USA > New Jersey > Hunterdon County > The first century of Hunterdon County, state of New Jersey > Part 4
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But the zealous proceedings of these patriots do not present the whole picture. Public opinion was divided, especially among the masses. When Lord Cornwallis entered the Jerseys, he issued a proclamation, offering protection to all who would take the oath of allegiance within sixty days, and containing assurances that the obnoxious laws which had occasioned the war would be revised. This produced a wide-spread dissatisfaction toward the patriots. Memorials came to the Provincial Congress from the counties of Monmouth, Hunterdon, Bergen and Sussex, complaining of the hostile intentions and proceedings of the disaffected. "Authentic information was received that other disaffected persons in the county of Hunterdon, had confederated for the purpose of opposing the measures of Congress, and had even proceeded to acts of open and daring violence, having plundered the house of a Captain Jones, beaten, wounded and otherwise abused the friends of freedom in the county, and publicly declared that they would take up arms in behalf of the King of Great Britain. In order to check a combination so hostile and dangerous, Lieutenant Colonel Abram Ten Eick and Major Berry were directed, with the militia of Hunterdon and Somerset, to apprehend these insurgents. On the 1st of July, 1776, the Provincial Congress resolved that the several colonels of the counties, should, without delay, proceed to disarm all persons within their districts who refused to bear arms.""
1 Gordon's New Jersey, p. 195.
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In October, 1777, Governor Livingston remonstrated with the President of Continental Congress, against the order of the Board of War, for sending, Governor Penn of Pennsylvania, and others to Union in Hunterdon County. He says "that region, has always been considerably disaffected, and still continues so, notwithstanding all our efforts; owing, we imagine, in part, to the interest, connec- tions and influence of Mr. John Allen, brother-in-law of Mr. Penn, who is now with the enemy." This Union was the iron works, within a few miles of the home of Colonels Stewart and Johnston. Near the furnaces was the house occupied by Mr. Taylor, the superintendent. He was a patriot. In this house, which now forms a part of the residence of Lewis H. Taylor, Penn and the Attorney General Chew were confined six months as prison . ers of war, in charge of Mr. Taylor. Tradition reports that they brought their servants with them, and an Indian fiddler to beguile the hours of their captivity. Governor Penn presented Mr. Taylor with a copy of Dalrymple's Memoirs, with his autograph upon the title page.
At this time the feeling between the two sides was intense and often bitter. Rev. William Frazer was then Rector of the Epis- copal Church at Ringos. Being supported by a British Missionary Society, he would not omit the prayers for the royal family. This rendered him obnoxious to the patriots. One Sunday, when he entered his church, a rope was hanging over the pulpit. Public sentiment grew so violent that he was compelled to suspend worship in his church. But so prudent was his conduct and so lovely his character, that soon after peace was declared, he re-opened his church and resumed his ministry, with general acceptance.1
During the war, large farms belonging to these tories were confiscated. But they proved of little value to the public treasury, because the sales were generally on credit; and by the progressive
New Jersey Rev. Cor., pp. 101 and 102.
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depreciation of money when the time of payment came, the real value of the money was very small. Public notice was given, February 11th, 1779, that two of the Judges of Hunterdon County would attend at the house of John Ringo, in Amwell, "For the purpose of hearing the claims against the estate of certain fugitives and offenders." These parties were a long list of wealthy men, who did not sympathize with the patriot cause. Thousand of acres were advertised for sale, under these judgments entered by the State.
And yet as a whole, Hunterdon County was strong for the war. In March, 1776, the Committee of Safety, of which Captain Mehelm and John Hart were members, resolved that three battal- ions of militia be draughted out of the militia of the State, for the help of New York. The quota of Hunterdon was four hundred and forty, which was just double that of any other county.1 Colo- nel Frelinghuysen, of Raritan, wrote to Governor Livingston, August 15th, 1777 : "I must not forget to congratulate your Excellency, on the great loyalty of Hunterdon County."
