USA > New Hampshire > The history of New-Hampshire. Comprehending the events of one complete century and seventy-five years from the discovery of the River Pascataqua to the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety, Vol 2 > Part 12
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Shirley's letter to Wentworth, from Louifbourg, Sept. 2.
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HISTORY OF
Bollan's MS. letters.
1745. taken in England to afcribe all the glory to the navy, and leffen the merit of the army. However, Pepperell received the title of a Baronet, as well as Warren. The latter was promoted to be an Admiral ; the former had a commiffion as Colonel in the Britifh eftab- lifhment, and was empowered to raife a regi- ment in America, to be in the pay of the Crown. The fame emolument was given to Shirley, and both he and Wentworth acquired fo much reputation as to be confirmed in their places. Vaughan went to England to feek a reward for his fervices, and there died of the fmall-pox. Solicitations were fet on foot for a parliamentary reimburfement, which, after much difficulty and delay, was obtained ; and the Colonies who had expended their fub- ftance were in credit at the Britifh treafury .* The juftice and policy of this meafure muft appear to every one, who confiders, that ex- cepting the fuppreffion of a rebellion within the bowels of the kingdom, this conqueft was the only action which could be called a vic- tory, on the part of the Britifh nation, during the whole French war, and afforded them the means of purchafing a peace.
* The reimburfement to New-Hampshire was fixteen thoufand, three hundred and fifty-five pounds fterling.
Thomlinfon's MS. letter:
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NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
CHAP. XX.
Projected Expedition to Canada. Alarm by the French feet. State of the Frontiers. Peace.
WHILST the expedition to Cape- Breton was in hand, the active mind of Gov- ernor Shirley contemplated nothing lefs than the conqueft of all the French dominions in America ; and he confulted with Governor Wentworth and Mr. Atkinfon on the practi- cability of fuch a defign. After Louifbourg was taken, he made a vifit thither, and held a confultation with Sir Peter Warren and Sir William Pepperell ; and from that place wrote MS lettere Shirley's. preffingly to the British miniftry on the fub- ject. His folicitations, enforced by the bril- liant fuccefs at Louifbourg, and the apparent danger in which Nova-Scotia and the new conqueft were involved, had fuch an effect, 1746. that in the fpring of the following year, a cir- cular letter was fent from the Duke of New_ April 6. caftle, Secretary of ftate, to all the Governors of the American colonies, as far fouthward as Virginia; requiring them to raife as many men as they could fpare, and form them into companies of one hundred ; to be ready to Dauglafs !. unite, and act according to the orders which 315. they fhould afterwards receive. The plan was, that a fquadron of fhips of war, and a body of land forces, fhould be fent from Eng- land againft Canada ; that the troops raifed in New-England fhould join the Britifh fleet and army at Louifbourg, and proceed up the river St. Lawrence ; that thofe of New-York
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HISTORY OF
1746. and the other Provinces at the fouthward, fhould be collected at Albany, and march a- gainft Crown Point and Montreal. The management of this expedition was commit- ted to Sir John St. Clair, in conjunction with Sir Peter Warren and Governor Shirley. St. Clair did not come to America. Warren and Shirley gave the orders, while Warren was here ; and afterward Commodore Knowles, who fucceeded him, was joined with Shirley ; but as Knowles was part of the time at Louif- bourg, moft of the concern devolved on Shir- ley alone.
Shirley's fpeech. June 28.
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Befide the danger of lofing Nova-Scotia and Cape-Breton, there were other reafons for undertaking this expedition. The Indians, inftigated by the Governor of Canada, were ravaging the frontiers, deftroying the fields and cattle, burning houfes and mills, killing and carrying away the inhabitants. Though fcouts and garrifons were maintained by the governments ; yet to act altogether on the defenfive, was thought to be not only an in- effectual, but a difgraceful mode of carrying on the war ; efpecially after the fuccefs which had attended the arms of the Colonifts in their attempt againft Louifbourg. The continuance of fuch a mode of defence, would neither difpirit the enemy, nor fecure the frontiers from their depredations.
The defign was pleafing, and the Colonies readily furnifhed their quotas of men. In New-Hampfhire, the fame difficulty occurred as on occafion of the Louifbourg expedition. The Governor had no authority to confent to the emiffion of bills of credit, but Shirley removed that obftacle, by fuggefting to him,
Shirley's MS letters, May 31.
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that as the miniftry did not difapprove what 1746. he had done before, fo there was no reafon to fear it now ; and that the importance of the fervice, and the neceffity of the cafe, would juftify his conduct. The demand at firft, was for levy money and victualing. The arms and pay of the troops were to be furn- ifhed by the Crown ; but it was afterward found neceffary that the feveral govern- ments fhould provide clothing, tranfports and ftores, and depend on a reimburfement from the Britifh Parliament.
