USA > New Jersey > The New Jersey coast in three centuries; history of the New Jersey coast with genealogical and historic-biographical appendix, Vol. I > Part 18
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it, erect a double board fence across the lower third ; protect it with wooden pickets and the sharpened branches of trees; place the cannon, masked with bushes, in such a position as to rake the upper part of the fort; and fill the space between the two fences with hay, old lumber and such other obstructions as were at hand. The cannon were heavily loaded with grape-shot and other missiles. Only a show of defence was to be made at the upper end of the fort, which was to be abandoned as soon as the attack was found to be in earnest, when the troops were to fall back to the small enclosure or main fort below. This was to be defended to the last ex- tremity.
The enemy appeared late in the afternoon, and their vessels lay in the river, their spars visible from the fort. Colonel Greene had formed his men and shotted his fourteen guns, when a Hessian officer rode out from the woods, across the open field, bearing a flag of truce, and followed by a drummer. He halted near to the works and shouted :
"The King of England orders his rebellious subjects to lay down their arms, and they are warned that if they stand battle no quarter will be given."
Colonel Greene deputized a man to mount the parapet and fling back the answer: "We ask no quarter, nor will we give any."
One trustworthy account says the exact words were: "We'll see King George be damned first; we ask no quarter."
The Hessian officer rode back to his lines and the attack began. It was then four o'clock in the afternoon. The battle continued for forty minutes, and during its progress a number of Americans were killed or wounded by the bursting of one of their own cannon. The attack began with a battery fire intended to make a breach in the works, and the British: ships at the same time delivered their heavy broadsides. After a short time the Hessians advanced to the outer entrenchments, and finding themn. abandoned, raised the cry of "Victory!" The answer was given in gall- ing volleys by the patriots in the inner works. Again and again the Hes- sian officers led their men to the charge, only to see them ruthlessly mowed. down. Count Donop was conspicuous for his reckless courage, but his effort was unavailing. Repulsed in front of the redoubt, his men made an attack from the river side, but there they encountered the volleys from the American galleys, and were driven into the woods in disorder.
Another column made a simultaneous attack upon the south, but were repulsed, and all retreated save twenty, who were standing against the shelvings of the parapet, under and out of the way of the guns, whence they were afraid to move, and these were captured.
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Now came a dramatic moment in what was already a remarkably dra- matic scene. The French engineer, M. du Plessis Manduit, heard from among a heap of mingled dead and wounded a voice exclaiming in broken English, "Whoever you are, draw hence." It was the gallant Donop. Manduit had him conveyed inside the fort, where it was found that his hip was broken, but his injuries were not thought to be fatal. He was suc- ceeded in the command by Mingerode, to whose appeals the troops failed to respond, and they soon began a promiscuous retreat. Some went toward Cooper's Ferry in detached bodies, begging food and shelter of those whom they had previously mistreated. The transportation of the wounded caused much trouble, and as one detachment approached Haddonfield & farmer living near the road was, with his horse and cart, pressed into serv- ice to carry those who were unable to walk further. Others retreated by way of Blackwood or Chew's Landing. Near the latter place they were met by a company of farmers' boys, who held them at bay for some time. This detachment had with them a brass cannon, which they are said to have thrown into the creek near Chew's Landing.
Count Donop died three days after receiving his wound. When told that his end was near, he said: "It is finishing a noble career early, but I die the victim of ambition and the avarice of my sovereign." To Colonel Clymer he said : "See in me the vanity of all human pride. I have shone in all the courts of Europe, and now I am dying on the banks of the Dela- ware, in the house of an obscure Quaker." He was buried in the pathway half way between the old Whitehall house and the lower end of the fort, his feet toward the river. Some one placed at the head of the grave a rough stone upon which were picked in a very crude way the words, "Here lies buried Count Donop." The Hessian slain were buried in the ditch, south of the fort. Those who were not mortally wounded were taken to Philadelphia by Manduit and exchanged.
The loss in the engagement was as follows : Americans, fourteen killed, twenty-two wounded and one taken prisoner; Hessians, eighty- seven killed, one hundred and one wounded and twenty taken prisoner.
