USA > New Jersey > Union County > History of Union County, New Jersey > Part 49
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The women who had charge of the decorations were Mrs. B. C. Welch, Mrs. E. J. Parkhurst and Miss M. K. Wade, of Millburn, and Mrs. W. B. Denman and the Misses M. E. and S. A. Bailey, of
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Springfield. The body of the church was reserved for the invited guests, while the galleries were thrown open to the public. The ushers were E. D. Williams, J. M. Roll, W. B. Denman, C. H. Leiber and D. Flemmer.
Rev. William Hoppaugh, pastor of the church, opened the exercises with a short prayer, and was followed by President John Whitehead, who made a brief address. Dr. Carl E. Dufft, of New York city, sang "The Sword of Bunker Hill." He was followed by Flavel McGee, of Jersey City, the orator of the day. Mr. McGee said :
We are met to-day on the spot where our ancestors, more than a century ago, in weakness and poverty, but with great courage, fought to resist the usurpations of power and to obtain for themselves the blessings of civil liberty. We have commemorated in granite and bronze the struggles of those days, and have marked the spots where patriots bled and some of them died in that struggle. It is said that republics are ungrateful, and that their heroes are allowed to go unrewarded, but such occasions as this, and such monuments as those erected to-day, must do much to do away with this reproach. The motive for the founding of this nation differs from that of any other recorded in history.
Our ancestors came to this continent not for the purpose of conquest ; not with the hope of gain ; not through lust of power ; but came here, in the main, for conscience sake; that they might find a place to worship God according to dictates of their own consciences. Although they were mostly men without wealth, withont much culture, without any of the extraneous aids to prosperity, by dint of marked courage, indomitable energy and unflagging industry, they rescued this land from the wilderness, overcame the savages and laid the foundation of what has become one of the greatest peoples and strongest nations on the face of the earth. The time has gone by for merely patriotic speeches on such an occasion, or for felicitating ourselves upon our excessive virtue. By reason of the vast immigration, the crowding together of people into great cities, and the conflicting interests of various classes of the population, the advantages and opportunities of a purely new country are fast passing away, and the social problems of this land must, from this time forward, be dealt with upon the same basis as that of the older nations of the world. And it behooves us on all proper occasions to give such consideration to the questions involved in this problem as we may be able. The present age, it seems to me, can best be described as pre-eminently that of the common people. To-day the reins of power among all Tentonic peoples, and especially in America, are in the hands of the masses, and each year adds to the strength of the plain people as against that of the favored ones. In America there is no difference of opinion among political parties on this subject, but upon it, at least, they are agreed. It is because this state of affairs seems to mne to be a direct outgrowth of the Revolutionary war, which we celebrate to-day, and the causes which produced that war, that I have selected it as the topic around which to cluster the thoughts I desire to express.
For the first time in the history of the world, there sprung into existence a nation without a king, without a nobility, without an aristocracy,-where every man was equal before the law, and whose political authority was as great as that of any of his fellows. Each man thenceforth had one vote and no more. Each man could, if his mental abilities and culture justified, become the ruler of the nation. Each man was an elector and a complete unit of the whole,-a nobleman in his own right. To believe that such a state of affairs could remain was to overlook a fundamental principle of the divine economy. No man in this world, unless he be without the ordinary qualities of humanity, is content with what he is, and no man, so circumstanced that his ambitions can be realized, ever rests satisfied, without an effort to accomplish that end. That which is true of an individual is true of a mass of people. For America to stand still after the Revolutionary war was impossible. The Revolutionary war, however, had accomplished one thing, namely, political liberty.
