USA > New Jersey > Middlesex County > New Brunswick > New Brunswick, New Jersey, in the world war, 1917-1918 > Part 1
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NEW BRUNSWICK IN TITE WORLD WAR 1917-18
JOHN P. WALL.
GEN
1960
ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 3 1833 02713 1447
15.
Gc 974.902 N42WA WALL, JOHN P. 1867- NEW BRUNSWICK, NEW JERSEY , IN THE WORLD WAR, 1917-1918
1
Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016
https://archive.org/details/newbrunswicknewj00wall_0
PROBITAS
NEW BRUNSWICK NEW JERSEY
IN THE
WORLD WAR 1917-1918
COMPILED BY JOHN P. WALL
Allan Co Ffy Public Library 900 Webster Street PO Box 2270 Fort Wayne, IN 46801-2270)
S. M. CHRISTIE PRESS NEW BRUNSWICK, N. J. 192
HONOR OF OUR CRUSHDAR SONS. TRO.FUGRO FOR.GRE GHUSE OF RUOHS OF
PRESENTED BY The City of New Brunswick New Jersey
To
RANK AND ORGANIZATION
IN RECOGNITION OF SERVICES RENDERED IN THE WORLD WAR 1917-1918
John J. Morrison
MAYOR
Dedicated to The Men and Women
New Brunswick, New Jersey who upheld the honor of their rity in the World War 1917-1918
PREFACE
T HESE PAGES WERE COMPILED TO PERPETU- ATE THE VALOR AND COURAGE OF THE MEN AND WOMEN OF NEW BRUNSWICK WHO TOOK PART IN THE GREATEST CONFLICT THAT THE WORLD HAS EVER KNOWN, AND TO EXPRESS OUR DEBT OF GRATITUDE TO THE NEARLY EIGHTEEN HUNDRED MEN AND WOMEN OF THIS CITY WHO DONNED THE UNIFORM OF THE UNITED STATES AND GATHERED UNDER THE COLORS TO OFFER THEIR LIVES THAT THE PRINCIPLES SO DEAR TO THEM SHOULD NOT PERISH.
IN MEMORIAM
1
HON. EDWARD F. FARRINGTON War Mayor of New Brunswick, N. J.
MAYOR JOHN J. MORRISON
JOHN P. WALL
1
MAJOR-GENERAL WILLIAM WEIGEL 88th Division
BRIGADIER-GENERAL JOSEPH C. CASTNER
Rev. FREDERICK J. HALLORAN, Chaplain
LIEUT. COM. ARTHUR CARPENDER
LIEUT. COM. FRANK J. DALY
LIEUT. CRAIG DENMAN, U. S. N.
LIEUT. COM. WM. NICHOLAS
ام
Capt. HAROLD S. FLANNAGAN, D.D.S
Capt. WM. J. CONDON, M.D.
Capt. HERBERT J. NAFEY, M.D.
Capt. ALEX. GRUESSNER, M.D.
Capt. RALPH N. PERLEE Artillery
- U
Cap. FLOYD M. CHIDESTER Sanitary Corps
Capt. EDMOND W. BILLETDOUX Liaison Officer, Q.M.C.
Capt. ROBT. W. LUFBURROW Ordnance
Capt. WM. B. TWISS Infantry
Capt. J. BAYARD KIRKPATRICK Infantry
-
Capt. RAYMOND S. PATERSON Sanitary Corps
Capt. WM. P. WHITE Signal Corps
Capt. CHARLES H. REED Co. M, 311th Infantry, 78th Division
Capt. T. RICHARD A. SMITH Co. H, 113th Infantry, 29th Division
Capt. VIVIAN ROSS Ordnance
Capt. CHARLES F. SEIBERT Co. I, 305th Inf., trans. to Co. D, 113th Inf.
Capt. J. LEO DALY, Q.M.C.
RALPH P. WHITE, Provisional Captain British Army, resigned Captain U. S. Infantry
HOW THE GREAT WAR OPENED
N June 28, 1914, the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir-apparent to the throne of Austro-Hungary, visited the city of Sarajevo, capital of Bosnia, to take part in a public ceremony. As he was driving through the town a Bosnian named Cabri- novicz threw two bombs at his automobile. Both fell short. Despite this warning and the supposed excel- lence of the Austrian police system, that same after- noon a young Bosnian named Gabrilio Prinzip succeeded in reaching the steps of his automobile and fired two shots from an automatic pistol. His aim was only too good. Both the Archduke and his wife, a Czech countess whom he had married morgana- tically, were killed.