The lukewarmness and disaffection already described, were caused by the uncertainties of the incipient struggle, and the disasters of the year 1776. New York was captured, and about the middle of November, Cornwallis entered New Jersey. Gover- nor Livingston made the most strenuous exertions to have the militia who were in the field, oppose the invading force. But the panic which had seized upon the mass of the population could not be controlled. The bare-footed and almost naked Continental army, scantily supplied with ammunition, was retreating before the strong, well equipped battalions of the enemy. The contest seemed hope- less. Those who visited the army brought home an unfavorable report. They secretly or openly advised others to do nothing that would involve them in disloyalty, and thus jeopardized their possessions. Old people tell us that such was the talk with many. The Legislature, itself defenceless, had removed from Princeton to
New Jersey Rev. Cor., pp. 5, 95.
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Burlington, and there on the second of December they adjourned, each man going home to look after his own affairs. Until the battle of Trenton, on the twenty-fifth of that month, New Jersey might have been considered a conquered province. Even Samuel Tucker, Chairman of the Committee of Safety, Treasurer, and Judge of the Supreme Court, took a protection of the British, and thus renounced allegiance to this State and vacated his offices.1
But a reaction, decided and permanent, was close at hand. The dispiriting retreat through the State, was accomplished, and Washington was safely on the other side of the Delaware. As the American rear guard crossed the river, the flags of the British danced in the distance. If the enemy had brought boats with them, as was reported, it would have been impossible for the patriots to have hindered their passing over. This was on the third of December. Washington sent four brigades under Generals Mercer, Stephens, DeFermoy and Lord Sterling, who were posted from Yardleys to Coryell's Ferry, in such a way as to guard every point of the river, where a crossing might be attempted. General Sterling was stationed with his troops opposite Lambertville, at Beaumont's, about three miles below New Hope. Redoubts were cast up, one on the top of the hill back of the school house at New Hope. General Washington rode up to inspect these, prob- ably returning the same day. He ordered a stockade intrenchment to be made, and batteries to be posted. As it was important that he should have command of all the boats on the river, General Green was charged with the duty. He ordered General Ewing to send sixteen Durham boats and four flats down to McKonkey's (Washington's crossing). These Durham boats were large, flat and pointed at each end, being used for conveying iron from Dunham to Philadelphia. General Maxwell was directed to collect the boats high up the river, as there was danger of the enemy seizing them, and to place them under strong guard. This service was
1 Gordon's New Jersey, p. 237.
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assigned to Captain Daniel · Bray, afterwards General Bray, of the New Jersey Militia, Captain Jacob Gearheart and Captain Thomas Jones, who collected all the boats on the upper waters of the Delaware and Lehigh, and brought them down to Coryell's Ferry. The boats were hid behind Malta Island, just below what is known as "The Mills, " on the Pennsylvania side. The island was densely wooded, so that the boats could not be seen by a reconnoi- tering party of the enemy, as it looked down from the New Jersey heights. These boats were thus secured for the famous crossing of Christmas night.1 Captain Bray was a native of Kingwood, and was familiar with every boat and crossing along the river. Captain Gerhart was from Flemington. To procure these boats, to conceal their plan from the tories who were lurking about, and who would betray them at the first opportunity, to cut out these flat boats in the darkness of those cold winter nights, to float them down amid the rocks and through the rapids, to keep them from being crushed or swamped, was a task most difficult and hazardous. But it was successfully accomplished. Cornwallis was informed of this enter- prise, and sent a detachment to seize these boats, but they could not find them, or were afraid to venture across the river in the face of those frowning batteries.
