USA > New Jersey > Documents relating to the revolutionary history of the state of New Jersey, Vol. III > Part 25
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DAVID CAMPBELL.
Piscataque, April 28, 1779. 1
W HEREAS Sarah, my wife, hath eloped from my bed and board, for no other reason than my ver- bally reproving her for whoreing with one David Parker, a very vicious fellow: This is therefore to fore- warn all persons from trusting her on my account, as I am determined not to pay any debts of her contracting for the future. DAVID STURGE.
Morris Town, April 28, 1779.
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M ADE his escape from Joseph Edwards, a certain Thomas Wells, after being taken with a writ at the suit of Abraham Shipman, for the sum of £2000. Said Wells took the writ from Edwards, by force .- A reward of Fifty Pounds, and reasonable charges, will be paid for apprehending and delivering him to either of the subscribers.
ISRAEL HEDDEN, Sheriff, DAVID ROSS, D. Sheriff. -- The New-Jersey Journal, Vol. I., Numb. XII., May 4, 1779.
[No. VI.]
Mr. COLLINS.
I Concluded my last with recommending the plan for recovering the value of our money to its former standard, by immediately call- ing in all emitted money and loan-certificates, and giving the amount of our true national debt for them, to each his true and proper proportion .- As this would be only for fifteen or twenty, I doubt not but my proposal will amaze some, vex others, and enrage a number .- I only claim moderation and candor in judgment, and an impartial attention to what I have before offered on the subject, and here would beg leave to subjoin.
With the plan I would recommend, for the preservation of equity and justice, 1. That the different States seasonably pass laws that no one of the citizens shall be obliged to receive payment for debts contracted before the year 1777, in this depreciated currency. 2. That all monies received into our loans before the first day of March, 1778, should be exempted; because Congress has engaged an equivalent of hard cash for the interest; all that money has stood the owners of it its original value, and could not be got out again in less than three years, to be doubled seven times in the kind of trade which has been carried on. 3. And also monies belonging to churches or entrusted to bodies politic, for the use and benefit of churches or seminaries of learning. And 4. All monies belonging to super- annuated persons, widows and orphans, who are in no way of business, but are supported by the income of their stocks, because all these (except, perhaps, a few who have fallen into this class in the course of the last year or two) have their money at its original value, can have had no influence upon the depreciation, and had no opportunity to act in self-defence; but have been obliged, by the cruel necessities of the times, to supply what their income fell short, from the original stock .- Effectual precautions might be used to pre- vent any of these exempts from enriching themselves by fraud in
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such exemption .- I confess this would be no debt properly due to them from government, for their money is in fact worth no more than that of others: If they could purchase as much for what they got as for what they gave, and then be secured against farther de- preciation, they would even then gain by such exchange. But it appears to me that civil government ought by such exemption, to redress the grievances brought upon them by the common consent of the community, remembering that God declares himself to be the defender of the widow and the fatherless.
I would also observe, that if lands and houses as they now gen- erally sell, may also be considered as the barometer to measure the value of our money, then probably it would be at a medium ten for one, and our true national debt be between fifteen and sixteen millions, and so there will be due to the present owners of the money one for ten .*
I expect even many farmers and mechanicks, whose cause I am pleading, and who, as well as the monied men, have lived all the time of the superabundance of our money, without paying taxes, laying up money, and frequently counting over their numbers of pounds, will be thunder struck at my proposal, because they may apprehend, that in such case, they would hardly hold any of it .- I beg such to recollect that if they could buy as much, after such exchange, for twenty shillings as they can now for twenty pounds, what their loss would be? Surely not one farthing .- Such may hope, as well as the monied men, that their money will yet be made good to them. But pray who do you expect will make it good to you? It must either be the money itself, or your farms, or both. If the money is exchanged, as I have before advised, then your money, cattle and lands, will all bear equal proportion with the monied men, according to the present value of the money; but if a tax on land must make it good, and you then expect to keep yours, you will act in such case, just like the man who lets fifty pounds to different persons, and loses all but one or two, and then gives two thousand to have the fifty made good to him. Such truly would be your case and excess of folly.
