USA > New Hampshire > Grafton County > Canaan > The history of Canaan, New Hampshire > Part 27
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The church met again on November 9th and a long and fruit- less discussion ensued. Various propositions were offered for the settlement of the difficulties. To none of which would Mr. Trussell consent. It was then voted that the church will pro- ceed to settle the dispute in their own way. Meantime as a pre- liminary step, Brother Trussell was suspended from Church Communion.
On November 27th an adjourned meeting of the church was held in the church and open to the public. There was "a large attendance." A long and desultory discussion ensued upon the subject with Brother Trussell, and he not denying the charges alleged against him, nor giving the brethren aggrieved any satis- faction, but persisting in his own justification, together with his trifling with the feelings of the brethren, and his abusive language, it was
Voted, that Mr. Trussell withdraw while the Church consult for a few moments. Whereupon the members of the Church after delibera- tion voted to suspend Brother Trussell from the Church indefinitely.
And now there was discord between the church and the pas- tor, Rev. Edward C. Fuller, growing out of this business. It seemed that he had given a letter of Christian fellowship to Mr. Trussell to transfer his relations to the church in Franklin, and this is done while he is under discipline of suspension in the church. The following is a copy of the original letter:
Canaan Jany 11. 1836
This may certify to whom it may concern that Mr. Jacob Trussell is a member of the Church of Christ in this place of which the undersigned is pastor. He is in regular standing with the exception of censure for assisting in the removal of the Noyes Academy, and in all other re- spects is recommended to the care and fellowship of any other church,
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where God in his providence may locate him. And when admitted into the fellowship and care of another Church his relation to this Church will cease.
E. C. FULLER,
Pastor of the first Congregational Church in Canaan N. H.
On the first day of March, 1836, Bro. Bart Heath was ar- raigned upon the same charges and passed through the same ordeal as Mr. Trussell, but with less resolution. It was "voted to excuse Brother Bart Heath for the part he acted in the re- moval of the Academy, in consequence of his confessions and explanations." A letter of "recommendation" was also granted him. Brother Heath also expressed a strong desire to be forgiven for any and all his expressions derrogating to a Christian, or against his brethren, expressing his sorrow and asking forgive- ness of the church, which was freely granted. Afterwards on the 7th of March, "Voted that Brother Jacob Trussell be excommunicated from this Church."
A committee of five was chosen to send a letter to the Congre- gational Church in Franklin, informing them of the accusation against Jacob Trussell for "which he is excommunicated from this Church." Then finally it was resolved, "that we (members of the Congregational Church) disapprove of the measures taken by our late Pastor in giving Jacob Trussell a letter, as we think Mr. Trussell unworthy to be connected with any regular Church after taking into consideration his past conduct." The mem- bers of the church most conspicuous in these proceedings were Timothy Tilton, Nathaniel Barber, George Harris, Hubbard Har- ris, Jr., Joshua Pillsbury, Isaac Towle, Samuel Drake, Jesse E. Emerson, Caleb Gilman, Amos Gould.
Here we take leave of the church records and return to the affairs of the world. So far as Noyes Academy is concerned, our history is about finished. It only remains to record two or three striking events. The town by vote, repaired the building, ap- propriating the money from the Surplus Revenue Fund, and the spirit that "hauled" it from its first foundation was evoked to make good the pledges it made itself. A teacher was hired and a few pupils attended for a few weeks, six or eight, and the money or the disposition failing, the school was discontinued. Several attempts were made to open it, but they ended in failure.
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An attempt was made by the "town" or those who had abducted the building, to compromise with the proprietors, but these stood aloof, believing and hoping a day of redress would come, but it never came. These unlawful acts which it was claimed public opinion demanded, have been atoned for, but not in human courts of justice. On the morning of December 31, 1838, it was found that seven windows had been removed the night before. Search was made for them; a pile of fragments of sash and broken glass, pounded almost to powder, were found on the shore of the pond.