While the Hessians were assaulting Fort Mercer, the British fleet, besides firing in the direction of Red Bank, made an attack upon Fort Mifflin, across the river. The latter work was gallantly defended for six days. The British fleet comprised the "Augusta," sixty-four guns; the "Roebuck," forty-four guns; two frigates, each carrying thirty-two guns : the "Merlin," eighteen guns, and several galleys. The "Augusta" went aground, and was set on fire and blew up, and the "Merlin" suffered a similar fate. Commodore Hazelwood, commanding the American gal-
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leys, took considerable spoils from the wrecks, including two cannon, one an eighteen pounder and the other a twenty-four pounder.
Beginning November 10th, Fort Mifflin was subjected to a bombard- 1 ment night and day. Six days later the fort was evacuated, the garrison retiring to Fort Mercer. Meantime Howe sent Cornwallis with reinforce- ments from New York to fall upon Fort Mercer. With two thousand men the latter named crossed the Delaware from Chester to Billingsport, on November 18th. Washington had been apprised of this movement,and had previously dispatched troops under General Nathaniel Greene to reinforce the garrison. This force was to be increased by the addition of Glover's brigade, but Generals Greene and Lafayette (the latter not yet recovered from a wound received at Brandywine) crossing to New Jersey, failed to connect with Glover's brigade, and, learning the strength of Cornwallis' army, General Greene went off to Haddonfield. Colonel Greene was there- fore ordered to evacuate Fort Mercer, as the British fleet had, after the re- duction of Fort Mifflin, gone toward Philadelphia, and he accordingly blew up the works on November 20th.
In recognition of his heroic defense of Fort Mercer, a sword was voted by Congress to Colonel Greene, but he did not live to receive it, and it was given to his son after his death.
Colonel Greene met a pitiful death. May 13th, 1781, near the Croton River, New York, his regiment was surprised by a detachment of Tories consisting of about one hundred cavalry and two hundred infantry, com- manded by the notorious Colonel James Delancey. They first attacked Col- onel Greene's and Major Flagg's quarters, and killed the Major while in bed. Colonel Greene fell after his single arm had slain a number of his assailants. Being badly wounded in the house, he was carried into the woods and barbarously murdered. Two subalterns and twenty-seven privates were also killed, and a lieutenant and surgeon, with about twenty men, were taken prisoners.
In 1872 the National Government purchased a tract of about one hundred acres along the Delaware River at Red Bank, including the site of the fortifications and the old Whitehall house whose floors are still stained with the blood of wounded patriots and Hessians.
In commemoration of the splendid defense of Fort Mercer, a mar- ble monument was erected, upon which were chiseled the following in- scriptions :
Inscription on North Side -- This monument was erected on the 22d Octo., 1829, to transmit to posterity a grateful remembrance of the Pa- triotism and Gallantry of Lieutenant-Colonel Christopher Greene, who,
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with 400 men, conquered the Hessian army of 2,000 troops (then in the British service) at Red Bank, on the 22d Octo., 1777. Among the slain was found the commander, Count Donop, whose body lies interred near the spot where he fell.
Inscription on East Side-A number of the New Jersey and Pennsyl- vania volunteers, being desirous to perpetuate the memory of the dis- tinguished officer and soldiers who fought and bled in the glorious strug- gle for independence, have erected this monument on the 22d of October, A. D. 1829.
BATTLE MONUMENT.
This shaft has been sadly marred by the chisel and hammer of the relic-hunter and vandal. The dilipidated condition of this tribute to patriotism and valor moves one to wonder that so wealthy a State as New Jersey has so long neglected the work of restoration.
After the abandonment of Forts Mercer and Mifflin, we read of the fortunes of a few foraging parties, but wintry weather soon came on, and the opposing armies were perforce obliged to desist from active opera- tions, and Washington retired with his sorely worn forces to the miserable security of Valley Forge.
