USA > New Hampshire > New Hampshire Sesqui-centennial celebration. One hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the establishment of independent government > Part 3
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Hon. William J. Ahern, Secretary of the State Board of Charities and Correction, vet- eran legislator, who has served longer in the N. H. House of Representatives than any other living man, and who was the Speaker of the House in 1923, was next called upon, and spoke extemporaneously in his usual bright and pleas- ing manner, expressing his satisfaction in being able to participate in the exercises of the day, recalling pleasant memories of the past, and happily returning the compliment bestowed up-
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on him by the preceding speaker. Mr. Ahern never prepares a speech, but readily speaks to the point whenever occasion requires. As the oldest and most experienced legislator in the State, he received an ovation.
Address of Hon. Arthur G. Whittemore
Mr. Speaker and Fellow Citizens:
New Hampshire has the honor of being the first of the states to adopt an independent gov- ernment, and to separate herself from the rule of England. As the history of this event has been told you by the gentlemen that have pre- ceded me I will not attempt to repeat and enum- erate those important events that led to the adoption of New Hampshire's Constitutional Government.
From the history of the men and events lead- ing to the adoption of the constitution and in- dependent form of government of our state we may draw inspiration and guidance. Let us not forget that it is our duty to guard and pro- tect our state and its citizenry from being merged and absorbed by the National Govern- ment. We have reached that point in the gov- ernment evolution where we had better pause and consider whither we are drifting. Our National Government is already overburdened with problems not national, and if the states which have been its support are destroyed the result will be disastrous. It is the states which give the country and the national government stability, and are the chief strength against as- sault upon the liberties of the people. Study the history of our country and in every instance of its peril it has been the states on which the
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National Government depended. When the Civil War broke upon us had not the forces and organizations of the several states come to its rescue the result of that great war would have been doubtful, for the national government was honeycombed with secession, weak and helpless.
Has the day dawned, when the states which comprise these United States, are unable or un- willing to manage those vital matters which pertain to the personal wants and conduct of its citizens not related to national affairs? It was recently said by President Coolidge in an ad- dress delivered on an occasion similar to this, "We must also recognize that the national ad- ministration is not and can not be adjusted to the needs of local government. It is too far away to be informed of local needs, too inacces- sible to be responsive to local conditions."
I am convinced that we must call a halt in the present tendency of the times or, in a few years, we shall have transformed the entire structure of this government as designed by our forefathers. There is too much paternal- ism to-day in modern legislation. We are tak- ing from the citizen too much of his responsi- bility, which if continued, will make him a de- pendent and thus will destroy his capacity for self government.
As a matter of fact a citizen without re- sponsibility ceases to be a citizen and becomes a subject. We do not want subjects, we want citizens of the same type that organized New Hampshire's first independent government which we are celebrating here to-day.
All honor to the great and good men, found- ers of our state.
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Address of Hon. Albert O. Brown
Mr. Speaker, Ladies and Gentlemen :
The several state constitutions which so readi- ly appeared in the revolutionary period of our history were not the result wholly or chiefly of contemporaneous inspiration or study. Many of their provisions were derived from the royal charters under which the English colonies in America had been created and governed. These in turn can be traced back to beginnings as re- mote and obscure as those of the English law in general. In some states these early charters were themselves treated as constitutions long after independence had been declared and un- til others had been adopted in their stead. This was true in Massachusetts for a number of years, in Connecticut for almost half a century and in Rhode Island for nearly two generations. The constitution under which we lived during the seven years of conflict with the mother coun- try, and which was continued for a year there- after, was more nearly original than most others of revolutionary production.
This constitution of less than one thousand words devoted more than a quarter of its space to expressions of protest, justification and the hope of reconciliation. It may be said with candor that there probably never was greater need of explanation and defense on the eve of revolt than in the case of New Hampshire. For a century and a half her brave and hardy people had been contented and happy, with few of those bickerings with the representatives of royalty so common elsewhere. They had en- gaged in no religious controversies or civil con- tention of consequence. They had been too busy
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in forcing a reluctant livelihood from field and forest to quarrel among themselves. As com- rades in arms they had opposed the savage peril that never for a moment was absent until the close of the French and Indian War. Upon the removal of that menace the province settled down to enjoy a long peace under the mild and enlightened rule of the last of the royal gov- ernors, the much beloved but later proscribed Sir John Wentworth, a native of New Hamp- shire and always solicitous for her welfare. Eight years of prosperity ensued.
Under these circumstances it is not strange that the people of New Hampshire preferred to remain loyal to their King. But their desire in this regard was overcome by their sympathy for the other colonists who had suffered much while they had suffered little from British mis- rule. So they cast their lot with them and be- came leaders in the struggle for independence.