A town meeting was called on the 17th, to see what "the town will do towards repairing the injury done to the Academy by a Midnight Mob. Got up by a party who professes all the Religion Mortality and Humility and who preaches so much against the Mob, Mobites and the Mobs Committee." And Caleb Blodgett, Thomas Flanders and James Pattee were chosen to "search out and bring the perpetrators to justice." It was also voted to re- pair the injury. This outrage was believed to have been com- mitted by George Drake, who took this method to receipt a blacksmithing bill, which he had against the present owners of the Academy. The failure by the town to establish a school in the Academy after they had taken possession of it, and the pro- prietors had looked on at their failure, with probably no feel- ings of sorrow, aroused the old feeling against the Abolitionists. The diary again says :
The Abolition question at this time (1839) was one continued theme of excitement. The heart grows sick and disgusted at the repetition of the slang and abuse of the self-constituted club of Jacobins, at the lower end of the Street. Weeks, Blodgett and Flanders, sly and wicked be- yond redemption, because of the unholy influence of their secret councils, the soft Martins (E. & J.), the ferocious Pattees, the tiger act- ing Campbells, that coterie of a D-n, the devil, for diabolism can be compared to none other now in existence.
The building had been standing several years a silent monu- ment of all the bad feelings of the human heart. Its doors were seldom opened to the student. Many persons had expressed a wish that it might burn down, and its ashes scattered to the four winds, and that the recollection of it might cease from the recollection of man. On the night of March 7, 1839, a
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great light illuminated the heavens. All the people leaped from their beds, and saw the building, the cause of so much sor- row and sin, enveloped in flames. No efforts were made to ex- tinguish it. And the ashes were indeed scattered to the four winds.
James Richardson of the class of 1841 of Dartmouth College, was engaged to teach in the Academy in the spring of 1839, after it was burned his school was transferred to Burley's Hall. Five days after the burning the annual town meeting occurred. The question of personal damages had recently been revived and had caused some uneasiness among that "Committee of Re- moval." Several of them, including Jacob Trussell, who at this time was residing in Franklin, had asked the town to pro- tect them, and on this occasion, a resolution was adopted of which the following is a copy :
Resolved, that we, as a town, will defend Jacob Trussell, or any oth- ers, engaged with him, in the removal of Noyes Academy, against any suit or suits, that may be brought against said Trussell or others on account of said removal.
In announcing this vote, James Arvin said: "Of all the Isms that ever were introduced into Canaan, Abolitionism has done the most mischief. It has arrayed brother against brother in the same church, neighbor against neighbor, and engendered more strife and contention than anything else combined. I am gratified to know that we have put it down so that it will be perfectly harmless for one year."
Before closing this history, which I have detailed tediously perhaps, though with scarcely a shadow of the transcendant brutality that attended it, I ought to say that as far as possible, I have been impartial. Except two men, whose names are herein present, there was not infatuation enough in the town of Canaan to have perpetrated this outrage. It was charged to the people of Canaan, but it was the deed of the whole community. It was tauntingly called the "Canaan Mob," by men ashamed of the imprudences of their allies, but it was one of the mobs of New Hampshire. It was a legitimate outbreak of a very general "public sentiment," and the honor or odium of it should be shared accordingly.
19
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People from Canaan indisposed to molest the school, were taunted wherever they went for living in "nigger town." Guide boards were nailed to trees by the wayside, indicating so many miles to "nigger town." Rev. J. L. Richardson, representative for that year, appealed to the legislature for an act of some sort to remove the "nuisance," as "public sentiment" was pleased to call the school. The legislature unaccountedly refused to in- terfere. Individual members, however, advised their reverend brother, that as the constitution and law was against him, he must take the matter into his own hands. "Public sentiment" was found to be all right, and at the appointed time, it foamed and boiled over on the ill-fated school.
A letter written at this time to Mr. Trussell by James Arvin, will show the situation of the friends of the school, who were in the minority, as well as informing Mr. Trussell of what he most desired to hear that the town would stand back of him.