With the earliest indications of the return of spring, active move- ments were begun on both sides, and one of the first was the incursion
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through New Jersey of a force of some 1,200 British soldiers in search of provisions and horses, not so much with the view of satisfying their own needs as with the purpose of preventing such supplies being diverted to the uses of the Continental army. The force landed at Salem and easily dispersed some small bodies of militia under Colonels Hand and Holme at Quinton's Bridge. On learning of this incursion Washington sent from Valley Forge a regiment to New Jersey under Colonel Shreve, to form, as it were, a trained central force around which the militia of the State might gather, but when that gallant soldier had pushed his way as far as Haddonfield, he found only about one hundred militia. The State, it should be remembered, was at the time practically once more in the British hands, or rather its position was a pivotal one. By the possession of the Delaware, and by their freedom of the seaboard and their navy, the British could concentrate an attack upon almost any part of its territory within a brief time, and in such circumstances military ardor and the usual thirst for glory crept under cover. The militia of New Jersey at this juncture played a very insignificant part in its defense, and practically Colonel Shreve and his regiment formed the only obstacle to the movements of the British troops within the State. Even Shreve had to yield to superior force after a while and retreat across the Delaware to save his command from loss. General Dickinson, Colonel Hand, Colonel Holme and the other local commanders did their best as occasion offered, with the small forces they commanded, but their best did not amount to much. Even the stores at Bordentown were permitted to be captured without any very strenuous opposition. But it is needless to follow the details of the story. Such fighting is not warfare, and had but little influence on the general effect of the heroic struggle then going on elsewhere by which the future of the country was to be determined, still, every cross road in New Jersey had its tradition of skirmish or raid, surprise or encampment, and such traditions are keenly cherished and lose nothing of importance in their tell- ing, generation after generation.
Once again, however, before the end, New Jersey was destined to be- come one of the centres of the struggle. After the failure of Washington's scheme to capture or destroy the British army in Philadelphia under Sir William Howe, by the result of the battle of Germantown on October 4th, a result which was only brought about by a blunder on the part of one of the Continental generals, the campaign of 1777 was practically ended, although it was not until the middle of December that Washington had his troops resting and suffering in their quarters at Valley Forge. But even amid all the privations and horrors of that awful winter the Continental troops were not idle. The arrival in camp of Baron Steuben, one of the
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best German tacticians of the time, led to a complete development of the discipline and fighting power of the little army. Besides, so long as the position at Valley Forge was maintained, the British were compelled to remain inactive in Philadelphia. They knew that Washington could not be dislodged, and so could do nothing but wait. But they waited in com- fort and pleasure-seeking, while the "ragged Continentals" shivered in their miserable huts and were often glad enough to engage in drill for the sake of the warmth engendered by the exertion. Clothing was scarce, shoes were a rare commodity, the elements played havoc with the huts, and the privations endured make up a story which even to-day cannot be read without pain, but from it all the troops seemed to acquire by the spring a more confident sentiment than ever in the righteousness of their cause, and the generalship of their leader, and the certainty of ultimate vic- tory. Toward that end events were tending with a rapidity which at that time was hardly appreciable. The spell of inactivity at Philadelphia, follow- ed by the admitted failure of the whole campaign of 1777, had caused seri -- ous discussion and much plain speaking in the English Parliament, and in May, 1778, Sir William Howe resigned his command and sailed for home from Philadelphia to defend himself. The command then fell to Sir Henry Clinton, and the evacuation of Philadelphia was determined upon, so that New York should again become the headquarters of the army. The re- treat, for such it was, commenced on May 18th and the long march across New Jersey was begun. As soon as the full extent of the 'British plans was disclosed to (Washington and his troops, they realized that even by their inaction at Valley Forge they had gained a victory, and it was hoped to strike a blow which would at least emphasize the true inward- ness of the movement as one of failure and send the army into its new headquarters with a fresh stigma of defeat. So Washington moved his whole army into New Jersey, crossing the Delaware at Coryell's Ferry, and maneuvered in order to secure a position that would block the advance. Clinton, who seems to have been in no humor for an engagement at that time, changed his route on learning of (Washington's movement, and diverting to the right, hoped to reach Sandy Hook without trouble, know- ing that there he would be safe, as that point could easily be defended, and, besides, the fleet would be in readiness to aid in defence and in trans- portation.
