizen who should furnish a substitute.
This steady, faithful work for the cause was accompanied with stirring manifestations of patriotic enthusiasm. "The glorious fourth " was observed at Rochester in 1864 by a fitting celebra- tion. The following account is condensed from the "Rochester Courier" of that week. In the early morn the bells were rung, and a National salute was fired at sunrise. Soon after eight o'clock a procession, under command of Judge Edgerly, marched by the old Academy building, up Main and Wakefield streets, through Cross street, up Market street above the bridge, returning through Market and Main streets down past the cemetery to Willey's Grove. It was escorted by a platoon of returned soldiers under Lieut. S. F. Varney, bearing the flag of the 15th N. H. Volunteers, tattered and torn as when carried in the assault on Port Hudson. Next came Great Falls Cornet Band, followed by the officers and speakers of the day with invited guests, Humane Lodge of Masons, the Methodist and Congregational Sabbath Schools, Motolinia Lodge of Odd Fellows, and a large cortege of carriages and citizens generally. This procession was nearly half a mile long, and was flanked and followed by a very large
number of townspeople and strangers.
Ebenezer G. Wallace
presided on the occasion. After prayer by Rev. S. Holman, the vast assemblage joined in singing " America." Mr. Wallace made some timely remarks alluding to former celebrations, and giving a very practical view of the war and of our duty of meeting the issues here at home in order to sustain it. Col. C. S. Whitehouse then read the Declaration of Independence, and the band played
14
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" Hail Columbia." The orator of the day was Franklin McDuffee, who spoke substantially as follows: -*
" This is a day of festivities. The joyous peal of bells and the echo of guns with which its dawn was saluted; the general desertion of business by those of all classes and occupations ; this procession, this martial music ; this assemblage in such a delightful spot, of old and young, of men, women, and happy children, all proclaim that it is no common holiday. This day of all the days of the year receives at our hands peculiar honors. And why ? Because it is the nation's birthday ; because it is the first day of the American year; because upon this day, nearly a century ago, were laid broad and deep the foundations of repub- lican government and republican institutions; because upon this day the patriot hand first smote the rock from which gushed forth in living streams all those privileges and blessings which at this very hour distinguish the American citizen above the citizens of every other nation upon the face of the earth. It is a day celebrated throughout the whole extent of our country wherever there is a loyal American heart, North, South, East, or West. And in the countries of the Old World, too, wherever there beats a true American heart, that heart turns fondly towards the associations of its native land ; and in London, in Paris, in Pekin, will be remembered the anniversary of American Independence."
The speaker next contrasted this with other holidays, showing that this alone is purely and distinctively American, and that it ought to be celebrated with the most earnest and devoted patri- otism. Then followed a brief outline of our National history, showing the mistake made at the beginning by admitting the institution of slavery which was directly in conflict with the immortal Declaration on which our government was founded.
"Let us all give thanks then upon this great day that such a great evil is removed from our government. We all professed to loathe it. We all professed a desire to be rid of it. Let us rejoice that it is gone, forever gone.
' But yesterday the word of Cæsar Might have stood against the world; Now lies he there, And none so poor to do him reverence.'
Stabbed by the hand of his friend was Cæsar; stabbed also was slavery by the hand of those who declared they would make it the corner-stone of a new and mighty empire."
The words of John Adams in reference to the Declaration were then quoted and the incidents connected with its adoption were recalled. A somewhat extended comparison was made between the patriotism and energy of the time of the Revolution and the then present crisis, the speaker confidently asserting "that the
* Probably the author himself would not have inserted this address, but it seems to be worthy of permanent preservation. - [Editor.]
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patriotism of this generation is not exceeded by that of the Revo- lution or any other period." He declared also that history had never recorded " a brighter instance of constancy and determination of purpose than has been manifested during the past three years of the present war." In proof of this assertion he cited the various prominent battles which had already given renown to our arms throughout the world, adding a stirring panegyric upon the exploits of our heroic soldiers.
" Noble men! Defenders of their nation's honor! They are writing the nation's history, - writing it with the sword and bayonet, in characters of indel- ible glory. They are sacrificing their lives by hundreds and thousands daily, that the government so dear to them may live and not die. They shall live in history, and as we have read of the exploits of our fathers at Bennington, at Sar- atoga, at Trenton, and at Yorktown, so shall future generations study with admi- ration and pride the achievements of these men at Gettysburg, at Port Hudson, at New Orleans, at Charleston, and at Richmond. So long as history shall be read, so long as language shall be written, so long shall be admired their con- stancy, their patriotism, their self-sacrificing devotion. Living they shall expe- rience the care, the protection, the veneration of their fellow-men; dying, their virtues shall be forever embalmed in the memories of a grateful posterity."
