USA > New Hampshire > Sullivan County > Newport > The history of Newport, New Hampshire, from 1766 to 1878 > Part 22
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Sentiments and Responses-Matthew Harvey, Edmund Wheeler, Al- bert S. Wait.
Finance-P. S. Coffin, Geo. H. Fairbanks, E. M. Kempton, A. W. Rounsevel.
Ringing bells-C. H. Puffer, Edward Stearns, Clarence Pike, O. S. Hutchinson, Armoni Sweet.
Firing salutes-C. H. Whitney, T. L. Heath, Chas. H. Watts, H. M. Ingram, C. H. Little, Frank Dudley.
Music-B. R. Allen, Charles Partridge, Wm. H. Belknap, George Pressey.
Seats and Stand-Francis Boardman, Perley S. Coffin, Leander F. Dodge. Richard S. Howe, George H. Fairbanks, Wm. Dunton, G. B. R. Watkins.
Fire-works-Henry Tubbs, W. F. Dow, E. P. Fisher, E. C. Con- verse, O. P. Baston.
Ladies representing States-Mrs. G. S. Little, Minnie Harvey, Sarah Dodge, Lizzie Barton.
Sunday-schools-The Superintendents.
Teams-Eugene A. Pollard, Charles J. Cutting, F. P. Meserve, F. P. Rowell.
Cavalcade-Geo. E. Dame, F. W. Lewis, Abiathar Richards, A. W. Rounsevel, F. A. Sibley. E. M. Hunton.
Antiquities-Charles Emerson, Benj. F. Haven, F. H. Goldthwaite, Wm. H. Perry.
Town Hall-Wm. Woodbury, P. S. Coffin, Granville Pollard.
Horribles-Bela Nettleton, Ransom Huntoon, A. W. Rounsevel, Wallace W. White, Geo. Tilton, W. A. F. Ladd.
A large crowd of spectators were amused, during the morning hours of the day, by the burlesque performance of a company of men known in the language of the times as " Horribles," who, with bands which seemed to embody the " flute, harp, sacbut, dulcimer, and all kinds of music," made their appearance in costumes that outstripped Falstaff's Ragged Regiment, in vehicles unique and variegated. After parading the main streets, they formed a hollow square around the Centennial Tree on the common, and were addressed by an individual represent- ing Patrick Henry, in a style more marked for its grandiloquence than for its classic finish.
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CELEBRATIONS.
At midday, a grand Centennial Procession was formed in front of the Town Hall. It was headed by the Chief Marshal, Cornet Band, Grand Army, firemen in uniform, and ladies on horseback clad in white. with elaborate floral decorations, representing the states; and then came a long train of citizens, from this and the neighboring towns, on horseback, in carriages, and on foot, making by far the largest and most beautiful procession that ever marched our streets. After parad- ing the more important thoroughfares, they returned to the hall, where the subsequent proceedings took place.
The President of the day, the Hon. Levi W. Barton, on calling the assembly to order, delivered an eloquent and appropriate speech. Af- ter prayer, music, and reading of the Declaration of Independence came the following sentiments and reponses :
Ist toast. The Fourth of July-The perpetual monument which brings to us recollections of noble men, and shall transmit to latest times the memory of noble deeds.
Responded to by Geo. R. Brown, Esq.
2d toast. The Constitution of the United States-The noblest leg- acy of our fathers.
