Early Dutch Settlers of Monmouth County, New Jersey, Part 11

Author: Beekman, George Crawford. dn
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Freehold, N.J. : Moreau Brothers
Number of Pages: 226


USA > New Jersey > Monmouth County > Early Dutch Settlers of Monmouth County, New Jersey > Part 11


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


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The people of Middletown were very jubilant over this news, for they had long been governed, much to their dis- gust, hy Scotch officials. They not only regarded the Scotch as foreigners, but felt that they had been transferred wrongfully to the control of these strangers, These Seoteh officials also represented the proprietors and pushed them for "quitt rents."


The Middletown people had not only procured a patent for the territory of Monmouth with right of loeal govern- ment, from the authorized agent of the Duke of York (for it was clearly with- in Nicoll's instructions) but they had actually paid out their hard cash, and occupied the lands before any notice was given of the transfer of New Jer- sey to Berkeley and Carteret.


The pioneers of Monmouth had ex- pended £3691/2, or $1,847 in buying out the Indians' title to part of what is now Monmouth county, If this money had been put out at interest at 6 per cent. and the interest invested each year from 1667 to 1898, it would now amount to more than the assessed valuation of the real estate in "Newasineks, Navar- umsunk and Pootapeck Neeks," as they called the lands so bought of the red nien.


Besides, $1,847 was a large sum of money for men living in the wilderness of the new world in that day to raise. Money was then very hard to get. They were also obliged to make many jour- neys through Rhode Island and Long Island, to persuade men to subscribe for these expenses and to migrate to this region, and so make up the num- ber their patent required.


They were subjected to trouble and expense of transporting their families, stock and goods across the water. To survey, lay out lots and roads, clear


lands, build cabins, plant crops, protect stock and crops from wild animals, and themselves from the savages, required the hardest physical labor with their few and rough tools. Nearly every- thing was done by the hardest physical toil. For the most part they were un- educated men and women, yet they had to organize townships, enact local laws, establish courts and elect officers. They had no go betweens like clergymen, physicians, undertakers, and lawyers, but did their own praying, their own doetoring, and burying their own dead. After all this trouble, expense and hardship, they are suddenly told that their patent is worthless, and some people whom they had never heard of, not only own their lands but have the right to govern them. That these new and strange owners of the soil, and the rulers of the inhabitants thereof, are called Proprietors, "such a name as we simple creatures never before heard of" they frankly say. They are called upon to swear allegiance and obedience to these "unheard-of" rulers, and to pay them rent for their lands and bet- terments. Nobody offers to repay them for the money laid out for the Indian title, the true American lords of the soil. Their time, labors, and improve- ments are all owned by somebody else. and they are required to pay rent to them as tenants.


Three separate proclamations came from Charles II, King of England, that they must submit and obey Berkeley and Cartaret or their assigns, or be punished by the severest penalties of the law. They are told by the agents of the Lord Proprietors, that they must pay rent for the lands they occupy and render due obedience, or their goods will be distrained, and they prosecuted by law as mutineers or rebels.


Their reply to these demands can be found in the old township book of Mid- dletown, and it is well worth reading. for it was the first declaration of in- dependence uttered on the American continent. The substance is that they "will stick to their patent" and may God defend the right.


Their treatment was unjust, but the blame falls on that royal scoundrel


EARLY DUTCH SETTLERS OF MONMOUTH.


Charles Stuart, and his false-hearted brother known in history as the Duke of York, and later as James II of Eng- land. Richard Nicolls had full author- ity from the Duke of York to grant the Monmouth patent under his general in- structions. The principal under such circumstances was bound by the acts of his agent, before the authority was revoked, and before notice was had of any transfer by the principal. The Duke of York made the transfer or assignment of New Jersey to Berkeley and Cartaret, after Nicolls had sailed from England, and before any notice of their successful robbery of the New Netherlands from the Dutch in time of peace. Berkeley and Cartaret had never expended a single cent or did one stroke of work for this land. They were the sycophants and toadies of Charles II, and his boon companions in his midnight orgies and daylight adul- teries.


Every principle of equity demanded that Nicolls' grant, followed by actual purchase from the true owners, and settlement, without notice of a secret prior transfer, if such was the fact, should have been upheld, if there was any justice in the laws of England.