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Orders of society, although without sanction of law, existed, however, and were as hard and unyielding as before. The relation of master and servant, the influence of wealth and education and culture and fortuitous circumstances was as great after that event as before, and while no man was, perhaps, able to formulate his thought into words, there soon came to be a sort of dumb sense that again somehow something was wrong. The rewards of labor were inadequate. The opportunities for advancement, though great, were restricted by environments difficult to overconie. The opportunities of the classes were very much in advance of those of the masses, and somehow things did not seem to be right or fair. Logically the argument was against the plain people. Actually they felt that there was something could be done and should be done to better their condition. The first outgrowth of this feeling was the creation of the public-school system, by which, to some extent at least, the advantage theretofore possessed by the child of a rich man was minimized and shared with that of the child of the poor man. But, once started, such an advance can never be checked. The public school itself proved to be a source of discontent. The fathers, because they had no education, were content to be hewers of wood and drawers of water, but their sons, advanced a little by their common-school teaching, ceased to be satisfied therewith, and sought to relegate those employments to foreigners and their sons, and to obtain for themselves a higher grade of labor and greater remuneration. But, in turn, the children of the immigrants, by reason of the same education, sought to share in the common benefit, and so it came to pass that ultimately the whole mass of the population was lifted a grade higher than before, and the social differences changed and kept changing until some other remedy was sought to relieve the sense of unfairness. Out of that grew trades unions, combina- tions, and all the vast variety of social creations whereby men have sought by the appli- cation of the motto, " In union there is strength," to overcome by numbers the distinc- tions which their weakness, prior thereto, had enabled men of position to maintain against them. Ere long these masses began to appreciate the value of the ballot when used by great communities as a unit, and the legislatures, and even the halls of congress, began to be filled by men who represented the thought, not of the combinations of capital only, or mental ability, but by men who represented the thought of the masses of the people, the individuals of which felt themselves to be suffering some wrong. The result of it has been the passage of many laws which otherwise would have been impossible. Agrarian labor, socialistic statutes, laws of every kind and description, some of them wise, many of them otherwise, have found their way upon the statute books, each of them a testimony to the fact that in this great nation the people now rule and are in command of the situation. Savings banks, building and loan associations, industrial insurance companies, and all that range of business enterprises conducted in the interest of the masses by the plain people themselves, have enabled them not only to hold political power, but to create to themselves, by means of the infinitesimal savings of each, vast masses of capital to be used in the interest of all.
Because the mass of the people demanded it, good roads have followed. Schools have increased in excellence, and those of a higher grade have been established, and, unless I read wrongly the signs of the times, the next century will show a state of affairs in which the son of the poor man will have opportunities for education and social prog- ress in every respect equal to that of the son of the richest man in the community. The problems of education and religion have thus far been dealt with as well as could be expected. Other great problems came up,-industrial problems, problems of finance, combinations of capital, questions of integrity,-and they are to be settled by us and settled by the ballot. There is no question which can agitate the world which is not bound, sooner or later, to present itself for solution here ; and just as we settle them so will be the beginning of the end of the discussion all over the earth.
There is but one way to settle any problem,-whether it be social, political or religious,-and that is to settle it in accordance with honesty and the principles of righteousness. No seeming advantage can atone for dishonesty, or in the end make that profitable or wise which is essentially unjust. No national dilemma can ever be permanently settled, or settled to the benefit of the nation, which is settled contrary to
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the law of God or the rights of man ; and not only so, but no such problem can ever be disposed of, either with benefit to the nation or its individuals, until it be settled in such a way as to give to all the people their fair share of its benefit and their just dues in its operations. What, then, is the lesson to be learned from this celebration to-day ? None of us can right all the problems of society or bring ourselves to bear upon the whole body politic. Few of us can reach out with our iufluence beyond a narrow circle, but each of us can, by his precept and his example and his individual effort, bring himself to bear upon the circle around him, and be instrumental in training up a community whose underlying thought is righteousness. Let every man when he votes, whether it be in the consideration of the person for whom he shall vote or the principles which shall be advocated by his vote, or the question of the individual casting of the vote, remember the commandment, "Thou shalt not steal," and also remember that when he exercises the power of suffrage he is as definitely adding his mind to the control of the whole nation, and his thought to the formulation of its policy, as any other act he can do in the course of his life, and let each of us remember as is the unit so is the aggregate, and that each of us is a ruler and a factor. While we may not go to war; while it may not be asked of us to shoulder a musket; while we may not bivouac upon the tented field or be called upon to shed our blood in the defence of our country, each one of us can, and each of us should, as we go through life, cast his influence, and so following his vote in favor of that which will in the end uphold the honor of the nation and promote the welfare of its humblest citizen. Having done that, we shall be worthy sons of the sires whose feats of valor we commemorate to-day, and send down to our children a heritage as much grander as it is greater than the heritage they bequeathed to us.