Prinzip was seized, but was later given the com- parative immunity of a prison sentence, while several political leaders of the pro-Serbian faction were held as the real principals and three of them were exe- cuted. The Serbian government immediately ex- pressed its horror, and was assured that the affair would not disturb the relations between Austria and Serbia. The world in general assumed that the inci- dent would end where it had begun-in Bosnia. Nearly a month passed. Then on July 23d, to the amazement and consternation of all Europe, Austria- Hungary sent to Serbia the most startling ultimatum ever addressed by one free nation to another. It demanded:
Prohibition of publications hostile to Austria-Hun- gary; suppression of societies engaged in propaganda against Austria-Hungary; elimination from the schools of teaching opposed to Austria-Hungary; re- moval from the Serbian military service of officers whom Austria-Hungary should thereafter name; ac- ceptance of Austrian military and judicial commis- sions to carry out Austrian demands.
Press, public meetings, education, military service and administration of justice in Serbia must all be turned over to Austrian dictation. And Serbia must accept these terms within 48 hours.
Serbia accepted! The terrified little nation quib- bled on only two of the demands, conceding the others unreservedly and concluded with an offer to refer any point not satisfactorily answered to The Hague tribunal or to the powers.
And then, on July 28th, Austria declared war, and on July 29th the great world war was begun by the shelling of Belgrade.
The alliance between Germany and Austria was defensive only, as Italy, the third member of the league, later showed. Even had it been otherwise, disregard of its obligations for the purpose of pre- serving peace could have presented no moral dif- ficulties to a nation which was soon to violate equally binding treaties in order to carry out her plans of war. The slightest word from Germany would have
compelled Austria-Hungary to settle her quarrel. As a matter of fact, the Austrian government was at one time on the point of yielding to reason, but Ger- many compelled it to go on. The assassination of the Archduke was to be made the pretext for carry- ing out plans of military aggression which the Ger- man imperial leaders had long been preparing. These plans contemplated nothing less than the conquest of a large part of Europe, if not of the world.
Evidence of this accumulated during the progress of the war.
August Thyssen, a leading German steel manufac- turer, published in 1917 a pamphlet telling about several meetings of German men between 1912 and 1914 at which the Emperor promised them great financial rewards for supporting him in the projected war. Thyssen was "personally promised 30,000 acres in Australia." Other firms were to have "special trading facilities in India, which was to be conquered by Germany, be it noted, by the end of 1915." A syndicate was formed for the exploitation of Canada."
Prince Lichnowsky, who was German ambassador to Great Britain when the war began, wrote for his family archives in 1916 a record, which later gained publication, in which he said that Serbia had accepted almost the whole ultimatum "under Russian and British pressure," and that "Count Berchtold was even prepared to satisfy himself with the Serbian reply." Lichnowsky added that he had to support in London a policy, "the heresy of which I recognized" and suggested that the German people were domin- ated by "the spirit of Treitschke and of Bernhardi, which glorifies war as an end in itself."
The United States army intelligence service learned from German agents arrested in this country that on July 10, 1914, a corps of German propagan- dists had been sent to neutral countries to develop sentiment for Germany in the war which was about to begin.
Henry Morgenthau, United States ambassador to Turkey, was told, a few weeks after the war started, by both the Austrian and German ambassadors at Constantinople, that war had been decided on at a conference in Berlin early in July.
This was why when Russia called her reserves to the colors on the day following Austria's declaration of war on Serbia, Germany immediately began to mobilize and on August 1st declared war on Russia. It was not on the Russian frontier, however, that Germany massed her troops. France was bound to Russia by a treaty of alliance; and, before sending her ultimatum to Russia, Germany demanded of France whether she would remain neutral. France ordered mobilization, but directed her troops to keep ten miles inside the French border. Nevertheless, cav- alry skirmishes occurred on both the French ard Rus- sian frontiers on the following day, August 2d, and
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NEW
BRUNSWICK
on the same day German troops entered the neutral duchy of Luxemburg, which could only protest. The formal declaration of war on France was made on August 3d.
The first and greatest horrors of war, however, were to fall, not on Serbia or Russia or France, but on a nation which was absolutely inoffensive and un- concerned in the quarrel. On July 31st, before any declaration of war except that of Austria had oc- curred, three German army corps started for the Belgian border, and on August 2d the amazed and frightened government of Belgium received an ulti- matum demanding the right of passage for the Ger- man army through Belgian territory. The particular wickedness of this note lay in the concluding para- graph, which read: "Should Belgium oppose the German troops and particularly should she throw difficulties in the way of their march by a resistance of the fortresses on the Meuse, or by destroying rail- ways, roads, tunnels or other similar works, Germany will, to her regret, be compelled to consider Belgium as an enemy."