The Affembly was immediately convened, and voted an encouragement for inlifting a Juned thoufand men, or more, if they could be raifed ; with a bounty of thirty pounds cur- rency, and a blanket to each man, befides keeping two armed veffels in pay. Col. At- Atkinfon's kinfon was appointed to the command of the troops. Eight hundred men were inlifted and ready for embarkation by the beginning of July. Tranfports and provifions were prepar- ed, and the men waited, impatiently, all fum- mer for employment. Neither the General nor any orders arrived from England ; the fleet, which was faid to be deftined for the expedition, failed feven times from Spithead, and as often returned. Two regiments, only, were fent from Gibraltar, to Louifbourg, to relieve the New-England men, who had gar- rifoned it fince the conqueft. It is much ea- fier to write the hiftory of an active cam- paign, than to trace the caufes of inaction and difappointment ; and it is in vain to fupply the place of facts by conjecture .*
. " The laft war was ruinous in the expenfe. and unfuccefsful in the ' end, for want of confideration, and a re.fonable plan at the begin-
€ ning.' Doddington's Diary. May 27, 1755. Page 339.
MS letters
Planon
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HISTORY OF
1746. In this time of fufpenfe, Sir Peter War- ren, and Sir William Pepperell, having ar- rived at Bofton, from Louifbourg, Shirley had an opportunity of confulting them, and fuch other gentlemen as he thought proper, on the Shirley's & Warren's MS letters. affair of the Canada expedition. The fea- fon was fo far advanced, that a fleet could Auguft 25. hardly be expected from England ; or if it fhould arrive, it would be too late to attempt the navigation of the river St. Lawrence. But, as a fufficient body of the troops might be affembled at Albany, it was judged prudent to employ them in an attempt againft the French fort at Crown Point. At the fame time, Clinton, Governor of New-York, foli- cited and obtained the friendly affiftance of the Six Nations of Indians, on the borders of his Province. It was thought, that if this attempt fhould be made, the alliance with thefe Indians would be ftrengthened and fe- cured ; and the frontiers would be relieved from the horrors of defolation and captivity, to which they were continually expofed. In purfuance of this plan, the forces of New- 1 MS letter of Secreta- Sept. I. Hampfhire were ordered to hold themfelves ty Willard. In readinefs, to march to Albany ; but, it being difcovered that the fmall-pox was there, the rendezvous was appointed at Sara- toga and the adjacent villages.
Shirley's & W.rren's MS letters, Sept. 12.
No fooner was this plan refolved on, and preparations made to carry it into execu- tion, than accounts were received of danger which threatened Annapolis, from a body of French and Indians at Minas, and the prob- able revolt of the Acadians. It was thought that Nova-Scotia would be loft, if fome powerful fuccour were not fent thither. Or-
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ders were accordingly iffued, for the troops 1746. of Maffachufetts, Rhode-Ifland and New- Hampfhire, to embark for that place, and ' drive the enemy out of Nova-Scotia.' But, within a few days more, the whole country was alarmed, and thrown into the utmoft Sept. 2& confternation, by reports of the arrival of a large fleet and army from France, at Nova- Scotia, under the command of the Duke D'Anville. It was fuppofed that their object was to recover Louifbourg ; to take Anna- polis ; to break up the fettlements on the eaftern coaft of Maffachufetts ; and to dif- trefs, if not attempt the conqueft of the whole country of New-England. On this occafion, the troops deftined for Canada found fuffi- cient employment at home, and the militia was collected to join them ; the old forts on the fea coaft were repaired, and new ones were erected. A new battery, confifting of fixteen guns, of thirty-two and twenty-four pounds fhot, was added to fort William and Mary, at the entrance of Pafcataqua harbour; and another, of nine thirty-two pounders, was placed at the point of Little Harbour. Thefe works were fuppofed to be fufficient to prevent a furprifal. Military guards were appointed ; and in this ftate of fear and anx- iety, the people were kept for fix weeks, when fome prifoners, who had been releafed by the Oacber 25. French, brought the moft affecting accounts of the diftrefs and confufion on board the fleet. It was expected, by the people in New- England, that an Englifh fleet would have followed them to America. This expectation was grounded on fome letters from England, which Shirley had received and which he
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HISTORY OF
1746. forwarded by exprefs to Admiral Townfend, at Louifbourg. The letters were intercepted by a French cruifer, and carried into Chebuc- to, where the fleet lay. They were opened in a Council of War, and caufed a divifion among the officers ; which, added to the fickly condition 'of the men, and the dam- age which the fleet had fuftained by ftorms, and their lof's by fhipwrecks, dejected their commander to that degree, that he put an end to his life by poifon ; and the fecond in command fell on his fword. Thefe melan- choly events, difconcerted their firft plan. They then refolved to make an attempt on Annapolis ; but when they had failed from Chebucto, they were overtaken by a violent tempeft, off Cape Sable ; and thofe fhips which efcaped deftruction, returned fingly to France. Never was the hand of divine Prov- idence more vifible, than on this occafion. Never was a difappointment more fevere, on the fide of the enemy ; nor a deliverance more complete, without human help, in fas vor of this country.