Responded to by Amasa Edes, Esq. :
The Constitution of the United States differs from those of the nations of the Eastern continent in being wholly a written one. By it the legis- lative, executive, and judiciary departments of the government are estab- lished, their several powers designated, limited, and defined, prescribing the modes, limits, rules, and regulations, and the modes by which each department shall perform its functions. It was not formed at once, at the birth of our nation, but was developed during the twelve or more succeeding years. It was formed by the people of the United States, and ratified by the several states. By it the United States is a nation, to exercise forever all the powers given it by that instrument, as limited therein ; and the several states have all the powers of a separate na- tion not conferred on the general government, or limited or prohibited by the constitution. These separate jurisdictions should be jealously guarded by the people. It was the theory of the wise men who formed our constitutions, that all matters of a purely national nature, such as intercourse with foreign nations, war and peace, commerce and naviga- tion, import and duties on importations, regulation of the currency, &c., should be delegated to the general government, and all matters of a local nature should remain under the jurisdiction of the several states. We of New Hampshire would be poor judges to decide on the local matters of California, and they would be so of ours. We cannot but admire the wisdom displayed in the formation of our Constitution, - the house of representatives coming every two years fresh from the people, apportioned to each state according to its population ; the sen- ate, apportioned two to each state for six years, aiming at the stability
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of the monarchical principle without its other evils; the president, chosen indirectly by the people, and liable to be impeached for viola- tion of his duties ; and a judiciary as independent as any in the world. No law can be made or executed without the concurrence of all these branches, representing in so many ways the voice of the people. The ballot lies at the foundation of these free institutions and of the Con- stitution ;- destroy it, and they fall ; preserve it pure, and they will stand. This is the palladium of liberty, and palsied be the hand or tongue that would violate or corrupt it !
3d toast. The Press-The bold and fearless champion of liberty a hundred years ago, and the oracle of progress and freedom to-day. May it never become the slave of faction, or the mouth-piece of despots.
Responded to by H. G. Carleton, Esq. :
In responding to the above sentiment in behalf of the Press, I must repeat what is well known, that it is the greatest moral power in the country, at the present time, in its action upon the popular mind, and in all probability will continue to be hereafter. In the days of the Rev- olution there were but few papers in the country, and these were pub- lished in the principal cities of the then Confederate States, having but a small circulation and limited influence. But that influence, although small, was exerted in behalf of the rights and liberties of the people. After independence from the British Crown was secured, and a new and popular system of government established, they continued to increase in numbers and influence until they have become by far the greatest power in the country for forming, organizing, and controlling public opin- ion. Their rapid growth and influence are no doubt, in a great measure, owing to the free institutions of the country and the general intelligence of the people.
Every important measure of government is discussed by the Press be- fore it becomes a law, and its action upon the vast interests of the country well understood. It is the great vehicle of information, not only in every part of our own country, but of every enlightened nation throughout the world. A large and influential class of people read but little beside the newspapers of the day. They instruct them in poli- tics, in religion, in business, in science, in the current news, as well as in all the important events which are transpiring upon the great theatre of public affairs in every part of the civilized world.
While their influence is upon the increase, it is pleasing to know that they are daily becoming more independent of all cliques and combina- tions of men, and consequently far better exponents than heretofore of the rights, interests. and welfare of the people, who are their great reli- ance and support, and whose interests and weltare they should ever labor to defend and maintain. In concluding, I will offer the following sentiment :
A Free Press-The corner-stone of a free government and a free people. While its continuance will insure their safety, its overthrow would be their destruction.
4th toast. The Judiciary.
Responded to by Albert S. Wait, Esq. :
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CELEBRATIONS.
When the Union under the Articles of Confederation was seen to have failed, principally, if not wholly, for the reason that it possessed no other force or efficiency than a mere treaty among the states as so many independent powers, and when it was determined to institute a Union so fundamentally different as that it should be a government of the people individually, and not an agreement among states, it became apparent that all its sanctions must be applied and enforced by tribu- nals of its own, whose process should reach to the individual people of the nation ; in short, that indispensable to the success of the new plan was a judicial system for the Union, whereby the constitution and the laws could be enforced without resort either to state legislatures or state courts.
As experience had shown that a fundamental law, resting upon tra- dition only, or subject to change by the legislature, was. in the altered circumstances of the people upon this continent, no longer appropriate, but that it ought to be clearly embodied in a written constitution. it was obvious that the preservation of this constitution, as well as the just administration of the laws, would require that they should be with- drawn from the control both of the legislative and the executive branches of the government. Hence it was provided in the constitution, that " The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the congress may from time to time ordain and establish :" that " The judges, both of the su- preme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office."
Thus the judicial power was withdrawn from all the other branches of the government, and vested exclusively in the courts ; and, effectual- ly to secure it from encroachment, the tenure of office of the judges was made practically for life, and not subject to control or undue influence.