* Let it here be observed, that formerly there was a proper pro- portion between the price of lands and that of its produce, and other articles of commerce; so if lands were purchased at £5 per acre, and twenty acres of that land, well prepared, would yield a crop, at a medium, of 200 bushels, and that would sell at 6s. per bushel, then the produce was £60, and land an hundred. In the depreciated money it stands thus; 200 bushels at 15 dollars, is £1125. The land at four for one, will be £400. See the unreasonable odds. I am sure if the monied men were persuaded that money should be taxed, or pay in proportion for recovering its value, they would soon be willing to give £80, or £90, or £100 per acre. Which shows how much the farmers are oppressed by this partial tax.
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To convince of this, and show my fellow-citizens our perilous situation, and absolute necessity of some such plan as I have recom- mended, let the following state of our national affairs, in the present conjunction, be seriously attended to.
As I am not privy to the secrets of state, I must proceed on what Congress has published, and the nature of things. I trust if my sup- positions shall be impartially tried, they will be found not to exceed real matters of fact .- I suppose then, with the Pennsylvania author before recited, that if the different state emissions are added to the continental, the total sum may be an hundred and thirty millions of dollars. I have before at random guess, supposed our loan-certificates to the amount of about thirty millions. Let us here only suppose them the half. Then the total amount of our national debt (exclusive of foreign) will be an hundred and forty-five millions of dollars. Then, according to the nature of things, we may suppose, as the first cam- paign, 1775, was not extensive, and money not depreciated, that its expences amounted to about four or five millions. The second, 1776, much more extensive, but money not depreciated, its expences about fifteen or sixteen millions. The third, 1777, still more extensive south and north, the army furnished by foreign importations, and the money depreciated, perhaps at a medium of two for one, its expences forty- five millions. The fourth and last, 1778, as extensive as the former, but no extraordinary importation of arms and ammunition, money depreciated at a medium of four for one, its expences eighty millions. The total then an hundred and forty-five millions, as before supposed .- To proceed, if our independence should be acknowledged before the next campaign opens, and a cessation of arms ensue, we must still keep our armies south, west and north, at least for the year 1779. If no truce ensues, the campaign ought to be more extensive than any of the former, and pushed with vigor. Let us only suppose it equal to the last and the present depreciation in all the necessaries for the army, at the lowest medium, fifteen for one. In that ratio or pro- portion the next campaign will cost us three hundred millions .- Whence is this money to be had? Must it be paid from new emis- sions ? What then will the whole be good for? Or must the whole of our present emissions be got more than twice over into our loans? If even this impossibility could be done, it would make our national debt four hundred and forty-five millions, and the yearly interest near twenty millions, exclusive of the money now emitted .- Hence our only remedy will be an immediate levying of taxes. The New Jersey quota, pursuant to the resolves of Congress, would be these expences for the next campaign, six millions, not of dollars, but of pounds. And hence every farmer who pays ten pounds as his share of the hundred thousand, which is this spring collecting, will have to pay in the other six hundred, and so on more or less, in proportion to what his share is in the tax now collecting. Now, gentlemen farmers and mechanicks, you may depend upon it that must and will be your case, if things go on this year as it has begun. If any one should presume to feign this representation an idle-gasconade or phantom, let him examine it to
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the bottom, and he will find it to be true; and fatal experience will certainly prove it so, unless prevented by a timely and effectual remedy.