Probably while engaged in this search the British learned that a lot of guns was stored in Flemington. A part of Cornwallis' army was then encamped just below Pennington. Five hundred cavalry were detailed to seize these arms. At that time, near the Presby- terian Church, was a long, low, frame building. For many years afterward it was a store, famous throughout that part of the county. It afforded a market for wheat to a wide section. The store was kept, in connection with a mill, on the site of John Rockafellow's mill. In this building a quantity of muskets had been stored by the Continentals. The cavalry reached the village early in the morning and found in the street a man in a cart, whom they pressed
1 Dr. Studdiford's Manuscripts. Also History of Berk's County, by W. W. Davis.
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into their service. The chests, with the guns packed in them, were taken out of the building and put into the cart, and then the whole troop hastened away. But when they reached Tattersall's Lane, where the tile kiln now is, they became alarmed, and concluded it would be better to destroy the muskets than attempt to carry them away. So they broke the guns by striking them upon the posts of the fence. In the meantime Captain John Schenck had collected a band of men and secreted them in a piece of woods between Copper Hill and Larasons. As the horsemen filed through this, they were fired upon. Captain Geary, the commander of the British, ordered his troops to halt and face the spot whence the firing proceeded, when he was almost immediately shot through the head. His men wheeled and fled. Afraid that they might meet more opposition if they returned the same road they came, the British turned and went toward New Brunswick. Captain Geary's body was buried in the woods.
This Captain Schenck, afterwards Colonel, was a brave officer. With Colonel Charles Stewart he rallied the minute-men in 1775, and was active during the whole conflict, in various ways.
The success of Washington at Trenton and Princeton was not the only cause of turning the tide toward the patriots. Neither the proclamation of Cornwallis nor protection papers saved the people from plunder. Discontent and murmurs at the outrages perpetrated by British and Hessians increased on every side. Infants, children, old men and women were left without a blanket to protect them- selves from the inclemency of winter. The most brutal outrages were perpetrated by a licentious soldiery. The whole country be- came hostile to the invaders. Sufferers of all parties arose, as with one accord, to revenge their personal injuries.1
"When General Washington was retreating through the Jerseys almost forsaken by all others, her militia were at all times obedient to his orders ; and for a considerable length of time composed the strength of his army.ª And of this praise Hunterdon county
1 Gordon's American War, Vol. 2., p. 178, 180.
2 Winterbotham's History of America, Vol. 2, p. 303.
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deserves a large share, because she furnished more soldiers than any other county. Her scouts and guides were of priceless value.
After the battle of Trenton the American army went into Winter quarters, part at Morristown and part at Valley Forge. The direct road between these lay through Amwell Valley and over Coryell's Ferry.
The Spring of 1777 revealed this state of things, for which Washington must provide. General Burgoyne, with a superior force of the British, was moving from Canada southward. General Howe was at New York. He would either endeavor, by moving up the Hudson, to possess himself of the forts and high grounds occupied by the Americans, and thus open the southern part of the way to New York for Burgoyne, and separate New England from the rest of the Colonies ; or he would attempt Philadelphia. Wash- ington was uncertain which of these courses would be adopted ; hence he must be prepared for both. To do this, he determined to occupy the high grounds of New Jersey, north of New Brunswick. About ten miles in that direction, at Middlebrook, a low range of mountains forms the apex of a triangle, the sides of which extend toward the northeast and northwest. These heights could be rendered almost impregnable against the enemy, while they would serve as a watch tower to command the course of the Raritan, the road to Philadelphia, the hills about New Brunswick, and a con siderable part of the country between that place and Amboy, thus affording a full view of any important movement on the part of the enemy. Washington directed the troops from Jersey to South Caro- lina to assemble in this State, and, breaking up his camp at Morris- town, he made Middlebrook his headquarters, May 28, 1777. Gen. Howe was preparing to attack Philadelphia, but first he wanted to draw the American General from his strong position. Leaving 2,000 troops at Brunswick, he advanced, June 14, with two columns from different directions, which arrived about the same hour. Washington had posted his army in order of battle, on the heights in front of the camp, and refused to come down. General Howe, finding he could not be drawn from his strong position, retired. But this movement of General Howe toward Philadelphia
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roused the militia of this part of the State, and with great alacrity they took the field, principally joining General Sullivan, who had retired from Princeton behind the southern hills towards Fleming- ton, where a considerable army was forming to oppose the enemy, should he attempt to cross Coryell's Ferry, which seemed to be his object. Influenced, no doubt, by this gathering of forces, Howe ceased to threaten Philadelphia by land, and determined to embark his troops for the Delaware. Indeed, it would have been an act of unpardonable military recklessness to have proceeded, when the enemy was combining in his front, and was ready with an army to follow in his rear. By this planning, the Amwell Valley was saved from the ravages of an invading host; and also, perhaps, lost the glory of becoming one of the famous battle-fields of the Revolu- tion. Probably this is the time when the Baptist church at Flemington, was occupied as barracks by American soldiers. Marks of their muskets were visible on the floor of the old church. A panic prevailed along the Old York Road in that region. Farmers drove their cattle to hiding places. Household valuables were buried, or carried to the houses of friends at a distance. The women and children were prepared to flee at a moment's warning.