Germany was not content to ask the privilege of sending troops through Belgium and to offer alliance and protection against invasion by France, which she professed to believe was threatened, though France had just given the most positive assurance to the contrary. She was not even satisfied to an- nounce her purpose to move through Belgium and leave the question of Belgium's attitude for the fu- ture. She placed Belgium at the outset in the posi- tion of a subject province to be subdued if it dared to resist. In view of the later attitude of the Ger- man leaders, there can be little doubt that this note was written in the expectation and hope that Belgium would resist, since that would further the project of annexation.
Germany's course violated written as well as moral law. The perpetual neutrality of Belgium had been solemnly guaranteed by a treaty between the five great powers, including Prussia, as early as 1831, and had several times been reaffirmed. Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg frankly admitted in his speech to the reichstag on August 4th that Germany had acted "contrary to the dictates of international law." The excuse offered was "military necessity."
When the British ambassador at Berlin gave warn- ing of the consequence of violating Belgium's neu- trality, the German foreign minister, Von Jagow, heatedly referred to the treaty as a "scrap of paper." Great Britain's attitude up to this time had been that of a mediator seeking to avert the general calamity. She had a friendly understanding with France and Russia, but was not allied with them by treaty. It is probable that even when Premier As- quith and his associates sent an ultimatum to Ger- many demanding that Belgium's neutrality be respected, they cherished a strong hope that their threat would compel Germany to pause. But if so,
the hope was disappointed, and on August 4th the was became general with Germany and Austria- Hungary on one side and Great Britain, France, Bel- gium, Russia and Serbia on the other. Montenegro came to the aid of Serbia four days later.
The events of 1915, which had most influence on the outcome of the war, though not in the way which the Germans expected, were the operations of sub- marines. On February 4th, the German government declared all the waters around the British Isles a war zone and gave notice that neutral as well as enemy shipping was liable to be sunk. This aroused the United States. The President immediately notified Germany that she would be held to "strict accountability."
The seriousness of the submarine threat soon be- came apparent when the British steamer "Falaba" was sunk on March 28th in Saint George's Channel, drowning 111 of the passengers and crew, including one American. Soon afterword the Ame ican steamer "Cushing" was attacked and damaged by a German airplane in the North Sea ard a litle later the "Gulf- light" was torpedoed off the Scilly irlands.
The climax came on May 7, however, when the great passenger liner "Lusitania" was torpedoed off the south coast of Ireland with a loss of 1,153 men, women and children, of whom 114 were Americans. Indignation blazed to a white heat. It was thought that the United States would declare war at once. The President called on Germany to disavow the act, adding that the United States would not "omit any word or any act necessary to the performance of its sacred duty" of maintaining the rights of its citi- zens. The Germans, however, made a conciliatory answer, and although the steamer "Nebraska" was soon afterward torpedoed, but not sunk, the incident was allowed to dwindle into a series of inconclusive diplomatic notes, only to flame up again when, on August 19th, the liner "Arabic" was sunk off Ireland with a loss of 44 passengers and crew, including two Americans.
More notes followed, culminating on October 5th in a disavowal by the German government of the act of the submarine commander, an offer to pay indem- nity and a promise that no similar incident would occur again.
Little more than a month afterward, the "Arabic" tragedy was repeated in the Mediterranean when the Italian liner "Ancona" was sunk with a loss of more than 200 lives, including nine Americans. The responsibility for this act, however, was assumed by the Austrian government, which, after another series of notes, duplicated the German promise and then broke it on December 30th by sinking the liner "Persia" with a loss of 392 lives, including an Amer- ican consul.
Public indignation was further aroused by the dis- covery of indisputable evidence that, while this con- troversy was going on, plots to foment strikes,
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IN THE WORLD WAR
destroy munition plants and commit other acts against the peace of the United States were being directed from the German and Austrian embassies. The recall of the Austrian ambassador, Dr. Dumba, was demanded in September, and the German mili- tary and naval attaches, Captain Von Uapen and Captain Boy-Ed, were similarly sent home in December.