The question soon arose as to the legitimate province, power. and duty of the court, in case congress should transcend its proper functions by the passage of acts not warranted by the constitution. The court held that the constitution was the paramount law .- in fact, the supreme law of the land : that any act of the legislative branch of the govern- ment in conflict with it was of no force: that it was the duty of the court to uphold the constitution as the paramount law, and to decline to enforce, and to declare void and inoperative, any legislative act in- consistent with its provisions.
This was a new view of the province of the Judiciary. In England, whence all our traditions were derived, where the constitution was un- written, and but a body of traditions which might be changed at the will of the king and parliament. no such power had ever been claimed for or assumed by the courts. It was strenuously denied and long re- sisted by able and distinguished statesmen. and was the subject of much controversy. The courts, however, remained firm in their earliest view, until it has finally become the settled law of the land : and no one now presumes to question its correctness.
Thus have the courts come to be recognized as the great conservative branch of our government. Many times in our history have parties. in the flush of temporary success and in the pursuit of partisan ends, at- tempted legislation inconsistent with the plain provisions of the consti- tution ; and the executive has not always been a stranger to illegal and
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unconstitutional acts, destructive of our fundamental law. The courts, constituted as they generally are, not affected by partisan views, and not accessible to partisan influences, judge impartially of the rectitude of all such, by the light of the fundamental law, holding the scales even between all parties and all men, enforcing or declining to enforce, or even resisting legislative or executive acts, as they are or are not con- sistent with this supreme law.
The Judiciary has thus become the great fortress of the constitution, defending it from the assaults of power and the disintegrating influences of corruption. It is truly the great key-stone which supports the whole structure of the American government. Remove it, and nothing will re- main but the discretion of the legislature, or the arbitrary will of the ex- ecutive. The great landmarks of liberty owe their permanency to the judicial institution. Maintain that in its integrity, and the assaults of power will fall harmless at its feet, while it will remain the sure pilot which shall guide us through the tempestuous seas of ambition and of strife,-the anchor which shall moor us in safety within the peaceful harbor of free and republican institutions. Remove this, or lay it open to the corrupting influences of the partisan politician, and we shall have abandoned the rock of our safety and the anchor of our hope.
Let me close by giving you this sentiment :
The Judicial branch of our Government-The citadel of the Ameri- can constitution-the embodiment of the spirit of justice-the rock of our defence-the anchor of our hope-the key-stone which supports the arch of American liberty. Let the scales of even justice never fall from its hands.
5th toast. Schools-Among the earliest institutions of our fathers. May they be the last to fade from the attention of coming generations.
Responded to by Rev. E. E. P. Abbott :
At the time when our Independence as a nation was declared, and afterwards when the constitution was finally adopted, there were many who believed that a written constitution would be the panacea for all political evils. John Adams was so sanguine as to declare that a gov- ernment, with so many checks and balances of power as ours, could be safely entrusted to highwaymen.
We have, indeed. reason to rejoice to-day that we have so good a government ; but the experience of the last century has taught us that its permanence depends less upon the outward form than upon the national heart. In our late Rebellion we demonstrated what constitutes a state. It was not the form of government that saved us. but the inward spirit-the intelligence, the integrity, the noble patriotism of the people.
Within a few years the United States have ventured upon a daring experiment. We have put the ballot into the hand of the slave just liberated from the yoke of bondage. We have unbounded faith, as a people, in our power to assimilate and elevate the foreigner-the lowest, it may be, in the social scale of European nations. We are committed to the doctrine of universal suffrage. It is impossible now to take a step backwards. What, then, is our only safety? We must educate our rulers. For our own preservation we must make much of our
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CELEBRATIONS.
public schools. We must insist that every child in the land shall be trained in the elementary branches. One tyrannical autocrat is to be feared, but not so much as a million tyrants in arms, a brainless mob, led by unprincipled demagogues. This is, I am aware, a day for congratulations. But while I gladly recognize the broad foundations our fathers laid for popular education, and the liberal things they de- vised, I ask you, seriously, Has there been that relative advance in our public school system the past century which we had a right to expect?