It would today in any equity court of these United States. It is very ques- tionable whether the grant to Berkeley and Cartaret was really prior in point of fact. Charles Il and his brother. James II, respected neither the rights of their own subjects in England, or of anybody else, except the King of France and the Pope of Rome. To antedate a charter of this kind would be a small trifle in their eyes. Besides, who would dare question it or call them to ac- count? Surely not the poor people in the wilds of America three thousand miles away. The character of Charles II has been truly portrayed by Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury, who lived during his reign, in the book called "History of His Own Time." He com- pares Charles to Tiberius, the infamous Emperor of Rome. But what could be expected of a so-called King, who dragged the poor bones of Great Crom- well from the grave, and suspended them on a gibbet. When Cromwell was alive he never dare look him in the face, but when dead he takes a con- temptible savage revenge on his corpse. A man who would do such an act would not hesitate to rob a friendly nation of their territory, or his own subjects of their rights, by dating back a docu- ment like the charter of New Jersey. Neither would a man like the Duke of


York, who fostered, upheld and pushed on George Jeffrey, the judicial whole- sale murderer, Tom Boilman, and John Graham of Claverhouse, "the three heroes of his reign," hesitate at such a small matter as ante-dating a transfer of wild lands across the Atlantic.


James II, not his tools and creatures, is responsible for the horrors which followed Monmouth's rebellion in 1685. and which followed his efforts to estab- lish prelacy in Scotland. So this false- hearted, cruel tyrant is responsible for the proprietary government of New Jersey and their ownership of the soil. The last has been a curse and a wrong to our people in Monmouth county from the day it was granted, down to the day within our memory, when they sold land under Shark river at public sale for a song, and took up lands on the coast next to Belmar, Spring Lake, and other places, clouding titles by whole- sale, and selling them for insignificant sums of money, compared to their real value. Yet we find certain American historians of the New England type who try to justify Charles II. "The king can do no wrong," for he rules by divine right, seems ingrained in the minds of people who worship aristoc- racy and royalty. "These be thy gods, ( Dudes and Dudesses!" Today, how- ever, such superstitious, slavish, and snobbish ideas have no influence with sensible people who have any con- science and respect the right of their fellow men and their own manhood.


When Governor Basse arrived in East Jersey, he appointed two of the leading and trusted citizens of Middletown. Capt. Andrew Bowne and Richard Hartshorne, members of his council. Lewis Morris of "Tintern Manor" was "left out in the cold." This was a sev- ere blow to his pride and ambition. He was that kind of a man who would either "rule or ruin." His very signa- ture, if handwriting is any indication of character, shows that he had a high opinion of himself. This slight, to- gether with the appointment of his political opponents, Bowne and Harts- horne, to the council stirred up all the gall in his body. He became a bitter and bold opponent of Governor Basse. He now arraigns the proprietors in the severest manner, telling some very un- palatable truths, and alleging that "Nothing they say or do can be depend- ed upon or believed." This Lewis Morris made more history in East Jer- sey between 1695 and 1746, than any other man during those years. He was certainly a remarkable man. To under- stand his character we must consider


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EARLY DUTCH SETTLERS OF MONMOUTHI.


his sayings and doings, for there is much of both in our county and colon- ial records. We cannot understand the history of these times unless we under- stand Lewis Morris. He was a nephew of one Lewis Morris who had served as Captain of a troop of horse under Cromwell, the greatest Englishman that ever lived. After the Stuarts were restored he emigrated to the island of Barbadoes, and from there removed to New York in 1673. He or his brother Richard, then deceased, had acquired a large tract of land in what are now Shrewsbury and Atlantic townships. He started an iron foundry at Tinton Falls with bog ore. He left Monmouth in 1686 and died in 1691. on his planta- tion near Harlem, N. Y., afterwards called by his nephew, Lewis Morris, the "Manour of Morrisania." He was very fond of calling his wild lands "Manors." It gave him consequence, he doubtless thought, for a grand name goes a long way with people, who cannot distin- gulsh between words and their real meanings underneath.


At a court held at Middletown village in September. 1686, Lewis Morris Is ar- rested and brought before the court, on a charge made "on oath of a negro woman named Franck." The offence or crime is not stated. This omission, to- gether with the fact that Morris did not stand any open trial, would indi- cate that it was a scandalous or dis- graceful accusation. Instead of fight- ing it by evidence and trial, he pro- cures a writ of habeas corpus from Governor Gawen Laurie, and removed the complaint to the next court of Com- mon Right at Perth Amboy. 1 do not know what the records of this court show in October, 1686. but would not be surprised if it was quietly consigned to the "Tomb of the Capulets." A poor negro wench, doubtless a slave, could not follow up such a case against a man like Lewis Morris, however griev- ous her wrongs.