Nova-Scotia was not yet out of danger. The French and Indians, who, during the ftay of the fleet at Chebucto, had appeared before Annapolis, but on their departure re- tired, were ftill in the peninfula; and it was thought neceffary to diflodge them. For this purpofe Shirley fent a body of the Maffachufetts forces, and preffed the Gover- nors of Rhode-Ifland and New-Hampfhire to fend part of theirs. Thofe from Rhode- Ifland, and one tranfport from Bofton, were wrecked on the paffage. The armed veffels of New-Hampfhire, with two hundred men,
Nav. IO.
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went to Annapolis ; but the commander of 1746. one of them, inftead of landing his men, failed acrofs the Bay of Funda, into St. John's Dec, 13, of the crew. river ; where, meeting with a French fnow, Shirley's MS lettera, and mittaking her for one of the Rhode- & affidavite Ifland tranfports, he imprudently fent his boat with eight men on board, who were made prifoners, and the fnow efcaped. The floop, inftead of returning to Annapolis, came back to Portfmouth. Thefe misfortunes and difappointments had very ferious ill confe- quences. The Maffachufetts forces, who 1747. were at Nova-Scotia, being inferior in num- ber to the French, and deceived by falfe in- telligence, were furprifed in the midft of a fnow ftorm at Minas ; and after an obftinate refiftance, were obliged to capitulate. Their Jan. 31. commander, Col. Arthur Noble, and about Bolton Evening fixty men, were killed, and fifty were wound- Pott. ed. The enemy being provided with fnow- fhoes, made forced marches ; and ours being deftitute of them were unable to efcape.
When the alarm occafioned by the French fleet had fubfided, Atkinfon's regiment marched into the country to cover the lower part of the frontiers, and encamped near the thore of Winipifeogee lake ; where they paff- ed the winter and built a flight fort. They were plentifully fupplied with provifions, and had but little exercife or difcipline. Courts martial were not inftituted, nor offences punithed. The officers and men were tired of the fervice ; but were not permitted to en- ter on any other bufinefs, left orders fhould arrive from England. Some were employed in fcouting ; fome in hunting or fithing, and fome deferted.
Atkinfon's Mb lettere.
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HISTORY OF
1747.
Shirley was fo intent on attacking Crown Point that he even propofed to march thither MS letters in the winter, and had the addrefs to draw the Shirley's Affembly of Maffachufetts into an approba- tion of this project. . He enlarged his plan, by propofing that the New-Hampshire troops fhould at the fame time go, by the way of Connecticut river, to the Indian village of St. Francis, at the diftance of two hundred miles, and deftroy it ; while the troops from Maf- fachufetts, Connecticut and New-York, fhould go by the way of the Lakes to Crown Point. The Governor of New-York would have confented to this wild projection, on account of the Indian allies, who were impatient for war ; but it was happily fruftrated, by the prudence of the Connecticut Affembly ; who deemed the winter an improper feafon for fo great an undertaking, and deferred their af- fiftance till the enfuing fpring. At the fame time the fmall pox prevailed in the fettlements above Albany, through which the forces muft have marched ; and that diftemper was then an object of much greater dread, than the forms of winter, or the face of an enemy.
MS copy of Connec- ticut Re- folves. Jan. 28.
To finifh what relates to the Canada forces, it can only be faid, that excepting fome who were employed on the frontiers, they were kept in a ftate of military indolence, till the Od. 1747. autumn of the enfuing year ; when by order from the Duke of Newcaftle they were dif- banded, and paid at the fame rate as the King's troops. The Governors drew bills on the Britifh treafury ; which were negociated among the merchants at feven and eight hun- Bollen's AIS. lettere dred per cent. and the Parliament granted
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money, to reimburfe the charges of the equip- 1747. ment and fubfiftence of thefe forces.