After Dr. Dufft had sung the "Star-Spangled Banner," A. Willis Lightbourne, of Westfield, made an address on "American Patriotism." Selections on the organ were rendered by Frank Sealy, of Newark, and the exercises were closed with the benediction, pronounced by Rev. W. A. Knox, pastor of the Springfield Methodist church.
* At Hobart Hill is the site of the "Old Sow." Here had been placed the huge commemorative bowlder. On its side facing Hobart avenue had been placed a bronze plate bearing the following inscription :
1776. Here in the time of the Revolution stood the signal beacon and by its side the cannon known as "The Old Sow," which in time of danger and invasion summoned the patriotic Minute Men of this vicinity to the defence of the country and the repulse of the invader. This monument is erected by the New Jersey Society of the Sons of the American Revolution and dedi- cated to the memory of the patriots of New Jersey. 1896.
* The authenticity of the site fixed upon on Hobart Hill is disputed by P. C. McChesney, of Millburn. Mr. McChesney says he is well satisfied that a grieveous mistake has been made. He declares that the testimony of unimpeachable witnesses, descendants of officers and soldiers of the Revolution, and of historical writers, prove that the " Old Sow " was placed on the flat rock on the end of the mountain at Millburn, while the beacon was located a few hundred feet away on the highest point of the mountain. Mr. McChesney claims that from these points a full view of the country clear to the shores of Staten Island could be obtained, while but a limited view could be had from Hobart Hill.
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William P. Tuttle's dedicatory address at Hobart Hill, October 19, 1896, was as follows :
Fellow Citizens and Compatriots .- It is a delightful as well as sacred duty which calls us here to-day to mark a spot hallowed with the associations of the Revolutionary struggle, and one which was indeed the rallying point of the patriotic forces of this region during that eventful period. Permit me very briefly to recount the circumstances which made this hilltop forever memorable.
From the very beginning of the war of independence the colonists were mainly dependent for cannon, powder, shot and shell upon the foundries and powder mills in the vicinity of Morristown, and the appreciation of this fact soon resulted in a general solicitude lest these works should fall into the hands of the enemy, and the colonies, in consequence, be left without the necessary material for fighting. Measures were adopted for their defense, and the farmers throughout this region were armed and prepared for instaut service. They were designated "Minute Men," as they were to serve at a minute's notice. Every farmer was thus enrolled with his sons, if they were old enough to hold a rifle. The whole region was intensely loyal to the cause of independence, and these inen were enthusiastic in their determination to defend not only their homes and firesides, but the important treasures which were of such immense value to the patriotic cause. In order, however, to call these minute men together when their services were needed, it became a matter of great importance to provide some signal which should be adequate for that purpose; in order that such a signal should be effective, it was necessary that it be placed where a view could be commanded over the country to Newark, Elizabeth Town Poiut and New York, and signals of danger be observed from every hilltop in the whole expanse. To meet these important requirements, this spot was chosen, and it became thenceforth the point to which tidings were to be signalled from the east and from which they were to be transmitted to the interior. I can do no better here than to read the following extract from a letter written by the Rev. Dr. Ashbel Green, president of Princeton College, to his son. He says:
"The alarm gun, an iron eighteen-pounder, was placed on the highest point of what was called the Short Hills, in the neighborhood of Springfield, New Jersey. Bishop Hobart, after the war, purchased the site and made it his country residence. A lofty pole was placed by the side of the cannon, with a tar-barrel on the top, which was set on fire when the guu was discharged. The report of the gun and the flame of the tar-barrel were heard and seen to a great distance in the surrounding country. The militia companies had each their place of rendezvous, to which they hastened as soon as the alarm was given. The Short Hills were a kind of natural barrier for the camp and military stores at Morristown. A hundred men might have defended some of the passes over these hills against a thousand. A British detachment once reached Springfield and burnt it, but no British corps ever ventured into the sand hills. In a clear day, with a good telescope, the city of New York may be seen from these heights. When encamped at Morristown General Washington occasionally rode to these hills to make his observations. The first time I ever saw him was on one of these occasions. He was accompanied by the Marquis de la Fayette, as he was then called, and who looked like a mere boy."