The next entry is at a court held at Middletown village March 22, 1687:


"Lewis Morris' commission as justice of the peace is read."


This appointment made him one of the associate judges of the Common Pleas and General Quarter Sessions of the peace, according to the laws of England.


From this time until 1746, or about 60 years, Lewis Morris was a very con- spicuous man in political affairs of East Jersey. No man either in colonial or state history, had a longer political life or more bitter quarrels and antagon- isms. He reached the highest position,


when he became His Majesty's Gover- nor of New Jersey. He died in 1746. while in office.


On page 73 of Book C of Deeds, Mon- mouth clerk's office, we find one Ben- jamin Hicks, who with others had been indicted for same offense, giving infor- mation against Lewis Morris and others for "running of races and playing at nyne pins on ye Sabbath Day." No ac- tion however, was taken against the newly fledged justice, but Hicks and his comrades were fined five shillings each for "racing and playing nyne pins on ye Sabbath."


In 1691 we find Lewis Morris sitting as one of the associate judges of the Monmouth courts, John Johnstone, a Scotchman, being president judge, and Capt. Samuel Leonard acting as pros- ecutor, or as then called "His Majes- ty's attorney."


In 1692 Morris was appointed by Gov- ernor Hamilton a member of the Coun- cil of New Jersey. This was an influ- ential position and gave Morris access to, and influence with, the men who then ruled New Jersey. He seems to have ingratiated himself into the con- fidence of Hamilton and his Scotch sup- porters, for he soon became Hamilton's right-hand-man and trusted lieuten- ant. From this time onward he was one of Hamilton's most zealous and faithful partisans.


We now find a third Lewis Morris turning up as a justice of the peace in this county, and sitting along side of the other Lewis Morris in our county courts. He is described in the old rec- ords as "Lewis Morris of Passage Point." (afterwards known as Black Point.) I think these two men were cousins, but am not sure of it. At all events they were close and intimate friends. "Lewis Morris of Tintern Manor." as member of the council had sufficient influence to have his friends in Monmouth appointed to office.


The records of a court held at Mid- dletown village, September 1694, show that Lewis Morris of Passage Point is indicted because "he, with several of his negroes did feloniously take away the hay of William Shattock." As usual there is no trial, for the indict- ment is removed by habeas corpus to the Court of Common Right. "Lewis Morris of Tintern Manor" entered into bond for "Lewis Morris of Passage Point." It does not appear that Shat- tock ever got back his hay or received any other satisfaction.


The grand jury of this court also present Lewis Morris of Tintern Manor "for fencing in the highway." Al-


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E.IRLY DUTCH SETTLERS OF MONMOUTH.


though present on the bench, the two Morrises and the other judges order that a summons issue for his appear- ance at next court. At the next court held at Middletown village March 27, 1695, we find both Lewis Morrises on the bench, as they were very punctual in their attendance. Lewis Morris of Passage Point is arraigned on an in- dietment "for striking Nicholas Sarah several blows." The Honorable Lewis Morris of Passage Point did then in- form Honorable Lewis Morris of Tin- tern Manor and other justices "how matters stood." for so the record has it, and then without hearing Nicholas Sarah, or any evidence or trial, "the in- dictment was dismissed by the bench."


Thereupon the two Lewis Morrises "did desire to withdraw and go home, by reason of their families being sick." Which request was granted, and so they went out, mounted their horses and rode out of Middletown, doubtless laughing and joking on their way home to Shrewsbury, over the fruitless efforts of poor Nicholas Sarah to take the law of a "big Lewis Morris." At next court, Lewis Morris of Tintern Manor is again presented by the grand jury for "fencing in ye highway that goes to Freehold and Middletown." Al- though present on the bench, the court orders a summons issued for him to appear and answer at next court.


The fates at this time step in and re- lieve the people of Monmouth of one Lewis Morris, for "he of Passage Point was murdered by his negroes." The surviving Lewis Morris, however, proved himself an able bodied and ro- bust Morris, and gave the Middletown people all the trouble and fighting they wanted. At next court in March, 1696. Thomas Gordon, a Scotchman, who pro- fessed to be a lawyer, is appointed prosecutor. He was one of Lewis Mor- ris' political and perhaps personal friends. When the presentment against Lewis Morris for "fencing in the high- way" was called up. Gordon coolly turned to the people present, and de- manded a fee from some one, before he would try this indictment. As Gordon well knew, no individual would volun- teer in such a case, or pay such a fee as he demanded. The records then go on to say "there was no one to prose- cute the said Lewis Morris, so the pre- sentment was quasht."