Here you are to consider two things,
1. That all the money and bank-notes now emitted, or hereafter to be emitted, must be paid in again and destroyed. It is not to be sup- posed that farmers and mechanicks, though so far superior in num- bers, have or ever shall have the half of this money and
the notes in their possession at the original division. The most of it is, and ever will be on such emission, with the monied part of the community. They now possess it, with you, at the true value, fifteen or twenty for one. The whole of it cannot be brought to its first value. What it is depreciated must be lost somewhere. Hence suppose an hundred millions must be sunk to bring the rest to its value. Suppose also that of that sum forty millions are in the possession of the farmers and mechanicks, and the sixty millions in that of the monied men. Then if the whole sum must be sunk by taxes on real property, it is as clear as sun at noon day, that farmers and me- chanicks must give up all they have first, and then purchase the sixty millions from the monied part, for their produce, or stock and herds, or their lands, and then the remaining thirty millions (worth as much as the whole before) will still be in the possession of the monied part of the community. As the national debt increases, so will this fatal evil to farmers and mechanicks increase. If you consider this inevitable consequence, can you hesitate a moment to deliver up all the money you have, and receive your just proportion of what is the true national debt, and so remain upon an equitable footing with the monied men. While you cordially assist in defending the rich in their justly acquired riches, can you avoid detesting the luxurious spendthrift, the curse to civil society, preying upon your vitals, and supporting his extravagance at your expence ?- View the ladies of such gallants of this our age and country, dressed off in their top-gallant-sails at the moderate price of thirty, forty or fifty pounds for each such suit, while they are driving in their phaetons or coaches and four, cast their superscilious sneers of disdain at you, while honestly and industriously employed to procure a comfortable subsistence. I say, while you reflect upon this, can you brook the thought of your labouring and toiling, only to make thousands and millions of depreciated money good in such hands, and throw immense riches into their coffers, only to support their extravagance? Surely no !
2. You are to consider the sad alternative to which this horrid depreciation of our currency has brought us .- It is in vain to hide things from the people at large, for fear our enemies should know them : Things which (if known) may be presented before they are past recovery : Things which our enemies have long foreseen, laboured hard to promote, and now are the only buoy to their sinking hope of conquest .- I have before shewn that our next campaign, if carried on as begun, will cost us three hundred millions of dollars, at the present
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depreciation. From what I have before observed, it is incontestibly evident, either that Congress must have negotiated for a sufficient sum from foreign powers, or that the method I have advised, or a similar one, must be pursued .- If the first, it will be only a temporary remedy, in the course of one year the tories and monied men will have it hoarded up out of circulation, and the next year we will have this whole sum of hard cash an additional debt upon our backs, our original evil still remaining, and ourselves next year in a worse dilemma. If Congress should not have engaged this money, what then ? Can we expect our armies will fight without pay? Can we supply them without money? Or will we permit them to let their weapons drop, with victory, glorious victory (under the farther smiles of Heaven on their just exertions) at their command? If such an awful event should happen, what then would you, friends to liberty and your country, have to expect? What profit would your money be to you then? Would you then get one for fifteen or twenty? No not one farthing for thousands and millions ; and all your herds and stocks, lands and possessions, were gone with your money, and yourselves and children, and childrens children, were slaves of slaves forever .- If mine or a similar plan was carried into execution, and the abuses in the staff department of our army redressed, a most vigorous campaign might be carried on, at the expence of about six or seven millions of dollars, and all the grievances of the military department of our army at once redressed. In what I have on this supposition asserted, I do not guide myself by our former campaigns. It has long been observed by men of judgment, that our military oper- ations have been carried on with most wanton destruction and un- necessary expences, but by comparing it with that of other nations. Holland, for a number of years successively, carried on a war against Spain, then the most powerful monarch in Europe, both offensive and defensive, at the annual expence of nine millions of guilders. Such guilder is worth three shillings York currency. Its amount is consequently three millions three hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars, with the addition of a moderate sum on any extraordinary occasion. With this sum they held an army sufficient to garrison their own towns and fortresses, which were numerous; and to lay siege to and take many of the strongest places from their enemies ; and withall, a fleet sufficient to keep the command of their coast and protect their extensive trade; and almost all their troops were levied in foreign countries .- It may be said, that our land carriage is vastly more expensive than theirs by water.
I acknowledge it. I find however, by their calculating an intended campaign, provision made for a great number of horses and carriages to attend the army. I have for this, and the necessaries of the army imported at a great risk, allowed about double. The New Jersey quota of this sum would be about an hundred and thirty pounds, and the farmer who pays ten pounds in the tax this spring collecting, would have to pay about thirteen towards a whole year's expence of the war. There would then be no enlarging of our national debt, no interest to be paid, no
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unnecessary loan-officers to be maintained .- Who then in good con- science, can oppose so salutary and necessary a measure? It appears to me that none can nor will, but such as are bent upon making their fortunes at the expence of others; or such enemies to their country as have eagerly promoted this evil, and hoped for our ruin from it, when they were forced to doubt the success of the British arms.