The county for several years previous to the war, was quite evenly populated, so that it must have been inconvenient and expensive to the many residing about Flemington and northward, to go to Trenton for the transaction of business; that county-seat being at the extreme southern corner. The unsettled state of the country, which diverted public attention from local necessities, and the general disturbance arising from the fact that the county was a thoroughfare for both armies, prevented a change in the county town. But we find that in 1785, two years after the treaty of peace, as soon, therefore, as the matter could be attended to, the county-seat was removed to Flemington, which was nearly in the centre. The village at that time consisted of probably not more than twelve or fifteen houses. For in 1809, there were only sixteen houses between the Baptist and Presbyterian churches, which comprised most of the village. However, it was important as a
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centre of trade. There was also living there a lawyer and judge, Jasper Smith, a gentleman of great energy and public spirit; who was afterward prominent in the formation of the Presbyterian church in that village. Indeed, he may be called its founder. I believe that he had a great deal to do in securing the location of the county-seat. Because two miles further toward Clinton, on the south branch, was another point called Readings, the focus of several roads leading to all parts of the county. This also was a centre of trade. And there the county-seat should have been located. It is in many respects a more desirable site. The bank of the Branch is high, the drainage would have been excellent and the land is beautifully situated for building lots. Besides, the water power is such that the town by this day would have become the seat of flourishing manufactures. The Court House was not built until the Summer of 1791. It was on the site of the present buildings, and was constructed of stone brought "from Large's land in Kingwood." This edifice was destroyed by fire in February, 1828. This delay in building was probably caused by the poverty of the county, and the fluctuating value of money. In 1780 a continental paper dollar was worth one copper. In 1779 linen was one hundred and forty shillings a yard, shoes one hundred and twenty shillings a pair, pocket handkerchiefs seventy shillings a piece.1 All other clothing in proportion. After the war, and even to the opening of the century, wages were fifty cents a day, and corn eighty cents a bushel.
The Presbyterian congregations of the two Amwell churches, finding that the salary was insufficient on account of the deprecia- tion of the paper money, a joint meeting, held January 21st, 1779, agreed that the salary should be paid in produce at the old prices, or as much money as would purchase it. Some paid in money, some in produce, some in both, as the salary lists show. It was determined to purchase a new parsonage, and a subscription was
1 New Jersey Rev. Cor., p. 184.
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made, but when they came to buy, the price of land had risen beyond the amount supposed to be necessary. And then the trustees hired " a plantation adjoining the parsonage for one hundred and fifty pounds, in order the better to support the ministers." In 1790 both paper money and coin were in circulation. From an old paper labelled "Account of Supplies," of the First Amwell Church, it appears that the sum paid for one Sunday's services was one pound and ten shillings ; for preaching and administrating the Lord's Supper, three pounds. This was the amount in "hard money," as the account has it. Sometimes the supplies were paid in paper money, sometimes in coin and sometimes in both. There is this N. B. : "The law is lately altered in not making paper money equal to hard money, in hard money engagements. One- half is now (1790, April 4th), the current exchange." A collection for a poor student in divinity gives this amount: paper money, twenty-five shillings ; silver, seventeen shillings; copper, twelve shillings and two pence.