At a Court held at Shrewsbury in September, 1698, Lewis Morris is again presented for fencing in the highway between "Tinton and Swimming River bridge." but no action is taken by the court. The same presentment was


made in September, 1699, and nothing done. During a part of this period from 1692 to 1699 Lewis Morris had considerable private civil litigation with several of the citizens of the county. Capt. Andrew Bowne and Richard Hartshorne were judges of the county part of this time, but they did not permit Morris to have his way in everything. They learned from their intercourse with him to distrust him, and he had but little influence with them after 1696.


Capt. Bowne and Richard Hartshorne were also judges of the Court of Com- mon Right held at Perth Amboy in 1698-9. At a court of Common Right held at Perth Amboy May 11, 1698, Gov- ernor Jeremiah Basse, presiding and Capt. Bowne and Richard Hartshorne with four other judges also sitting on the bench. Lewis Morris came into court and insolently demanded by what authority they held court. The judges replied "By the King's authority." This Morris denied. The Court then ordered his arrest for open contempt.


Lewis Moris defied them to arrest him, and said "He would fain see who darst lay hold on him." Thereupon, a constable took hold of him but he re- sisted, and tried to draw his sword or hanger, as then called. *


The judges fined him £50 ($250) for "his denying the authority of the court and open contempt" and ordered him committed to prison until paid. The fine. I think, he paid, but it did not quiet but rather spurred him on to more insolent measures.


He, and his political allies, Thomas Gordon and George Willocks go through East Jersey, holding public meetings and denouncing in the sever- est manner Governor Basse and the Proprietors. They soon stir up the people to acts of violence. In May. 1699, the following warrant was issued to arrest Lewis Morris. +


"To the Sheriff of the county of Middlesex, his under sheriff or deputy, or either of them: "Whereas we are informed that Lewis Morris of Tinton, in the county of Monmouth, and province aforesaid, Gent., did in April last at Perth Amboy in the said province, sed- itionsly assemble with others and endeavor to subvert the laws of this province and did by malicious and reproachful words, asperge the governor of said province, contrary to the peace of our Soverign Lord the King, and the laws in such cases made and provided. These are therefore to will and require, and in His Majesty's name, strictly to charge and com-


> Vol. III, N. J. Arch., p. 476-7. 479 and 480-81. +Vol. III, N. J. Arch., p. 481-82.


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EARLY DUTCH SETTLERS OF MONMOUTH.


mand you, to take into your custody the said Lewis Morris, and him to convey to the jail of your county, and there safely to keep, until he shall give sufficient security in the sum of three hundred pounds ($1,500) for his appear- ance at the Court of Common Right to be held at Perth Amboy the second Tuesday of Octo- ber next, then and there to answer the prem- ises ; and in meantime to be of good behavior towards His Majesty and all his liege people, Hereof fail not at your peril, and for so doing this shall be your warrant. Given under our hands and seals May 11. in the eleventh year of the reign of our Soverign Lord, William the Third of England, A. D. 1699, at Perth Amboy in province aforesaid.


ANDREW BOWNE, JOHN ROYCE. RICHARD HARTSHORNE, TI OMAS WARNE, SAMUEL DENNIS.


On the 12th of May, 1699, or the next day after the date of the above war- rant, the grand jury of Middlesex county presented Lewis Morris, George Willocks, and Thomas Gordon for a breach of the laws of this province. according to that act, entitled, 'For the better maintaining of and upholding the authority of this province.' # By order of the grand inquest, Ephraim Andrews, Foreman."


Lewis Morris and George Willoeks were both arrested under these pro- ceedings, and locked up in the County jail of Middlesex, then at Woodbridge.


They were "in durance vile," how- ever, not many hours, for on the night of May 13, 1699, between 2 o'clock and 4 o'clock, when people sleep the sound- est, Isaac Whitehead, with many other "Malefaetors and Disturbers of the King's Peace," as the indietment states, "did assemble with elubs, staves, and other weapons at Woodbridge, and did with a beam break down the door, and did seditiously break into the common jail and released two prisoners, Lewis Morris and George Willocks, imprison- ed for high crimes and misdemeanors" and let them out and set them at lib- erty. § This imprisonment and his de- liverance in the night by a mob of his friends, did not cool Lewis Morris down, for only three days later, he and George Willoeks write the following impudent letter to the judges of the Court of Common Right, who had sign- ed the above warrant :-


To Capt. Andrew Bowne, Mr. John Royse, Mr. Thomas Warne, and company, etc.