This early constitution was promulgated on the day whose anniversary we celebrate. It
was a war measure. The feature of the instru- ment was the creation of a legislature to which it committed almost absolute power to be trans- ferred, as it proved, to a small committee of safety sitting for the greater part of the time. Thus was afforded as fine an example of cen- tralization and efficiency in government as the western world has supplied.
So New Hampshire came to have a written constitution, the first adopted by any American colony. That it was conceived more in sorrow than in anger is evident from its express refer- ence to reconciliation with the "parent state." But the hope of so happy an outcome, generally entertained at the time, was extinguished by
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the events of the next few months and in the following June, three weeks in advance of fed- eral action, New Hampshire declared for the independence of the colonies. Free government under a written constitution and a declaration of independence in the same year made 1776 memorable in this state.
The declaration, after a recital of wrongs, contained instructions to the congressional del- egates to join with their colleagues in "declar- ing the thirteen United Colonies, a free and in- dependent State." It also contained a pledge of the faith and honor of the people that they would support this measure with their lives and fortunes.
Did New Hampshire keep the faith of the obligations involved in these two immortal un- dertakings? The facts should answer. Her reduction of Fort William and Mary at New- castle was an earnest in advance of her obser- ance of later pledges. Her contributions to Bunker Hill were in part performance of sub- sequent promises. And they were of incalcu- lable worth, including the officer with the larg- est command, a majority of the troops engaged, most of the powder burned and even the use of the field on which the battle was fought. Be- fore her marksmen England's best were piled in windrows.
"For the Angel of Death spread his wings on the blast, And breathed in the face of the foe as he pass'd."
At Bennington, the Gettysburg of the revolu- tion, there was further performance. For that engagement New Hampshire furnished the commanding officer and most of the men. In fine she acquitted herself like "a party to the contest" in every campaign and upon almost
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every field from that where McClary was killed to that where Scammell fell. And her achieve- ments on the sea were not less glorious than on the land.
With the first dawn of peace the impoverish- ed state began the framing of a permanent con- stitution. But constitution making is a slow and deliberate process and it was not until 1784 that she was able, even with the aid of the Mass- achusetts compact which was freely copied, to formulate and establish her fundamental law. Seven years later this was so far perfected by amendment that a period of eighty-five years then elapsed with but a single alteration.
Since that alteration a few long agitated changes have been made in that part of the con- stitution devoted to the form of government, of which the previsions abolishing religious and property tests for office and authorizing the de- cision of elections by a plurality of votes are ex- amples. The bill of rights also has been amend- ed, but only in regard to the qualification of voters and the trial of small cases. Our people have hesitated to question the inherent and "un- alienable" rights of man set forth in their bill as well as enumerated, for a large part, in many noble declarations from the Great Charter down to the American constitutions, albeit there are some blemishes in the record.
It is said our constitution is so slow and diffi- cult of amendment that it cannot be kept abreast of the needs of the state in her progress. It was not intended by its framers that it should be im- mediately responsive to public opinion and thus become encumbered by other than fundamental and enduring provisions. As a safeguard against this danger the convention method of amend-
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ment, with its assurance of time and delibera- tion, has been exclusively adhered to by New Hampshire, alone of all the states.
The need of amendment is often obviated by judicial application and interpretation. A club to conduct horse races was incorporated under a legislative charter whose provisions were ex- pected to exempt those placing bets upon the sport from criminal punishment here, as like provisions had done in New York. But in view of the constitutional rule of uniformity and equality of privilege the justices of the supreme court were enabled to suggest an interpretation of the charter that permitted no exemption and abated a great nuisance. It was sought to im- pose a flat tax for the improvement of the high- ways upon gasolene sold in this state. The jus- tices advised in substance that while the desired assessment could not be levied as a tax it might with slight modification be collected as a toll. Thus the constitutional rule of proportion was avoided and the fact that "a rose by any other name would smell as sweet," illustrated. When it became essential in the public interest to sus- tain a tax on incomes the court found that full authority had long resided in the constitution. Indeed that instrument is much less rigid than it seems to be, for the rules of conduct and the principles of government enunciated therein are largely general in their terms and therefore in the main applicable to the varying conditions not only of a day or a generation but of all time.
Through the years the New Hampshire con- stitution has performed its work admirably. With its unlimited power of orderly amend- ment by the people, and its ample capacity for reasonable interpretation by the court, it should
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not be less adequate and useful in the future than in the past ..
Address of Hon. Fred H. Brown
Mr. Speaker, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I appreciate the honor of being invited to ad- dress this distinguished gathering, and I am glad of an opportunity to say something about the work of the public service commission ; but I am well aware that the greatest service I can render the public at this time is to surrender my commission as an orator after a very few minutes.