It may be interesting here to state that Dr. Green, theu a young man student, was engaged in teaching school as the assistant of Rev. Ebenezer Bradford, of Bottle Hill, when the alarm guti sounded on the morning of June 23, 1780. The school house stood upon the spot now occupied by the Madison railroad station. Mr. Bradford dismissed the school, and young Green, seizing a gun, went to fight, where he behaved with such conspicuous gallantry that honorable mention of him was made by General Nathaniel Greene, who commanded the Americans.
The minute-men, thus summoned, came swarming over these hills, and speedily every bush upon the battlefield seemed to have a rifle in it with a deadly aim behind it. Bold and fearless, they could die, but would not run, and Knyphausen, the Hessian general, was compelled to retreat. He explained his defeat by saying he had found himself in a hornet's nest-that he could fight regular soldiers, but not hornets.
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It was thus that the signal here established called the farmers to the fight at Springfield, and in a like manner it served throughout the war. Far back in the mountains of Morris and Sussex the reverberations of the gun were heard, and the blazing tar-barrel by night carried the alarm to every neighborhood. For some reason the cannon, whose booming thus became a familiar feature throughout the region, ac- quired among the people the name of "The Old Sow." Perhaps it was because of its contrast with the small and piping sounds of musket and pistol.
After the battle of Princeton, in January, 1777, General Washington located his army at Bottle Hill, now Madison, and thus the signal station had the additional duty of warning the army as well as the minute men. It had been admirably chosen for that object. Indeed, it is the only spot ou the whole mountain which would have served the purpose. A little change to the north would hide New York and Newark behind the jutting end of Orange mountain at Millburn, and a little change to the south would have hidden the beacon from the camps at Bottle Hill and Morristown behind the pro- jecting end of Long Hill, near Chatham. This location, however, commands an unob- structed range of every point of importance, both east and west.
In the year 1818, thirty-eight years after the battle of Springfield, Colonel William Brittin, of Bottle Hill, who at that time commanded one of the Morris county militia regiments, took the large gun, which had remained here from the close of the war, and placed it in his barn. Colonel Benoni Hathaway, the famous Revolutionary veteran, told Colonel Brittin that the gun, which bore the name of the "Crown Prince," had been captured from the Hessians at the battle of Springfield. He failed to explain why it had replaced the original " Old Sow," but it is plain from his statement that it had done so. The cannon remaided in Colonel Brittin's barn until 1890, when his son, William Jackson Brittin, presented it to the Washington Association, and it is now upon the grounds at the headquarters in Morristown. The whereabouts of the "Old Sow" itself are unknown, though they may yet be discovered.
In the year 1855 the late Rev. Samuel L. Tuttle, of Madison, my venerated father, with the speaker, thien a small boy, seated by his side, drove to Dr. Hobart's residence in search of the site of the old gun, and, as he had been directed by Colonel Brittin, turned up the steep mountain road, the remains of which are still to be seen leading to this place. Arriving at the summit of the hill we here found an old house, the cellar of which was to be seen only a few months since. In front of this house was an old man, over eiglity-five years of age, whom we soon discovered to be Richard Swain. In answer to Mr. Tuttle's inquiries Mr. Swain stated that he knew all about the signal station, having lived all his life in this locality, and having been a boy here during the stirring scenes of the Revolution. He led the way to this spot, and pointed out the circular indentation in the rocky ground, which was caused by the decay of the old flag staff. That mark continued distinct and unchanged during all the years which have passed since then, and until the foundation was built upon it for the stone we have here erected.