As I am pleased to see the community become sensible of the evil this depreciation has brought upon us, I am willing that every method proposed for its redress, should be thoroughly canvassed. As I was writing my former number, the piece, Sir, in your Gazette, signed Caines,1 fell into my hands. My eager desire for the welfare of my country, urged me to trace his plan in its nature and tendency .- As to his idea of remedying the evil by taxes in the ordinary way, I have given my reasons against in the course of these numbers. His plan for doing it by annuities would rather increase than diminish our distresses. I humbly conceive that this plan supposes we are about sinking our national debt, as if the war was over, whereas our daily expences multiply upon us in the same proportion as our money has depreciated. If the next campaign is to cost New-Jersey six millions of pounds, will my friend in such case, think of taking three hundred thousand pounds out of circulation, at twenty-seven thousand pounds annual interest ?- Secondly, he does not seem to recollect that three hundred thousand pounds now is actually worth no more than twenty thousand original value; that the interest for one year after the money had recovered its value, should be seven thousand pounds more, than the whole principal.
Thus, my fellow-citizens, I have laid before you the different plans proposed for the recovery of the lost value of our money. I have freely adopted that for taxing the money itself. I have preferred doing the whole of it at once, to that of the Real Farmer doing it by twenty-five per cent. Because, 1. The absolute necessity of our present affairs demands such a step. 2. It will be eventually the same to the present owner of the money, is it not better to compleat the exchange in one day than four or five years? 3. It will not give those opportunities to subtle and designing men to impose upon the honest and more innocent, that so long a time would do.
I have given my reasons in support of my opinions, and leave you to judge. It is highly probable that some, without hesitation, will condemn the plan I have advised to be pursued, and perhaps, take the trouble to attempt a confutation of my arguments .- Of such I beg the favor to take up the true matter in debate, which is not the raising taxes to pay the national debt, but the recovery of depreciated value of our money; and thereon to point out my fundamental errors ; and I assure such, that I shall gratefully receive conviction. And if any one shall point out withall, a remedy more easy, just and efficacious, it will ease my mind of much perplexity and trouble, under which it has laboured many a day, on account of the state of
1 Caius.
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our national affairs .- If any should attack me, not with solid argu- ments, but with scurrility, buffoonery and abuse, because I recom- mend a plan, which, if put in execution, would effectually frustrate their schemes for enriching themselves, at the expence of the labours and honestly acquired possessions of others; I say, the abuse of such, I shall endeavour to treat in a manner becoming the char- acter of a patriot.
You, my friends and countrymen, who have hitherto proved, and still must prove the bulwark of safety, against the tyranny of Britain; you have bore the shock, and have hitherto proved the happy means of your political salvation; your valour and patriotism have rescued a devoted people from the jaws of exterior tyranny: It appears to me that one noble effort more, against an internal evil, not less dangerous than the former, and you will thereby bring the vessel of our State within a safe harbour .- Should the plan I have recommended, or any similar one appear to our Legislature, or our Representatives in Congress, proper to be pursued, prudence will dictate to them not to undertake so uncommon and bold a step, with- out being previously assured that you will cordially support them in the execution, when resolved upon. Therefore let me intreat you to resume your former public spirit and patriotism, and boldly step forth against our internal enemies, who, by the depreciation of our currency, have laboured to cut the sinews of our just defensive war; prepare petitions, and present them to our honourable Legislature at their next meeting, praying them to endeavour a redress in the premises; assuring them that if they in their wisdom shall see fit to fall upon any such expedient, as therein recommended, to recover the value of the depreciated money, that you will faithfully assist in carrying it into execution, and that they would instruct their Rep- resentatives in Congress accordingly. And as our internal policy is to us a matter of the last importance, demand of your Representatives that the minutes of their proceedings be punctually published, imme- diately after every meeting and session, in order that you may have a better opportunity to judge who you may trust, than you have hitherto had. Be careful, and commit your most important concerns only to men of probity, prudence and merit, whose interest coincides with yours, if such possibly may be had. I am confident, my re- spected fellow-citizens, if you were sensible of the dangerous situation this detestable depreciation has brought us in, you would, if you are real friends to your country, drop all hopes of inriching yourselves by the recovery of its value, you would make a cordial sacrifice of all the surplus you possess of it and earnestly exert yourselves in seasonably procuring an effectual remedy .- May indulgent Heaven ! in his kind providence, direct to it, and smile further on our honest struggles for liberty, property and safety, is the sincere and cordial prayer of him who takes delight, Sir, in subscribing himself,
Your's and his country's friend,
A TRUE PATRIOT.