The public service commission, under that name, is one of the youngest of all the New Hampshire state commissions. Its board of three commissioners has had but six members in the fifteen years of its existence. But the principle of state regulation and supervision of public service corporations goes back, in New Hampshire, almost a century, to 1838, when the Legislature passed an act authorizing the gov- ernor and council to appoint railroad commis- sioners, three for each county in the state. That would have given each commissioner about as much railroad to look after as a section fore- man has to-day.
This arrangement soon was found to be im- practicable and a state railroad commission was substituted. From 1855 to 1883 the members of this commission were elected by popular vote. Since the latter date they have been appointed by the governor and council.
The list of 51 railroad commissioners given in the official manual of the state includes two governors, Person C. Cheney and Benjamin F.
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Prescott; a Congressman, Orren C. Moore; and many other men whose names are famous for other reasons than this particular official con- nection. This surely can be said of the oldest surviving railroad commissioner, Hon. Alvah W. Sulloway, of Franklin.
The change in name of the railroad commis- sion to public service commission is one of the myriad circumstances which go to prove or to illustrate the development of our civilization. When the public service commission was con- stituted, it was directed, in the statute which give it life, to be the intermediary between the public and not only the railroads, but also the gas, electricity and water companies, the tele- graph and telephone companies and other pub- lic utilities.
It takes a great many pages of the public laws to tell what the public service commission shall do, and when, where, why and how it may act. And yet we do not find in these recently compiled statutes any specific direction as to what we shall do about boats, dams, motor busses or superpower.
Probably many of you have been in contact, in one way or another, with the public service commission in action. So that, even if time al- lowed, I would not be justified in wearying you with an account of what the public service com- mission has accomplished in its comparatively brief life; of its workings or its problems.
We are talking this week in units of a hun- dred and fifty years, not of fifteen; but even in this latter period we have seen a great change in the transportation problems of this state. When the public service commission was creat- ed, one at least of the objects said to be behind
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its origin was to keep the railroads from play- ing too large a part in the affairs of New Hamp- shire. Now we are trying to devise some way to keep them from playing too small a part in the work of the commonwealth. But this is the exception to the rule. For the most part the private luxuries of yesterday are the public utilities of to-day. The frosting on the cake is thicker than it used to be, even though those who dance find they must pay well the fiddler, old-fashioned or jazz. To-day we are in a state of transition, as regards public utilities. We do not know what the near future may bring forth as to developments in transportation, in communication, in the creation, transmission and use of power.
It is not probable that in any of these lines New Hampshire can be near the front in the march of progress. In my opinion we cannot afford to pay for even a modest part of the ex- perimenting which is going to be done in the next decade in these departments. Our state is small and poor, lovely and lively and desirable as it is. We cannot be happy and prosperous with an increasing tax burden. Nor shall we play fair with coming generations if we leave it to them to pay for our mistakes in gauging the future. Let the great states, our rich sisters, furnish the laboratories and do the experiment- ing. And when they have answered the ques- tions which the Twentieth Century is asking, then let us take all possible advantage of their discoveries, as quickly and as largely as may be.
I know the public service commission will wel- come the day when every New Hampshire farm- er has cheap and rapid means of getting his pro- ducts to market and all the aid which electric
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power can lend to his labors. We all desire to make access to our wonderful scenery as easy and enjoyable as possible. We wish to make New Hampshire more than ever a land of happy homes, fertile farms and famous factories.
Hasten the day of all these things, but let us not try to force their blooming with richer fer- tilizer than we can afford to apply.
Address of Hon. Huntley N. Spaulding
Mr. Speaker, Fellow Citizens of New Hamp- shire :
It is a real privilege to be here this afternoon and participate in these exercises which com- memorate the 150th birthday anniversary of our State. I am particularly pleased to stand here as a representative of the State Board of Education, a department which to my mind is one of the most important in the State.
The founders of our Republic recognized the necessity of properly educating the youth of the land if our country was to endure through- out the forthcoming generations. George Washington, in his farewell address of 1796, spoke of the great necessity of properly educat- ing future generations, and John Jay, the first Chief Justice of the United States, said that he considered knowledge to be "the soul of the Republic." It was the fourth President of the United States, James Madison, who wrote "a popular government without proper informa- tion or the means of acquiring it is but a pro- logue to a farce or a tragedy."
While these forefathers realized, as indivi- duals, the importance of education, it is a fact that there was no real national educational con- sciousness until about 1820, forty-four years af-
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ter New Hampshire became a state. Thaddeus Stevens, who did more towards establishing the public schools than any other individual, spoke in defense of the Pennsylvania educational bill, passed in 1834 before the Legislature of that state.