Such, fellow patriots, is the story of the signal station. We do well to commemo- rate this beacon light of the Revolution. It is our privilege and duty to thus refresh our memories with the recollections of the heroic deeds of the past. Let us do more. Let us strive to kindle anew the fires of patriotism, to lift higher the standard of national pride and devotion, and to keep burning everywhere and always the beacon light of our country's destiny and honor. To use the language of the immortal Washington, "Let us raise a standard to which the wise and the honest can repair. The event is in the hand of God."
THE SPRINGFIELD CEMETERY.
The old Springfield cemetery, which, for a number of years past, has been known as the "Revolutionary Burying Ground," dates back to the settlement of Springfield, in 1717. It is situated on a high ele- vation known as the " Hill," about one hundred yards south of Morris
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avenue. West of the cemetery, and within fifty feet, is Van Winkle's creek. To the northeast and within a stone's throw is the old Presby- terian church.
As nearly as can be ascertained William Stites, wlio came from Hempstead, Long Island, to Springfield when the village was first settled, in 1717, purchased the land. His property consisted of seven hundred acres west on the Rahway river. He settled there with his family. Three acres were cleared of woodland and set off as a family burying ground. The first person interred there was Mary Stites, four years old, who died about 1720. Her grave was obliterated when a street was cut through the tract in later years. The second burial was that of Richard, the twelve-year-old son of William Stites, who died May 5, 1727. Eight days later, May 13, 1727, Willianı, the father, died, and on August 21, 1728, one year later, the mother followed, and was buried by the side of her husband. A double stone now marks the spot, on which are the following inscriptions: " Here lies ye body of William Stites, died May ye 13th, 1727, aged 51 years "; " Here lies ye body of Mary, wife of Mr. William Stites, died August ye 21, 1728, aged 51 years."
William Stites' grandson, whose name also was William Stites, and who was born at New Providence in 1791, afterward became quite prominent in this state. He took up his residence in Springfield in 1820. He was elected to the legislature, and was speaker of the house in 1839-40. William Stites was also a judge of the court of common pleas of Essex county, and was a member of the convention which framed the new state constitution, in 1844.
There is also a stone marking the resting place of Hazel Stites, · aged twenty years, who died February II, 1728. She was a daughter of the first William. Five small children survived their parents, and the property was sold by the administrator. Although the cemetery plot went with the rest of the property, the living descendants of the Stites family stoutly maintain that the graveyard was never alienated from the family and that old records will prove it. William Stites, the first owner of the cemetery, was the great-great-grandfather of Mrs. Jane Elmer, at present a resident of Springfield; Hindah Stites, of Suminit; Mrs. Charlotte Glasby, of Roseville, and Elias Fairchild, principal of the Flushing Institute, at Flushing, Long Island. There are no records of the ownership of the property from the death of William Stites, in 1727, until 1788, after the close of the Revolutionary war, when Matthias Denman, a descendant of one of the early settlers, came into possession and erected a house on the land. That honse still stands, almost directly opposite the Presbyterian church, and is now occupied by Mr. Flemmer. During the Revolution the population of the little graveyard was increased to almost its capacity. The majority of the burials were of colonists who fell while fighting for their
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country. The next owner of the property was Aaron Denman, son of Matthias, who came into possession about 1830. He was in turn fol- lowed by a man named Anderson, who erected large barns on the place and conducted a dairy. About 1850 Anderson disposed of the property to a Colonel Wilson, whose daughter married Captain William T. McGilton, an ex-officer of the Confederate army. In 1873 Captain McGilton cut a street through one end of the cemetery, obliterating a number of graves and unearthing mouldering bones. Some years later nearly all the headstones had fallen, and Captain McGilton had them replaced.
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