Nevertheless, the government accepted the Ger- man word, and the country was kept out of war for the time being, even refraining from beginning any active preparation. The "Lusitania" sinking, how- ever, had turned against the Teutonic powers a greater force than cannon or armed battalions. It had aroused the conscience of civilization. Their every word and act thereafter were faced by the silent, accusing fingers of drowned children.
"ILS NE PASSERONT PAS"
The battle cry of the French poilus at Verdun, "They shall not pass," was descriptive of the entire war in 1916. Not only at Verdun, but at Ypres, in the North Sea and in the Italian Trentino, they did not pass. And the successful counter-blows on the Somme, in Galicia and the Caucasus and on the Isonzo gave offensive emphasis to the power of the Allies. Nowhere except in the detached campaign against Roumania had the Germans been able to repeat their successes of 1915. If the Rus- sians could have continued to develop the recupera- tive strength which they had shown in 1916, the campaigns of 1917 might well have brought a de- cisive Allied victory. But intrigue and treachery had been at work in Russia.
It was probably a knowledge of the successes of their agents in Russia and an expectation that the betrayal of Roumania was to be followed by a sep- arate peace with the Czar's government which gave the Germans confidence to break their word to the United States for the third time. On January 31st, they gave notice that after February 1st they would resume submarine ruthlessness. This was a con- temptuous violation of both the "Sussex" and the "Arabic" pledges as well as of a special pledge, given in the "Frye" case, not to sink American ships. The Germans may have believed that the influence of their friends in American politics and the strong pacifist sentiment in the Southern and Western parts of the country, which in the winter of 1916 had nearly put through Congress the Mclemore resolu- tion forbidding Americans to travel on foreign ships and had made a powerful appeal for an embargo on the export of munitions, would prevent the United States from entering the war under any provocation. They undoubtedly thought that, in any event, the Uinted States, having made no preparation, would be unable to send troops to Europe in time to give effective help to the Allies.
This time the Germans did not attempt to hold off the United States with diplomatic notes and new
promises, although given ample opportunity to do so. President Wilson, when he severed diplomatic relations on February 3d, still declared his unwill- ingness to believe that the Germans would actually do as they threatened. The sinking of several ships, including two American merchantmen and the liner "Laconia," by which three American lives were lost, removed all doubt on that point. Feeling was further intensified by the discovery of a secret message from the German foreign minister, Zimmermann, to the German minister to Mexico, directing him to propose to Mexico an alliance with Germany against the United States and that Mexico should conquer Texas, Arizona and New Mexico and should attempt to draw Japan into the plan. The President then, on Feb- ruary 26th, proposed a resort to "armed neutrality," asking authority to arm American ships for defense, but again expressed the hope that it would "not be necessary to put armed forces anywhere into action." The opposition of twelve senators prevented the granting of this authority before the expiration of Congress on March 4th, but the President pro- ceeded to arm merchant ships under his general powers and called a special session of Congress to meet on April 2d. More ships had been sunk in the meantime, and there was no further hesitation. When the President asked Congress to declare war, however, he based his action, not alone on the special grievances of the United Staates, but on the gen- eral course of the German government, which he called a "challenge to all mankind." He denounced the German autocracy as "the natural foe of liberty" and asked for action because "the world must be made safe for democracy."
The declaration of war was adopted on April 6th with six opposition votes in the Senate and 50 in the House.
In addition to providing for a large increase in the Regular army and National Guard by voluntary enlistment, a general conscription of all men between the ages of 21 and 31 was ordered. Money was raised by popular bond issue, and war activities be- gan on an enormous scale. A naval contingent reached Great Britain on May 4th and at once began patrol work against submarines. General John G. Pershing was appointed to command the army. He landed in France with his staff on June 13th. The first contingent of regular troops arrived on the 26th. More than a year passed, however, before the United States began to take an active part at the front.
Cuba followed the course of the United States at once. Brazil immediately severed diplomatic rela- tions, but did not declare war till October. Bolivia, Peru, Uruguay, Ecuador and Santo Domingo either severed diplomatic relations or otherwise indicated their sympathy with the United States. Siam de- clared war in July, and China in August. Panama, Hayti, Guatemala, Costa Rica, Honduras and Nica- ragua all declared war. Even the little negro re- public of Liberia came in. The world was at war.
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NEW
BRUNSWICK
War Declared
New Brunswick's Answer to the Call
LAYDEE-E-ZES
UNCLE SAMYUL
GENIEMMI
NOW
BATTING
ALLEYS!