The opposition to the war in revolutionary times was compared with the present opposition and the hope expressed "that even in these particulars the present generation has not been without some improvement upon their ancestors." The closing portion of the speech was as follows : -
" The question is often asked, For what are we fighting? It implies on the part of those who frequently ask it, either real ignorance of the objects of the war, or an entire inability to comprehend the vast importance of the questions at issue. If we are fighting for nothing, or what is worse than nothing, simply to gratify the passions of hatred and revenge, then the war is one stupendous and outrageous piece of folly. In order therefore that our minds may be assured of the justness of the cause in which we are engaged, it becomes us solemnly to inquire and constantly keep in view the great objects for which we are con- tending. When we consider the magnitude of the contending armies, the dreadful perfection of the enginery of death, the vast extent of territory over which the strife rages, the carnage, the destruction of property, the number and the ob- stinate character of the battles fought, we cannot but feel that perhaps the human race never suffered a more direful calamity; and when we reflect that in addition to being sanguinary the war is a civil war, that these combatants were a few years ago peaceful members of the same government, a government founded by a common ancestry, a government in whose history they felt a common pride and delight, a government whose protection they shared and en- joyed together in common; we are amazed that the fratricidal hand should ever have been uplifted to destroy the life of such a beneficent government.
" Then, firstly and chiefly, we are fighting for the national existence; we are fighting for the preservation of the integrity of the Union, its oneness, its wholeness, that it may remain, as it has ever been, one great, whole, undivided, undiminished nation, unshorn in honor, power, magnificence. We are fighting
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not simply that Georgia may not secede, or South Carolina, but that New Hampshire may not secede, or Massachusetts, or any other State, or every State, for if one may then may all. We are fighting that Rochester may not secede, that any individual here present who happens to be dissatisfied may not secede; we are fighting for the great general principle which lies at the foundation of all goverment, and without which no government could exist for a single day, the principle that no part can withdraw from the remainder. When we once recognize or admit the right of secession, that moment the national existence virtually terminates, and we have instead of government, anarchy; instead of law and order, we have chaos and confusion. Every individual here present is part and parcel of the national government, whether he wills to be or not, voluntarily or involuntarily he is such a part.
If, therefore, one of you should commit a crime against his neighbor, or against the community, think you that you could avoid punishment therefor by simply declaring that you would most respectfully withdraw from the government ! The idea would be simply ridiculous, and it is fully as ridiculous when applied to the State as when applied to the individual. Nothing can be clearer than that national existence itself is at stake in this controversy.
" Again, we are fighting for our institutions. This is a war between democratic ideas and aristocratic ideas. Upon one side the people say, 'We have educated ourselves through our public schools and free institutions, we have qualified ourselves to take part in the administration of the affairs of government, we claim an equal share and equal voice in the direction of its affairs; we claim equal rights and privileges under that government.' On the other side it is replied, ' Not so, you have mistaken your true position. Democratic government is a failure. The people are not qualified to govern themselves. You are but the mud-sills of society. Slavery is the proper foundation of a model government. Slavery is the normal and healthy condition of society.' It is a war between free institutions and slave institutions. It is a war between free labor and
slave labor. Between free schools, free churches, free everything, on the one side, and on the other the institutions of barbarism, ignorance, and depravity. " Again, we are fighting for the great cause of humanity. It is the cause of the poor, the persecuted, the oppressed, the enslaved. It is the cause of the
ignorant and the deluded. It is the cause of the Declaration of Independence, and the great self-evident truths therein contained 'that all men are created free and equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with inalienable rights, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.' Although the abolition of slavery was not one of the immediate objects of the war, yet during its progress it has become unavoidably one of the inevitable consequences. Although we engaged in the war simply to preserve the government and defend its integrity, yet we find ourselves unavoidably fighting at the same time in behalf of the cause of human rights and human freedom. In still another sense are we fighting for the cause of humanity. In a sense nearer to us all, which appeals more directly and deeply to all our tender feelings and sympathies. We are fighting against the inhumanity of our enemies, - against the barbarous, fiendish, hellish inhu- manity which exhibited itself at Fort Pillow and Libby prison, -against the inhumanity which with cool and deliberate purpose murders, tortures, degrades, and insults the unfortunate victims who fall within its clutches. We are fighting for the brave Union soldiers, the husbands, fathers, sons, and brothers who are scattered throughout the rebel Confederacy. Did ever holier cause inspire the heart or nerve the arm of patriotism ?