Washington easily divined this purpose, and appears to have been more intent than ever on bringing about an engagement. He detached a force as an advance guard to penetrate through Clinton's lines, dividing the British army in two and holding it so divided until he could bring up the rest of his own troops. Reluctantly, it seems, he was compelled to place this
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advance force under the command of General Lee, who had been ex- changed from his captivity.
June 28th, 1778, the date of the battle which followed, is one of the most memorable in American history. The scene was laid in and near the village of Monmouth Court House, or Freehold, as it came to be called.
The British army occupied the village, and its principal force lay westward from it, extending across the road to Englishtown. About 5 o'clock in the morning, bustle in the camp proclaimed an impending movement. This was detected by General Dickinson, who, with a force of 800 hundred men, was posted in observation in front of the British left, and he at once sent information by messenger to Washington and Lee. About 7:30 o'clock Dickinson fell in with a small force of the enemy and a sharp skirmish ensued, this taking place on ground overlooking the morass behind which Washington placed the divisions of Greene and Ster- ling at a critical moment later in the day.
Before this, about 3 o'clock in the morning, Colonel Grayson, in com- pliance with orders, had marched the brigades of Scott and Varnum in the direction of the court house, and met Dickinson's men, who were retiring after their encounter with the enemy as previously noted. Grayson ad- vanced one of his regiments and a piece of artillery across a bridged ravine, and on reaching the plateau beyond discovered the British de- tachment which Dickinson had encountered, and which now retreated.
Not far from the same time, Colonel Butler, acting under orders from General Anthony Wayne, with two hundred men advanced on the British flank and encountered a detachment of the Queen's Rangers, who occupied the ground whereon now stands the commemorative Monmouth Battle Monument. This force of the enemy was driven past the court house and through the village.
Following this, about 10:30 o'clock in the morning, Colonel Butler, about a mile northeast of the court house, near the Middletown road, was charged by a body of about three hundred cavalry, supported by a small infantry force. The cavalry were driven back by a well directed fire, and in their retreat they broke up their infantry support by riding through their ranks pell mell. At the same time General Lafayette, with a mounted force, pushed eastward from the court house and discovered the location of the enemy.
Immediately after the Dickinson affair, General Lee found what he took to be confirmation of his previous belief that the enemy was march- ing toward Middletown and that the troops which Dickinson had met were a mere flanking party. The opportunity for delivering a blow against an exposed flank had passed by.
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General Lee's troops were placed in position on the ground which had been the scene of the skirmish between Colonel Dickinson and the enemy. Meantime General Clinton, the British commander, had taken alarm at the activity of his enemy, and, disappointed in his expectation of reaching the coast without serious trouble, he turned to give battle, and formed his line rearward. The real battle now began, and here begin the disputations as to Lee's conduct, which have vexed military students from that day to this.
Having completed their formation in the woods to the northeast of the court house, Lee's columns pressed on toward the village. Lafayette had directed Wayne to resist their advance with the regiments of Stewart and Livingston, but these were wholly inadequate and they went into re- treat. Whether this retrograde movement was made under orders is a question. However that may be, the other troops also moved rearward. Afterward the commanders of regiments said that they understood that orders for retreat had been given, or that they retreated because neighbor- ing regiments had already retired.
It seems to be beyond cavil, however, that there was no rout, nor more disorder than has frequently characterized the conduct of troops temporarily discomfitted, and who immediately afterward gave a good account of themselves. It is also to be said that the men had been in constant action, marching and countermarching, and in battle, some from shortly after midnight and others from before daybreak, and that they were well nigh exhausted for want of food and rest. Again, it is but just to say that, whatever may have been his error of judgment or lack of heart in the movements of the day, Lee gave his best effort to bringing his troops safely away, and was among the last to cross the causeway through the morass which was to afford some measure of safety to the retreating forces. It was here that a part of Maxwell's brigade promptly re-formed and presented a battle line to the approaching enemy.