Canaan, Mar. 12th., 1839. Dear Sir. Yours of the 3rd inst. was duly received and I thot proper to defer answering it until I should be able to give you the result of our elections. We have given our Political op- ponents the soundest drubbing they ever received since our party got in the ascendency; we chose our representative by 94 majority; our state and county officers by an average 80 majority, as also our representative to Congress by the same. I believe there is not a Whig abolitionist that holds office in town excepting Nathl Currier, a weigher of hay, and it was with some difficulty that the voters would consent he should hold the office. Thus you see we have carried all before us today. The trustees of Noyes Academy, allies of the Negro school, have waited in vain until after our March elections for a more favorable prospect to push on their unhallowed designs upon us. You may rely I think upon those men that co-operated with you and stood by you through the fiery ordeal you were doomed to pass while here in consequence of the active part you took and the efficient services you rendered in the re- moval of that building which is now reduced to ashes by some of the abolitionists or their tools. You were appointed at the head of a com- mittee to superintend the removal of that house, which was considered a nuisance, and you were appointed by the town and your duty assigned by the town, and they are legally and morally bound in my opinion to see you harmless, and, sir, we have passed a resolution today, in sol- emn town meeting, which reads as follows. [It is given above.] .
. Thus you see Canaan is yet awake and still on right ground as it re- spects the removal of that house and still duly appreciates the important services you rendered us on that trying occasion.
I was pleased to hear from you and am happy in having it in my
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power to give a copy of the resolution which amounts to what you desired, I believe.
It is in evidence that Canaan would not furnish the requisite team, so that cattle were invited from the neighboring towns, some volunteering, others being impressed. It is safe to say that had this same "public sentiment," out of Canaan, stayed at home, and refrained from intermeddling, the school might have been in successful operation to this day.
Among the colored people were four youths, whose names deserve record in the story of the school, and some of them have made names that will be illustrious in all future time, when the names and lives of those weak mortals who opposed them, shall only be recorded upon obscure tombstones. These youths were Henry Highland Garnet, Thomas Paul, Thomas S. Sidney and Alexander Crummell.
Garnet was 19, coal black, and until ten years of age was a slave. His father, by hard toil, had ransomed himself, his wife and children from American slavery. A year before he came to Canaan young Garnet became a Christian and united himself with the Presbyterian Church. He was afflicted with a knee disease which threatened his life. This had been much aggra- vated on his way through New England by exposure in bad weather on the outside of the stage, the place allotted "all nig- gers" by "public sentiment." He. reached Canaan exhausted and enfeebled by his hard journey, and with his crutch under his arm, hobbled up to the school, tidings of which had reached his ears; with all his discouragements he flew to the fountain of knowledge opened to him at "Noyes Academy," where he was distinguished for his modest, exemplary conduct, and won the respect of everybody that knew him. But the human wild beasts set themselves upon his track. He escaped like a startled deer, and lived eminent for his learning, revered and beloved for his sincerity and Christian benevolence, and when he spoke his eloquence filled his audience like a current of electricity. He became a doctor of divinity, and was appointed United States Minister to Liberia, where he spent many years of his life in the discharge of duties for which he was well fitted among his peo- ple. He died and was buried in Liberia.
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Two years after these events, Garnet returned to Canaan and lectured in the Congregational Church. There was no disturb- ance. The vigilance committee failed to appear. He was listened to by an earnest, thoughtful audience, and received much attention from the citizens. He was the guest of Mr. George Harris and he had a reception the same evening. Among the callers was Ben. Porter, who had been active in driving him from town. He took Garnet by the hand and told him he had heard his speech, and that he had come there to express to him his sorrow and regret he had felt on account of his bad work on the other occasion. He had only lacked a little moral courage to make him go up at the close of the speech and make public confession to the whole audience. Porter retired to private life, taking no more interest in politics. A few years later he, with his wife and family, emigrated to Michigan. He was drowned by the wrecking of a steamer on Lake Erie.
Thomas Paul was the son of a late clergyman of Boston, of graceful manners, of amiable and courteous disposition, of re- spectable talent and attainment, twenty years of age and lighter in his complexion than many of those who denied him the right to study.
Sidney was seventeen, quite white, a scholar of graceful per- son and demeanor and an accomplished writer and speaker.