" Again, we are fighting in behalf of civilization. Already the civilized na- tions of the earth were united in their detestation of the institution of slavery, while we boasting ourselves the freest and most enlightened of all have toler- ated, encouraged, and fostered it. We have made ourselves the hissing stock of Christendom. Since the present war began, civilization has been making rapid strides in the Old World. The monarchical governments of Europe have adopted the most vital and important reforms. Russia has by proclamation given emanci-
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pation to all the serfs of all that vast empire. France has liberalized her govern- ment by introducing a juster system of representation. England is even now gitating and discussing the same subject, to carry it to still further extent. Yet while these events have been taking place around us, our own nation has been engaged in a desperate struggle, at the bottom of which lies the institution of human bondage. One of the most distinguished writers of Great Britain has written of the American war, that it is the foulest chimney of the nineteenth century; let it burn itself out. Though started as matter of taunt and sarcasm, I accept it as true. It is a fact that slavery is the blackest soot that ever befouled any national chimney, and it is just as true that the war is every day burning it out.
" Again, we are fighting for the national honor. We did not engage in the war until we had been robbed and plundered of our property. Our arms, our navy yards, our custom-houses were seized, our transports fired upon, our na- tional flag insulted, our ports bombarded, and their garrisons captured, and every motive of national honor appeals to us to avenge and punish such daring out- rages. Otherwise we should forfeit the respect of mankind, and be esteemed little better than a nation of arrant cowards whose rights could be trampled upon with perfect impunity.
" And still again, we are fighting for peace. We all desire peace. We are sick and tired of the miseries of war. Alas, we begin to have a realizing sense of the dreadful import of that little word - war. We desire its termina- tion. The whole country prays earnestly for peace. But we wish a permanent and substantial peace - a peace not for a day and this generation simply, but a peace for to-morrow - a peace for coming years, and future generations. No such peace can be obtained on the basis of a divided nationality. Look at the countries of Europe, and the causes of their frequent quarrels and wars - dis- puted boundaries and grasping avarice to acquire territory. As it is with them, so would it be with us, and were a peace patched up to-day on the principle of a divided nationality, we should find that instead of peace we had gained eternal war and eternal dread of wars to come.
" These are some of the objects for which we are contending. We are fighting for the existence of the government, and the preservation of its integrity. We are fighting for our institutions. We are fighting for the cause of humanity and civilization. We are fighting for national honor, and we are fighting for a permanent and abiding peace. This war is not second in importance to that of the revolution. It is vastly more vital in its issues. Unless we are successful in this, then was the revolution fought in vain.
" Let us then profit by the example of the fathers of those times. Let us imitate their virtues, while we seek to avoid their faults, - knowing that His- tory will judge us as it has judged them; with honor, if we are true to the great requirements of national duty; if false, with ignominy and contempt. Let us remember that the first great duty of an American citizen is loyalty to his government, -earnest, hearty, loyalty; not the reluctant loyalty which springs from fear or shame, not the faint, glimmering twilight of loyalty, but loyalty which shines with the full brightness of the sun -loyalty which is founded upon faith - faith in the government and its defenders -faith in the justness of our cause, and its final triumphant establishment - faith in the bright destiny of our nation - and faith in the protection of an overruling and almighty Providence. In the words of Webster, 'Fellow citizens, take courage. Be of good cheer. We shall come to no ignoble end. We shall live and not die. During the period allotted to our several lives we shall continue to rejoice in the return of this anniversary. The ill-omened sounds of fanaticism will be hushed; the ghastly specters of Secession and Disunion will disappear, and the enemy of united constitutional liberty, if his hatred cannot be appeased, may prepare to have his eyeballs seared as he beholds the steady flight of the American Eagle on his burnished wings for years and years to come.'"
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March 14, 1865, $30,000 was voted for bounties and the support of soldiers' families. This is the last war vote of which we have the record. Soon came the collapse of the rebellion. In less than a month Richmond had been taken, and Lee had surren- dered. The news was received everywhere with great rejoicing. " The Rochester Courier " says,
" Monday [Ap. 9] was a red-letter day in the way of rejoicing. The news of the surrender of Lee and his army brought out the flags and the cannon, and half an hour after the arrival of the train, the bells and the cannon brought out the people. Work was abandoned, and congratulations and rejoicings were the order of the day, except among thie copperheads who looked sour and disap- pointed, and generally answered the congratulating salutation that the news was glorious, with a sort of reluctant assent, with the qualification, 'Yes, if it is true.' One poor devil whose name, if given, might disgrace his children, impo- tently threatened prosecution if a bonfire was made in the street. He went home. The war wing of the Democracy went in good earnest for celebrating. In the afternoon a huge pile of wood, hogsheads, tar-barrels, boxes, and all conceivable kinds of fuel was heaped up on the square near the flagstaff. With the shades of evening came a most brilliant illumination, a great bonfire, and a great crowd. The whole business part of the village was a blaze of light. With one exception every store was illuminated, also the lawyers' offices, and the various shops and saloons, besides many private residences, which were greeted with cheers by the procession marshaled by Capt. Luther Sampson and C. K. Chase, Esq. It was a happy time. All enjoyed themselves whose sym- pathies were not with the rebellion, and without a single instance of rowdyism or drunkenness, the festivities closed before ten o'clock, and the crowd retired to their homes."