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Mr. Collins,-Please to subjoin this [to] my sixth number. I appre- hend some persons may be induced, from the descriptive ac- count I have given of myself in your Gazette, No. 39, to suspect that I am influenced only by self-interest, as my estate only lies in real property. Again to blunt the edge of such weapons before an attack, I beg leave to inform such, that Providence has placed me in circum- stances of life so as to descend myself, in case a tax on real property was to make good the depreciated money. Suppose I could spare of real property to the amount of fifteen hundred pounds original value, and reserve sufficient for a comfortable subsistence, then it is evident, that would now sell for fifteen thousand. In case I put that sum into our loan-office, it would draw nine hundred pounds annual interest. Hence it is manifest, that if even money should be taxed in the ordinary way, in proportion to lands, that I could pay five hundred pounds annual tax for this money, have four hundred over, and pursu- ant to the resolves of Congress, in thirteen or fourteen years, raise this part of my estate from fifteen hundred to fifteen thousand: And where should I get this from? I am sure neither the income of the real property, nor the lawful interest of the true value could never give me a quarter of that sum. Then the answer is plain, it must come from oppressing my honest industrious neighbour. If unjust self-interest swayed me, then this should have been the plan I would have endeavoured to pursue.
TRENTON, MAY 5.
Sunday last His Excellency the Sieur Gerard, and his suite, with Don Juan de Mirallis,1 a Spanish Gentleman of distinction, passed through this place on their return from Head-Quarters, where they were received suitably to their rank. The troops that were paraded made a very martial appearance, and performed their evolutions with great exactness,
"On the 26th ult." says a correspondent, "The enemy in two divisions landed in the county of Monmouth, one party at Shoal Harbour, which marched to Middletown and got into the village at day break; the other went in flat-bottomed boats into Shrewsbury river, landed
1 Miralles, a gentleman of fortune residing at Havana, came to America early in 1779, as an unofficial agent of the Spanish government, and produced an agreeable impression on Washington and others whom he met. He died at Morristown, April 28, 1780.
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at Red-Bank, and then proceeded to Trenton 1 Falls. Col- onel Ford with the continental troops retired to Colts neck. Near the middle of the day the party, which had landed at Shrewsbury, crossed the river and went to Middletown, where both the divisions formed a junction. They sent their boats round to the Bay shore near one Harber's plantation, where they had thirteen sloops ready to take them off. At eight o'clock, Captain Burrows, who had mustered 12 men, gave them to understand that they were surrounded by the militia; they continued in the village till three o'clock, when they began their retreat. Capt. Burrows was then joined by three more men, and kept a constant fire upon them for two miles, when Colonel Holmes of the militia, with about 60 of his men, reinforced Capt. Burrows, and then the enemy's retreat was per- cipitate; they were drove on board at sun-set, and imme- diately set sail for New York. Their numbers were about 800, commanded by Col. Hyde. We had but two men slightly wounded. The enemy left three dead behind them, their wounded they carried off, as their rear made a stand at every hill, house and barn in their rout. One of our inhabitants says 15 wounded were carried on board. In their progress, or rather flight, they plundered the in- habitants, and burnt several houses and barns. Had they landed in the day, or stayed till our militia could be col- lected to half their numbers, (which' we always reckon sufficient to drub them) they would doubtless have re- pented their invasion. But ever choosing like their brother thieves, the hours of darkness, to perpetrate the work of darkness, they generally land in the night, and before the militia can be collected, flee to their vessels with percipita- tion, snatching up in their flight what plunder they can; and then blazon away in their lying Gazettes, one of these sheep-stealing nocturnal robberies, into one of the Duke of Marlborough's victories in Flanders,
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