Crummell was sixteen, of full African descent, his father was stolen from Africa, but he was released from slavery. He was born in the city of New York; his mother and her ancestors for several generations, were never subjected to servitude. But his father early in life, although he came of a royal family, was made a slave. His father was a native of Timanee, West Africa, a country adjoining Sierra Leone, and lived there until he was thirteen years old. Alexander Crummell's grandfather was King of Timanee, and the incidents of his early life appear to have impressed themselves very strongly upon his son's memory. He was fond of describing the travels that he took with his father's caravans in the interior of Africa and of the royal re- ceptions given to them by the various kings. Young Crummell in his early life was sent to the Mulberry Street school in New York City, which was provided by the Quakers, afterwards re- ceiving further and better instruction from white tutors pro-
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vided by his father. After leaving Canaan he studied for three years at Oneida Institute, working at farming to pay his way. In 1839 he became a candidate for Holy Orders and at the same time applied for admission as a student in the General Theo- logical Seminary of the Episcopal Church. He was admitted to Priests Orders in Philadelphia. He pursued his studies in the University of Cambridge in England. After this he sought a home in Liberia, where he remained for many years, taking the double duty of the Rectorship of a Parish and a Professorship in the College. While a citizen of this new Republic, he was frequently called upon to officiate as orator of the day; and his addresses were marked by great breadth of vision and foresight, profound historical research and decided rhetorical power. It
is said of him that if he had not been called to the work of the Christian Ministry, he might have become eminent as a states- man. After spending the bloom of his days in Liberia, he re- turned to the United States, to take up his work among his race at the capital of the Nation, where he was Rector of St. Luke's Church, until the time of his death. He wrote two books, the "Future of Africa" and "The Greatness of Christ," be- sides many contributions to various periodicals.
Many remember the visit which this man paid Canaan in 1895, with his friend, Mr. Downing. He had not been in Canaan since the night Oscar Wallace had driven him and Paul down the Lebanon road, out of town to escape the dangers which threatened their lives, and they were real, for he related how one man had discharged a pistol through the door of the Cross house at the Corner where they roomed and boarded with the family of George Kimball. Upon his arrival on the street he went to the hotel with Mr. Downing and was refused admission on account of his color. Hon. Caleb Blodgett received and en- tertained them and when his arrival became known, there was not one but what was glad to shake his hand and listen to his words from the pulpit of the Methodist Church. It was a pathetic spectacle to see this old man, tall and spare, gray, al- most blind, with a dignity befitting the position which he had held among his fellow-men, delivering a sermon to the descend- ants of those who sixty years before had driven him out of town. The contrast between the two receptions received, the first when
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a boy and the second as an old man, serve to prove that the principles of truth and justice will always prevail. Although shadowed in enmity and spite for a time they will in the end rise and bury all bad feelings underneath.
These young men fled from the "wrath that pursued them," to Oneida Institute, New York, where they were received and pursued their studies. A letter written on the 4th of July, 1835, by N. P. Rogers, one of the trustees of the school, to the Libera- tor in Boston, gives an interesting account of a celebration held at Plymouth, where these young men were present.
The speakers on this occasion failed to respond and they were about to give up that part of their exercises, when George Kimball, Esq., a zealous Abolitionist of Canaan, send word that "if our Anti-slavery was of the standard to deserve the honor," he would visit us with some fine young men of Noyes Academy, whom he had prevailed upon to come and offer their support on the occasion. "Hospitality," he said, "must open its doors in the true spirit of emancipation or we could not expect them." We promptly accepted the offer and on the third had the honor of welcoming Brother Kimball and his wife and four young gentlemen of the school to our homes. I will give you some account of their his- tory, names and what is quite important now, their color.
Paul, son of a Baptist minister, a scholar and a gentleman, quite in advance of the standard of our educated young men, of mitigated color, complexion quite endurable.
Garnet, of full unmitigated, unalleviated, unpardonable blackness, quite "incompatable with freedom," crippled, with severe lameness, nine years ago a slave in Maryland, an enlightened and refined scholar, a writer and speaker of touching beauty.
Sidney, an orphan literally, as well as by caste, more fortunate in complexion than our friend Paul, even an accomplished scholar, grace- ful and eloquent orator. It might raise the envy and the emulation of our young patricians at the higher Seminary, coveting the glories of eloquence, to see and hear him speak.