Less than a week later came that day of terror when the foul assassination of President Lincoln flashed over the shuddering wires to the consternation and overwhelming grief of all good citizens. The news reached Rochester Saturday noon, April 15. The following is condensed from the "Rochester Courier."
" The appalling circumstances of his death seemed to strike every one with terror, and the fact could scarcely be realized. Our little business community was dressed in mourning, all work was suspended, the flags were at half-mast draped with crape, and people went about with sad and downcast faces, relating the particulars of the assassination to astounded crowds on the corners of all the streets and in all public places. In pursuance of the proclamation to observe Wednesday, the day of the funeral, in a fitting and proper manner, a prelimi- nary meeting was held on Monday evening, and James H. Edgerly, Jacob H. Ela, James Farrington, E. G. Wallace, Robert McIlroy, J. F. Place, and Henry Sondheim were appointed to make the necessary arrangements. They decided upon a' public meeting at one o'clock P. M. on Wednesday, at the Congrega- tional Church, and invited John McDuffee, Esq., to preside. Public notice was given under authority of the Selectmen, and there was a large attendance of people from all parts of town. The church was draped with festoons of black, and immediately back of the altar were large portraits of Washington and Lin- coln adorned with rosettes and pendants, while in front of the organ was a splendid specimen of the stars and stripes. Mr. McDuffee opened the meeting
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with a few timely remarks, and then read the Governor's Proclamation in rela- tion to the public observance of the day. Rev. W. T. Smith read a portion of scripture and offered an appropriate prayer. Rev. Prescott Fay delivered an address of about three fourths of an hour in length, which was listened to most attentively throughout. He alluded very feelingly to the many virtues of the President, to the trials and responsibilities of his position, and to the only reward which vile traitors gave him for his goodness of heart towards them. Rev. W. T. Smith made some appropriate remarks severely denouncing the conspiracy and the assassin, and eulogizing our beloved President who had been so foully murdered. Hon. J. H. Ela in a brief speech of much fervor, which found a warm response in the hearts of his hearers, introduced the fol- lowing resolutions in behalf of the citizens' committee : -
""' Whereas we believe it to be a fitting occasion when the loyal heart of the whole nation is plunged in grief at the loss of its beloved Chief Magistrate assassinated to paralyze the executive arm of the nation, for each community to express its sense of the great bereavement, and do honor to the distinguish- ed public services and private virtues which adorned the character of the Pres- ident; and in view of the great common loss, to come together and solemnly resolve to pledge anew our devotion and undoubted faith in the principles upon which our nation is founded - our determination to maintain its unity - and our desire that mercy may be mingled with justice in dealing with those who have offended against it, therefore
"' Resolved, that in the death of Abraham Lincoln the nation mourns an Executive Chief Magistrate, who, to a love of liberty and unbending integrity, added the spirit of justice and unfaltering faith in the darkest hour of trial, mingled with tender sympathy for those in error, and forgiveness for those in wrong, which endeared him to every American heart; and who by his irre- proachable example in public life, joining in a happy degree prudence with power, humanity, patriotism, and wisdom, with firm religious trust, has added new luster to the Presidential office.
"' Resolved, that in this afflicting dispensation we feel that new obligations are laid upon us to devote more of our energies to the welfare of the Republic, that by absolute justice we may secure lasting peace and prosperity, - that out of this furnace of national and personal affliction, we shall as a people be better prepared to accomplish our mission of a great, united, and Christian Republic.
"' Resolved, that we desire to express our deep sympathy with the family afflicted by this bereavement, and our admiration of the husband and father who by kindness of heart, purity of intention, and sincerity of purpose, had endeared himself to the nation.
" ' Resolved, that to Andrew Johnson called by this sudden visitation to the Presidency, we extend our sympathy and support in the trying responsibilities of his position ; and commend him to the protecting care of the Infinite Ruler who holds in his hands alike the destiny of nations and individuals.
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