It is so difficult " to get the floor " before such an audience, that I cannot lose the opportunity of putting the question, Considering how much is at stake, are we interested enough in our Common Schools? Only to mention the South, where the sad neglect must be recognized by all; passing by New York and Pennsylvania, where more men like Clinton were needed, until recently. to convince the people of their neglect in this particular ;- in our own New England the Common School is indeed our glory, but it is also our shame,-our glory. that every district can boast of its school ; our shame, that these schools are not made more effective. How many teachers are altogether unqualified to teach, much less to quicken, the young mind? Yet who of you ever heard of an uprising among the people? Amid all these fierce political excitements, can you tell me when the parents have risen, with genuine enthusiasm, and demanded that their children must be better taught?
Mr. Abbott alluded to the more encouraging signs, the interest taken by learned men in methods of education, and the bright career we might expect for our schools in the coming century. He closed with Lord Brougham's words : "Let the Soldier be abroad, if he will ; he can do nothing in this age. There is another personage, less imposing in the eyes of some, perhaps insignificant ;- the Schoolmaster is abroad, and I trust to him, armed with his primer, against the soldier in full military array."
6th toast. Vermont and New Hampshire in the Revolution-Stark and Allen.
Responded to by Alexander V. Hitchcock, Esq. :
Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens : At the name of Vermont and New Hampshire, when coupled with the events of the Revolution, the hearts of their sons kindle with just pride at the honorable and patriotic part taken by the citizens of these states in behalf of civil and religious liberty in our own country, and which liberty is permeating and shaking the monarchical governments of the world. When we remember Stark and Allen, and their comrades, leaving wives, children. friends, home. and all they held most dear, and follow them on the weary march, the bivouac, and into the fierce battles against the usurper's troops, which were superior in numbers, equipage, and discipline, and snatching vic- tory from seeming defeat, we are led to exclaim, These men were armed with more than human strength ; that the God of battles heard the sup- plications of an oppressed people, and caused the banner of the free to be unfurled amid the rejoicings of the people. This liberty, I believe, will ever be cherished and defended as long as Gen. Stark's words at
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the battle of Bennington shall be remembered : " See, men ! there are the red-coats. We must beat them to-day, or Molly Stark 's a widow !" --- or the laconic answer of Col. Allen to the commander of Fort Ticon- deroga : " I demand the surrender of the fort, in the name of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress !" The sayings and the deeds of these patriots shall ever live in the hearts of their countrymen. In later wars, the sons of these noble men have shown equal bravery, courage, and valor, as did Vermont and New Hampshire, Stark and Allen, in the Revolution.
7th toast. Ireland-Her sons, identified with all our industries, have shared in all our wars, and ever proved true to the American flag and the American constitution.
Responded to by Timothy Whalan, a native of Ireland.
8th toast. Our Revolutionary Heroes.
Responded to by Hon. Harvey Huntoon, of Unity :
Heroes of 1776! On this memorial day we would again lay the laurel on your graves. Your labors were not in vain. This great Republic, the foundations of which were cemented with your blood, shall stand when the monarchies of the old world shall crumble in dust.
At the head of the list of the eminent heroes of the Revolution stands the name of Washington,-the greatest of them all ; the most consum- mate general, statesman, and patriot ; one of the few who have been great without being criminal. With such a leader, what could his country- men be, but just and brave and true? Every man who took a commis- sion under the then rebel government, or signed the Declaration of In- dependence, realized the fact that in case of failure he was putting a halter about his own neck; which led Franklin to say,-" If we don't hang together now, we shall all hang separate, by and by."
I will not attempt to give you a list of even the names of those heroes whose deeds adorn the annals of our country, for they would fill a vol- ume.
Our heroines, too, were numerous, and not surpassed by those of Greece or Rome. They were ever ready to sacrifice their all on the altar of liberty, to jeopardize life and friends for freedom. When the mother of Gen. Greene, who was a Quakeress, was taking leave of her son for the war, she said,-" Nathaniel, it would grieve me much to hear that an enemy's ball had hit thee in the back." Such heroes and her- oines have cast a bright halo of glory over our whole land. We are to- day enjoying the fruit of their labors. Let this and after generations follow their example, and the stars and stripes, the symbols of freedom, will continue to wave over this land.