At that time he said in part :- "If an elective Republic is to endure for any length of time, every elector must have sufficient information not only to accumulate wealth and take care of his pecuniary concerns, but to direct wisely the legislature, the ambassadors, and the Ex- ecutive of the Nation-for some part of all these things, some agency in approving or disapprov- ing of them, falls to every free man. If, then, the permanency of our Government depends upon such knowledge, it is the duty of Govern- ment to see that the means of information be diffused to every citizen. This is a sufficient answer to those who deem education a private and not a public duty." Abraham Lincoln, when a candidate for the Illinois Legislature in 1832, stated that he believed education to be the most important subject which we as a people could be engaged in, and said that every man should receive a proper education in order to appre- ciate the value of our free institutions.
As changes have occurred in our country since the time of Lincoln, the public school sys- tem has been changed to meet the need. It has now become a generally accepted idea in the United States that the proper unit for educa- tion should be the state. New Hampshire adopted this principle, in a small way, as far back as 1847, when John W. Rust was chosen Commissioner of Education. He served for three years after which ten commissioners of
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education were appointed, one for each county. In 1860 New Hampshire changed back to the system of one Commissioner of Education for the entire state.
It was not until 1919 that a law was passed in New Hampshire giving any real centralized state authority over our entire public school system. Since this time we have made great strides in public educational work in this state. We have practically succeeded in equalizing the educational opportunities of children in city and rural districts. This, has been one of the outstanding features of our work.
One of the chief factors in bringing about this equalization of educational opportunities has been the State superintendents. There are in New Hampshire sixty-four supervisory unions, so divided that each rural section has practical- ly the same attention as a city section. The public school work in each district is now super- vised by a high grade superintendent, who must have had a college education and at least five years of successful teaching experience.
Our Normal Schools, now under the direct charge of the State Board of Education, are at the present time graduating enough students to fill the vacancies in public school teaching staffs throughout the state. So in addition to pro- viding proper supervision, we have made un- usual progress in the direction of furnishing properly trained teachers for all of our public schools.
In 1919 there were 924 schools that had school years of less than thirty-six weeks, and some schools had as low as sixteen to twenty weeks in their respective school years. Last year there were only twenty schools with less than thirty-
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six weeks in their school years. In 1919 we had only 240 students attending our Normal Schools, and this year 860 pupils were registered at these important institutions where we train our teachers. In 1919 one third of our teachers were Normal School graduates and as we have already noted, at present we are graduating enough teachers from Normal Schools to fill all vacancies in the state. One of the serious things connected wtih a good school system is the changes made during the school year by resignations of teachers. In 1918 we had 540 changes in teaching staffs throughout the state during the school year, but last year, we had only 109 such changes. Seven years ago less than one-third of our children had medical attention while to-day they all have it. In 1919 we had approximately 500 school buildings in the State of New Hampshire which were considered un- suitable for school purposes. At the present time we have seventy-five unfit buildings.
In 1919 people were leaving our State in order that they might give their children a better ed- ucation. To-day we are inviting them to come to New Hampshire to enjoy the school privi- leges which we can now offer them. I believe the State of New Hampshire has made genuine progress during the recent years along the lines of public education.
Our system is built on a solid foundation and it should continue to be a real service in pro- ducing that splendid type of men and women citizens for which New Hampshire has been noted since it was founded 150 years ago.
Daniel Webter, one of New Hampshire's most illustrious sons, must have had education in mind when he said :-
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"If we work upon marble, it will perish; if we work upon brass, time will efface it; if we rear temples, they will crumble into dust; but if we work upon immortal minds, if we imbue them with principles, with the just fear of God and love of our fellowmen, we engrave on those tablets something which will brighten to all eternity."
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Wednesday, June 2, Anniversary Day
The day opened auspiciously, so far as weath- er conditions were concerned, and long before the hour set for the spectacular feature of the Celebration,-the School Parade-North State, North Main and Pleasant Streets, included in the line of march, were lined with thousands of people, anxiously awaiting the appearance of the 3,000 pupils of the various grades, who had manifestly been thoroughly drilled for the oc- casion, and whose splendid marching, as they proceeded over the line, contributed as much to elicit the continuous applause with which they were greeted, as did the colorful picture pre- sented by their neat costumes, waving flags and banners. Different periods of history were de- picted by different elementary schools, and numerous handsome floats greatly enhanced the attractiveness of the parade, which was gener- ally pronounced the finest even seen in Concord.
There was an ample supply of music, the band of the 197th Artillery, N. H. N. G., leading the march, and Nevers' Second Infantry, and the High School bands also in line, also a group of bagpipers from Manchester. The Concord Board of Education, including its woman mem- bers, and the Superintendents, occupied an ap- propriate place in the line, and the various teachers accompanied their several schools.
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