12
On April 2, 1917, President Wilson appeared be- fore Congress and advised a declaration of war against Germany. Acting upon this advice the Senate, on April 4th, and the House of Representa- tives, on April 6th, each by an overwhelming vote, passed a resolution declaring that a state of war existed between the Imperial German Government and the United States. President Wilson signed the resolution on the same day and thereupon immediate- ly issued a proclamation heralding the news to the people.
For more than a half century, barring the short conflict with Spain, the United States had been at peace. There seemed no danger of war. The United States was so gigantic, so powerful, so isolated, that nothing threatened it. There could be no war.
On the whole Western Hemisphere there was no worthy foe for America; therefore there could be no war-for it was unthinkable that the United States would plunge into a war in Europe; unthinkable that the Republic would form an alliance with any nation of the world to fight against another nation. That would be contrary to the traditions of America, contrary to the fundamental principles of our exis- tence, contrary to the doctrine of every President from George Washington to Woodrow Wilson. It seemed certain that there was no danger of our being forced into the war. And Mr. Wilson ran for President on the platform, "He kept us out of war." That was his watchword in 1916. That battle cry re- elected him President of the United States.
Therefore on April 6, 1917, when the declaration Thirty-six
of war came, the people scarcely comprehended the gravity of the situation. Nobody believed, even then, that our boys would be sent to the battlefields of Europe. It was to be a sort of negative warfare; so it seemed. Diplomatic relations were to be severed and moral and financial assistance was to be lent to the Allies, but the people could not realize that their sons were to be drafted from the field and factory and sent to the trenches in France.
But in six weeks from the day that war was declared, President Wilson signed the draft act. The situation began to grow serious. The stern hand of discipline had appeared and the people saw that the government was in earnest. The registrations and drafting of men commenced. The National colors were flowing full to the breeze there to remain until the Hun was defeated.
At this point the nation began to come into con- tact with the realities of the war. Farmer boys left their ploughs in the field, mechanics dropped their tools at the bench, bookkeepers closed their ledgers and accounts, students walked out from the college doors, young professional men closed their offices and in every phase of life the vocations of peace were abandoned for the duties of war. The streets were filled with the tread of marching troops and scenes of parting were witnessed on every hand.
From the very beginning of hostilities in Europe, long before the submarine outrages at sea, the pub- lic sentiment of America turned strongly against Germany. Why this was so it is not necessary to argue-it was so. This feeling became greatly inten- sified by the sinking of the Lusitania. A wave of
IN
THE WORLD WAR
indignation swept over America and the world. The people took sides positively with the Allies, nine- tenths of them. Then came the destruction of the Arabic and the Sussex and the rapid aggression upon American shipping, so that the overwhelming preponderance of public opinion was against Ger- many.
There were many who had ties that bound them to their Fatherland and the Central Powers. But sud- denly the bugle sounded and the American flag was unfurled in war. The honor of the Stars and Stripes was challenged. Then patriotism, the great dormant American instinct, leaped into being. All the ancient ties were forgotten. America was in the war. That was enough. All other con- siderations disappeared. The summons was issued and every race, color and creed responded. Those maligning the Kaiser, those friendly to the Central Powers, those native to the soil of this continent, those born across the seas-the Yankees, the French, the Poles, the Irish, the Swedes, the English, the Italians, the Africans, the Germans, the Chinamen and the Japs were assembled soldiers of the Republic. All true Americans cemented into one body and for one common cause-to win the war.
While all this was taking place in the Nation, Mayor Farrington and his band of faithful advisers were hard at work making every preparation for the protection of New Brunswick and its citizens.
On April 2, a proclamation was issued by Mayor Farrington on account of the critical international crisis, assuring the foreign born residents every protection as long as they remained loyal. The proclamation follows and was printed in six different languages, English, German, Hungarian, Polish Italian and Greek.
PROCLAMATION
"I, Edward F. Farrington, Mayor of New Bruns- wick, deem it wise in the present crisis, in this formal proclamation to assure all residents of foreign birth that even in the event of the United States becoming involved actively in the great European war, no citizen of any foreign power, resident of New Bruns- wick, need fear any invasion of his personal or property rights as he goes peacefully about his busi- ness and conducts himself in a law abiding manner.
"The United States has never, in any war, con- fiscated the property of any foreign resident unless by his own hostile acts he made it necessary.
"I take this formal means of declaring to all foreign-born residents that they will be protected in the ownership of their property and money, and that they will be free from molestation so long as they obey the laws of the State and Nation and the ordinances of the city.
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