Crummell, a mere boy in years, but in talent, learning and character anything but a boy; black, sable as Touissant of the undeteriorated aspect of that land whence his father was stolen. I talked with him on the subject of insurrection. He denounced it because of its midnight slaughter of women and children. To open war for liberty, he had less objection, but it was too like murder to fall upon unarmed men, a scrupulosity more like knight-errantry than is common in these shrewd times. I asked him before a Colonizationist what the colored people would do with the colony at Liberia, if it were left to them. "Send and bring them home," said he with animation, "every man of them." "Every man you find alive," said young Garnet.
Mr. Garnet was introduced to the audience with a response, prefaced
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with some beautiful remarks on the contrast of his own feelings with those proper to the joyous day, and supported them in an address of some thirty minutes with great simplicity and pathos. His response was in substance, that it was the duty of every patriot and Christian to adopt the principles of the abolitionists, for the sure and speedy over- throw of slavery, that every man who walked the American soil might tread it unmolested and free. There were many passages of touching eloquence in his address, and when he told of the objects that met his earliest vision and shed natural tears, at the remembrance of his own and his parents bondage, I found many moistened eyes in the audience besides my own. Young Crummell followed Garnet in a spirited and manly speech, which was listened to with much attention.
Mr. Sidney was called to the platform under a strong expression of favor, which he amply repaid by a very eloquent address. The young gentlemen tarried with us until Monday, the 6th, and offered us an opportunity to disperse some of the prejudice and uneasiness we are wont to feel at the fine appearance of our colored brethren. We had the satisfaction of attending our young friends to the house of God on the Sabbath, and their presence proved no interruption to the services. They amalgamated with the congregation. The pew doors of our yeomanry, too respectable to be sneered down by the dandyism of the land, were opened to them, and they had the satisfaction of associating with their brethren and countrymen and fellow sinners, on proper and Christian footing. This I call practical Anti-slavery.
New England at that time was degenerated into guilty and dastardly servility to the South. She was enslaved by her prejudices until she trampled her own laws and peace under foot. The descendants of the founders of Puritan Seminaries broke up the free school. And such a school! Had it been undis- turbed it would have taken the lead of all others in the country, and enjoyed patronage unknown to any other. Abolitionists everywhere would have sent their sons and daughters, animated by the high toned principle and lofty purpose that distinguished them from their abusers. The flower of the colored youth would have found their way to it from every part of the country. God would have blessed it with his abundant favor. Its break- ing up and dispersion left the quiet and beautiful village to the bats and owls. The stillness of the desert succeeded.
Rev. Mr. Fuller found his usefulness gone and he went, and the meeting house was soon closed up and forsaken. Has not the curse of that "legal mob followed this village to its latest days?" Alas for Canaan ! her prominent men have never been her friends.
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The following is from a letter written by the Rev. Amos Fos- ter, the first pastor of the Congregational Church, before Mr. Fuller :
The most I can say is to express my astonishment that a class of men should be found so reckless, so regardless of law and human rights, and so devoid of moral principles, as to engage in such an undertaking. As the account shall hereafter be read on the page of history, it will fix a most unfavorable impression on the mind respecting the charac- ter of those most prominent in the undertaking. One of the principal men engaged in the matter was a member of the church. He was ex- communicated. On his return to Canaan he was, I learnt, restored to his standing in the church, after making some partial retractions and confession. But my impression is that he really maintained his former opinions and did not in fact regret the course he had taken. I was absent from Canaan while these unpleasant scenes were transpiring, and of course could not be advised of the facts on both sides of the question, as if I had been in the place. But from some things I heard, I judge that some friends of the school were rather indiscreet and pur- sued a course which provoked the indignation of those on the other side. I refer to the partiality showed to the colored students and the positions given them at the social gatherings. Certainly they should have been treated kindly, but whether it was wise to invite them or any of the Academy students to their social parties is, at least, doubtful. But I do not say that by way of apology for those engaged in the crime of removing the Academy. That terrible act yet dwells in the memory of many now living, and the records of it will be read by hundreds who will have a being in future years, and who, we may ask, will there be to justify so outrageous an act? The moral sentiments of the people will be so changed, I may say, so corrected, and the colored race will be brought to sustain such a position among their fellow beings, that the matter of wonder will be that there could once have been a class of people in the world, as should commit such a crime as breaking up an institution for the education of youth, both black and white. Since the outrage in Canaan, we can see the wonderful change that has taken place in the moral and political condition of the colored race.
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