Washington, within hearing of the guns, was informed of the early conduct of the battle. Told that Lee had overtaken the British, and was in a fair way to. cut off its rear guard, he sprang into action to make more complete the victory which seemed to be within his grasp, and hurried to the front with his troops.
The coming of the Commander-in-Chief was hailed with joy by the broken regiments of Lee's division. He at once made personal dispositions for the renewal of the battle. . Wayne, Varnum, Oswald. Stewart, Ramsey and Livingston were advantageously posted on the high ground near the old Tennent Church. Ramsey and Stewart, with two pieces of artillery, were charged with the protection of the left of the line, and Oswald's four
REVOLUTIONARY BATTLE SCENE,
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guns, under General Knox, were posted on the right. To Lafayette was committed the formation of a new line. The fresh troops of General Greene and Lord Sterling were also placed in position.
The new battle was now on. The British advanced with intrepid courage, covered by a fierce artillery fire, but were held in check by the well served cannon and incessant small arm vollies of the patriots. De- spairing of success in their front attack, they made a desperate attempt to crush the left flank, but were driven back under an enfilading fire from Knox's guns. Then came the grenadiers upon the position held by Wayne, and their repulse was practically the end of the battle. There was con- siderable firing on both sides, principally with artillery, for some time afterward, but no further attempt was made to dislodge the Americans.
Lee's force at the beginning of the battle was about five thousand men, with twelve pieces of artillery. Of this number, however, Morgan's six hundred riflemen and Dickinson's command of eight hundred men were not brought into action. With the fresh troops brought up by Washington the entire American force amounted to about thirteen thousand men. The British force was somewhat less, and had been depleted by from one thou- sand to two thousand desertions during the previous operations in New Jersey.
The American loss, according to the original report of General Wash- ington, was eight officers and sixty-one non-commissioned officers and privates killed, and eighteen officers and one hundred and forty-two non- commissioned officers and privates wounded, a total of two hundred and twenty-nine killed and wounded. The missing numbered three hundred and sixty, but many of these afterward returned to the ranks. Of this number fifteen had been taken prisoners.
General Sir Henry Clinton reported four officers and one hundred and eighty-four men killed and missing, and sixteen officers and one hun- dred and fifty-four men wounded, a total of three hundred and fifty-eight. These figures are not regarded as authentic, as four officers and two hun- dred and forty-five men were buried by the Americans.
The Washington-Lee episode, on the arrival of the former named on the battlefield, has been variously reported.
Dr. Samuel Forman, of Freehold, heard the story as told by his father, who was one of Washington's guides that day. According to his narrative, Washington met Lee near the Tennent Church parsonage, and asked in astonishment, "What is the meaning of this?" Lee, who was confused and did not clearly understand the question, asked, "Sir?" Washington asked, "What is all that confusion and retreat for?" Lee answered that there was no confusion except what arose from his order
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not being properly obeyed. Washington said he knew that the enemy he had encountered was but a small covering party, to which Lee responded that it might be so, but they were stronger than he, and he had not thought it prudent to risk so much. Washington rejoined, "You should not have undertaken it," and rode away. Later in the day Washington asked Lee if he would take command there, and was answered that he had already been given command there. Washington said he should expect him to take proper measures to check the enemy, whereupon Lee answered that his command should be obeyed, and that he (Lee) "would not be the first to leave the field." Washington then rode away.
Weems, in his "Life of Washington," quotes the Commander-in- Chief as asking, "For God's sake, General Lee, what is the cause of this ill-timed prudence?" To which Lee replied, "No man, sir, can boast a larger portion of that rascally virtue than your excellency!"
The Marquis de Lafayette, in 1824, in conversation with Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, said: "This was the only time I ever heard Gen- eral Washington swear. He called Lee a 'damned poltroon,' and was in a towering rage."
Various persons who claimed to have been witnesses to the scene quoted Washington as using violently profane language. No witness at the court-martial of Lee, however, testified to any profanity, and neither Sparks, Bancroft or Marshall refer to that phase of the incident other- wise than to say, in effect, that Washington spoke in terms of warmth, implying disapprobation of Lee's conduct.
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