The fate of the frontiers now demands our attention. By the extenfion of the bounda- ries of the Province, feveral fettlements which had been made by the people of Maffachu- fetts, and under the authority of grants from their General Court, had fallen within New- Hampfhire. In one of them ftood Fort Dum- mer, on the weft fide of Connecticut river, and within the lately extended line of New- Hampfhire. This fort had been erected and maintained, at the expenfe of Maffachufetts ; but when it was found to be within New- Hampfhire, the Governor was inftructed by the Crown to recommend to the Affembly, the future maintenance of it. In the fame Affembly, which had fo zealoufly entered upon the expedition againft Cape Breton, this matter was introduced ; but a confiderable Journal, Printed majority of the lower Houfe declined mak- May 3. ing any grant for this purpofe, and adduced the following reafons, viz. That the fort was fifty miles diftant from any towns which had been fettled by the government or people of New-Hampfhire ; that the people had no right to the lands which, by the dividing line, had fallen within New-Hampfhire; notwith- ftanding the plaufible arguments which had been ufed to induce them to bear the expenfe of the line ; namely, that the land would be given to them or elfe would be fold to pay that expenfe ; that the charge of maintaining that fort, at fo great a diftance, and to which there was no communication by roads, would exceed what had been the whole expenfe of government before the line was eftablifhed;
1745.
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HISTORY OF
1745. that the great load of debt contracted on that account, and the ycarly fupport of govern- ment, with the unavoidable expenfes of the war, were as much as the people could bear ; that if they fhould take upon them to main- tain this fort, there was another much better and more convenient fort at a place called Number-four, befides feveral other fettle- ments, which they fhould alfo be obliged to defend ; and finally that there was no dan- ger that thefe forts would want fupport, fince it was the intereft of Maffachufetts, by whom they were erected, to maintain them as a cover to their frontier.
june 7.
When thefe reafons were given, the Gov- ernor diffolved the Affembly and called an- other, to whom he recommended the fame meafure in the moft preffing terms ; telling them, ' that it was of the laft confequence to " the prefent and future profperity of the gov- 'ernment; that their refufal would leffen ' them in the efteem of the King and his min- 'ifters, and ftrip the children yet unborn of ' their natural right ; and deprive their breth- 'ren who were then hazarding their lives ' before the walls of Louifbourg of their juft ' expectations, which were to fit down on that " valuable part of the Province.' But his elo- quence had no effect. They thought it un- juft to burden their Conftituents with an ex- penfe which could yield them no profit, and afford them no protection.
When it was determined, that New-Hamp- fhire would make no provifion for fort Dum- mer, the Affembly of Maffachufetts continu- ed its ufual fupport, and alfo provided for the other pofts on Connecticut river and its
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branches, which were within the limits of 1745. New-Hampfhire. They afterwards petition- ed the King, to deduct that charge out of the reimburfement, which the Parliament had granted to New-Hampfhire, for the Canada expedition ; but in this they were defeated, by the vigilance and addrefs of Thomlinfon, the agent of New-Hampthire.
Moft of the frontier towns of New- Hampfhire, at that time, were diftinguifhed by no other than by Indian or temporary names. It may be convenient to compare them with their prefent names. On Con- necticut river, and its eaftern branches, were Number-four, Charleftown,
Great Meadow,
Weftmoreland,
Great Fall,
which are now called
Walpole,
Fort Dummer,
Hinfdale,
Upper Afhuelot &
Keene and
Lower Afhuelot,
( Swanfey.
On Merrimack river and its branches, were
Penacook,
Suncook,
Concord, Pembroke,
Contoocook,
which are now called
Bofcawen,
New-Hopkinton,
Hopkinton,
Souhegan eaft & Souhegan weft,
Merrimack and
1 Amherft.
On Pafcataqua river, and its branches, were the townfhips of Nottingham, Barrington and Rochefter.
Befides the forts which were maintained at the public expenfe, there were private houfes enclofed with ramparts, or palifades of timber ; to which the people who remain- ed on the frontiers retired ; thefe private garrifoned houfes were diftinguifhed by the names of the owners. The danger to which Z
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HISTORY OF
1745. thefe diftreffed people were conftantly ex- pofed, did not permit them to cultivate their lands to any advantage. They were fre- quently alarmed when at labor in their fields, and obliged either to repel an attack, or make a retreat. Their crops were often injured, and fometimes deftroyed, either by their cat- tle getting into the fields where the enemy had broken the fences, or becaufe they were afraid to venture out, to collect and fecure the harveft. Their cattle and horfes were frequently killed by the enemy ; who cut the flefh from the bones, and took out the tongues, which they preferved for food, by drying in fmoke. Sometimes they were afraid even to milk their cows ; though they kept them in paftures as near as poffible to the forts. When they went abroad, they were always armed ; but frequently they were fhut up for weeks together in a ftate of inactivity.