Sirs, We are now able (God be thanked) to treat with you, any way you think fit. If you had valued either your own or the welfare of the government, your procedure had been more


# Vol. THI, N. J. Arch. p. 481.


§ Vol. III, N. J. Arch., p. 480 and p. 486.


calm. Your day is not yet out, and it is in your power to follow the things that make for peace, and if you do not, at your door will lie the consequences. Our friends will not suffer us to be putt upon [imposed on]. Farewell. GEORGE WILLOCKS, LEWIS MORRIS."


May 16 at one in the afternoon, 1699. !!


Upon receipt of this defiant and threatening missive, the eouneil ealled for a conference with the House of Representatives, for the Provincial Legislature then convened at Perth Amhoy. Capt. Bowne presented the above letter which was read, and time asked to consider what should be done. Finally a committee of seven members was appointed by the Assembly to con - fer with the council.


This conference resulted in a recom- mendation, that an Act be passed "to suppress any insurrection."[ In mean time to avoid arrest, Lewis Morris and George Willocks had procured a sloop to lay off the shore at Perth Amboy. As soon as Willocks had delivered the letter he went on board of this vessel, where Lewis Morris awaited him. Then they sailed along in front of Amboy, in full view from the building where the Council and representatives were as- sembled, firing guns and making other defiant demonstrations, and so went off clown the bay. It is no wonder that the Provincial law-makers recommended a bill to suppress insurrection. " Soon alter this Morris wrote the letter pub- lished on pages 491-86 Vol. III, N. J. Archives. On page 495 he writes "you were very hott in binding us to our gond behaviour." This shows that it was addressed to Capt. Andrew Bowne and others of the Council, and after his arrest, for there is no date on the let- ter.


This letter is well worth reading, for it shows how abusive and personal Morris could be, and the stinging way he had of saying things. It is a fair specimen of his ability in vituperation when so disposed.


Public affairs were now in such eon- fusion and disorder, that Governor Basse lost heart, and to get away from the threatening danger, made an ex- "use that he had important business in England, and so sailed away, throwing the whole burden of his broken and disjointed administration on the shou)- ders of quiet but honest and sturdy Andrew Bowne of Monmouth, who was appointed Deputy Governor. Capt.


' Vol. IfI, N. J. Arch., p. 183.


· Vol. III N. J. Arch., p. 483-1-5.


4" Vol. III N. J. Arch., p. 407.


EARLY DUTCH SETTLERS OF MONMOUTH.


Bowne assumed the duties, and with his strong common sense managed to get along, without any other open out- breaks of a serious nature.


Governor Basse left New Jersey for England in June, 1699, but before he got back, another sudden change oc- curred, which put him out of office, and once more put Lewis Morris on the top wave of political power in East Jersey. "Vae Victis," his opponents perhaps thought, when they learned of this up- neaval in political matters.


Governor Basse must have reached England some time in the early part of August, 1699, or perhaps in the latter part of Tuly, for it depended very much upon favorable winds.


He no doubt reported truly to the proprietors how disorder and anarchy reigned rampant in East Jersey, and that the "Unruly Scots," led by Lewis Morris, were the cause thereof There must also by this time, have been plen- ty of written communications coming over from East Jersey, filled with con- ficting accusations and complaints. The proprietors themselves were split up into factions and cliques. Thinking that Hamilton, from his previous ex- perience and influence as governor, could calm


the troubled political waters, part of the proprietors on the 19th of August, 1699, commissioned nim governor of East Jersey. This commission lacked the provincial seal of East Jersey, and was without the signatures of many proprietors who opposed Hamilton. Neither did they get King Will'am of England to ap- prove Hamilton's appointment, as the laws of England required.


Nevertheless, with this illegal and defective commission, Andrew Hamil- ton sailed for America and arrived in New Jersey in December, 1699. With the aid of Lewis Morris, Thomas Gor- don. George Willocks, and his other old political followers, he published his commission, and took charge of the government of New Jersey, before the people knew of these defects in his commission. He at once appointed Lewis Morris president of the council and Capt. Samuel Leonard of Monmouth likewise a member. Capt. Andrew Bowne was relegated to private life. Thus Lewis Morris ranked next to the governor and had more influence with him than any other man in the colony. He was in power and authority, and no doubt remembered his incarceration in the Woodbridge prison and his mid- night escape.




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