9th toast. The State and the Church-Both necessary to the wel- fare of men, and each independent in its functions.
Responded to by Rev. Halsey C. Leavitt.
Ioth toast. Agriculture-The basis of a nation's wealth.
Responded to by Dr. Isaac A. Reed :
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CELEBRATIONS.
Mr. President : We have met here to-day to celebrate the centen- nial anniversary of our country, and to me has been assigned the agreeable duty of saying a word in behalf of Agriculture. And first, I would say, Agriculture was the earliest occupation of man. Whether we consult inspiration or mythology, both alike attest that long before the human mind had conceived of literature, the arts, or of governments, it had been practised. It is not only the earliest, but by far the most important calling ; and this is evident alike, whether we consider the numbers employed, or the grand products of their labors.
Agriculture bears upon its roll of honor some of the proudest names on record. Cincinnatus left the plow to vindicate the liberties of his country ; Washington, who one hundred years ago drew his sword and led his country on to freedom, delighted in the broad acres of Mont Vernon; Silas Wright, the great statesman of New York, died with his hand upon his plow; and Daniel Webster, the intellectual giant of the world, died upon his farm at Marshfield, with a last re- quest that his remains be borne to their final resting-place by the hands of God's noblemen, the farmers.
As we are to-day commencing on a new century, it is well to turn our thoughts backward, and see what we have achieved in the past. I am sure the retrospect would be most flattering. A century ago Agri- culture was confined almost wholly to the Atlantic slope, a few pioneers just peering over the Alleghanies into the valley beyond. To-day she occupies the great basin of the Mississippi, with resources almost suf- ficient to feed a world Not only this, but she has overleaped the Rocky Mountains, and, with the setting sun of to-day, the waters of the Pacific shall reflect back the shadows of the golden harvests which are now waving upon the broad fields of California and Oregon. The ways of Agriculture, also, have made as satisfactory a progress during the same time. The scythe, then borne on by weary hands, has given place to the mowing machine, which, like a triumphal chariot, is driven over the fields. The flail has vanished before the modern thresher. We have now cultivators, gang-plows, and endless other like improvements. In short. allow me in closing to repeat, that Ag- riculture is by far the most important calling of man. It feeds the world, it clothes the world, it employs the world, it preserves the world. It is the grand base upon which rests all our industrial glory.
IIth toast. Hancock and Adams.
Responded to by Matthew Harvey, Esq. :
In contemplating the men of the Revolution, two eminent statesmen stand in the foreground of all its councils. Their purposes being iden- tical, their action was in concert at all stages of the great struggle. Like the two brazen pillars, Jachin and Boaz, guarding the sacred temple which a Jewish king dedicated to God, John Hancock and Samuel Adams were the pillars of strength that guarded the temple of liberty which the men of '76 were about to dedicate to Independence.
In John Hancock, we at this moment see a massive figure, an expan- sive brow, and a ruddy cheek .- all indicating a man of about thirty years. He loved learning, and Old Harvard's diploma certified that he had obtained it. He had sought wealth, and already procured it by
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mercantile enterprise. He loved his quiet home, and his blooming young wife and children. But his country had interests at stake which he loved better than all these. He told what they were, when, a hun- dred years ago to-day, he placed that bold, defiant signature upon the Declaration of Independence.
Samuel Adams was an older man than Hancock, his peer in intellect, and his inferior in nothing save wealth. They stood side by side in all forums where American Independence was the theme of discussion. As orators, the palm would have been awarded to either, had the other been away. Their speeches were echoed across the ocean; and the King of Great Britain undertook to silence their tongues by bribery. To effect this purpose, he authorized a British officer to offer them any posi- tion of honor within the gift of the throne, if they would resume their allegiance to it. The message was delivered, and this their answer : " Tell His Majesty that there are not diamonds enough in his crown, or gold enough in his kingdom, to purchase the treachery of John Hancock and Samuel Adams." Then followed the King's proclamation of par- don to all concerned in the rebellion except these two insolent leaders. Thus proclaimed outlaws by the King, the people made them their idols. Each in turn was subsequently elected Governor, after the col- ony of Massachusetts had become a state, and the stones that were re- jected were thus made the head of the corner.
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