The hiftory of a war on the frontiers can be little elfe than a recital of the exploits, the fufferings, the efcapes and deliverances of individuals, of fingle families or fmall par- ties. The firft appearance of the enemy on the weftern frontier was at the Great Mea- dow, fixteen miles above fort Dummer. Two Indians took William Phips, as he was hoeing his corn. When they had carried him half a mile, one of them went down a fteep hill to fetch fomething which had been left. In his abfence, Phips, with his own hoe, knocked down the Indian who was with him ; then feizing his gun, fhot the other as he afcended the hill. Unfortunately, meet- ing with three others of the fame party, they
July 3. Doclittle's Memoirs page 2.
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killed him. The Indian whom he knocked down died of his wound. The fame week they killed Jofiah Fifher of upper Afhuelot.
1745.
July 10.
No other damage was done for three months ; when a party of twelve Indians ap- October Is proached the fort at Great Meadow, and took Nehemiah How, who was at a little dif- How's narrative. tance from the fort, cutting wood. The fort was alarmed, and one Indian was killed by a fhot from the rampart ; but no attempt was made to refque the prifoner. As they were leading him away, by the fide of the river, they efpied a canoe coming down, with two men, at whom they fired, and killed David Rugg ; but Robert Baker got to the oppofite fhore and efcaped. Proceeding far- ther, they met three other men, who, by fkulking under the bank, got fafe to the fort. One of them was Caleb How, the prifoner's fon. When they came oppofite to Number-four, they made their captive write his name on a piece of bark, and left it there. Having travelled feven days weft- ward, they came to a lake, where they found five canoes, with corn, pork and tobacco. In thefe canoes they embarked ; and ha- ving ftuck the fcalp of David Rugg on a pole, proceeded to the fort at Crown-Point ; where How received humane treatment from the French. He was then carried down to Quebec, where he died in prifon. He was a ufeful man, greatly lamented by his friends and fellow captives.
The next fpring, a party of Indians ap- 1746. peared at Number-four, where they took April 19.
John Spafford, Ifaac Parker and Stephen Doolittle'e Farnfworth, as they were driving a team. memoirs.
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HISTORY OF
1746. Their cattle were found dead, with their tongues cut out. The men were carried to Canada, and, after fome time, returned to Bofton, in a flag of truce.
Within a few days, a large party, confift- April 23. ing of fifty, laid a plan to furprife the fort, at Upper Afhuelot. They hid themfelves in a fwamp, in the evening ; intending to wait till the men had gone out to their work, in the morning, and then rufh in. Ephraim Dorman, who was abroad very early, difcov- memoirs, & ered them and gave the alarm. He bravely Doolittle's Sumner's MS letter. defended himfelf againft two Indians, and ftripped one of his blanket and gun, which he carried into the fort. John Bullard, and the wife of Daniel Mc Kenny were killed. Nathan Blake was taken and carried to Cana- da, where he remained two years. They burned feveral houfes and barns ; and from the human bones found among the afhes, it was thought that fome of the enemy fell and were concealed in the flames.
April 27.
How's nar- rative, and Norton's narrative.
Boflon Polt Boy.
About the fame time, a party came down to New-Hopkinton, where they entered a gar- rifoned houfe, and found the people afleep; the door having been left open by one who had rifen early and gone out to hunt. Eight perfons were thus taken ; Samuel Burbank and his two fons, David Woodwell, his wife, two fons, and a daughter. Burbank and the wife of Woodwell, died in captivity. Woodwell and three of the children return- ed in a flag of truce to Bofton.
May 2.
Doolittle's narrative.
The enemy were fcattered in fmall parties, on all the frontiers. At Number-four, fome women went out to milk their cows, with Major Jofiah Willard, and feveral foldiers,
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for their guard : Eight Indians who were 1746. concealed in a barn, fired on them, and kill- ed Seth Putnam ; as they were fcalping him, Willard and two more fired on them, and mortally wounded two, whom their compan- ions carried off.
At Contoocook, five white men and a ne- May 4. gro were fired at. Elifha Cook and the ne- Norton's & How's Dat - gro were killed. Thomas Jones was taken, ratives. and died in Canada.
At lower Afhuelot, they took Timothy May 6. Brown and Robert Moffat, who were car- ried to Canada and returned. At the fame time a party lay about the fort at Upper Afh- uelot. As one of them knocked at the gate Doolittle's in the night, the centinel fired through the narrative. gate and gave him a mortal wound.
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