According to the census of 1790, the population of Hunterdon was twenty thousand, one hundred and fifty-three. This made it the first county in numbers ; but close to it pressed Sussex with nineteen thousand, five hundred ; and Burlington with eighteen thousand and ninety-five. Then came Essex, Monmouth, Morris and Middlesex, each about one thousand less in the order named. Gloucester, thirteen thousand, three hundred and three; Bergen, twelve thousand, six hundred and one ; Somerset, twelve thousand, two hundred and ninety-six; Salem, ten thousand, four hundred and thirty-seven ; while Cumberland and Cape May came in at the foot, the former with eight thousand, two hundred and forty-eight, and the latter with only two thousand, five hundred and seventy-one. The total population of the State was one hundred and eighty-four thousand, one hundred and thirty-nine. The population of the townships of Hunterdon was-Amwell, five thousand, two hundred and one, which was more than double that of any other township. Kingwood, two thousand, four hundred and forty ; Hopewell, two thousand, three hundred and twenty ; Trenton, one thousand, nine
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hundred and forty-six, Alexandria, one thousand, five hundred and three; Bethlehem, one thousand, three hundred and thirty- five; Maidenhead, one thousand, and thirty-two. Lebanon, Reading- ton and Tewksbury, are combined, four thousand, three hundred and seventy. The number of slaves, one thousand, three hundred and one, and of free blacks, one hundred and ninety-one. But in the next ten years the increase was very small in this part of the State, both in Hunterdon and Somerset; the former adding to her popu- lation one thousand one hundred and eight, and the latter, five hundred and nineteen. The cause of this was that the young people were drawn to the great west of that day-central New York and western Pennsylvania1. Indeed, the whole State has been a hive of States-constantly sending out swarms, whose labors have tended to subdue and fertilize western wilds-so that the State is remarkable for the paucity of the increase of its population, until with- in a recent period. In this same decade of which I am speaking, 1790 to 1800, the increase in the whole State was only twenty-seven thousand, eight hundred and ten. The ratio of increase from 1790 to 1820 was thirteen and a half per cent. for each decennial term. But in the first half of the last century, the rate of increase was about thirty per cent. in eight years. Hunterdon, by the year 1800, had dropped down to the fourth county in population ; and yet the difference between it and Sussex, which was the highest, was only one thousand two hundred and seventy-three. In 1810, Hunterdon held the same relative position to the other counties, but Essex had now risen to the head, which it has since maintained. The population of Hunterdon then was twenty-four thousand, five hundred and fifty six.
Let us recall the fact, that across the present territory of Hun- terdon passed several important highways. One ran through New Hampton, via Pittstown, Quakertown, Ringos on to Pennington and
1 An old record, 1797, of Flemington Presbyterian church, states, that collec- tions were made by order of Presbytery to support missionaries on those frontiers.
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Trenton. The great east and west line was the Old York Road, running the length of the Amwell valley, and passing out of the State at Lambertville. The third, of less importance than the other two, and yet a great road in its day, was the Somerville and Easton Turnpike, which entered the county at Lambertville and passed out at Bloomsbury ; furnishing the outlet from the southern part of Warren, and from Easton to New York, via New Brunswick Although this was not chartered as a turnpike until 1812, the road itself was laid out prior to the Revolution. Produce was carried along this road to New Brunswick, which at the beginning of this century was the most thriving mart of trade in the State. To the same city large wagons from Pennsylvania and from the Amwell valley, drawn by six horses, heavily laden with flour, flax-seed, flax and other kinds of produce, went over the Old York Road.
The iron spring at Schooleys Mt., like most of those of any value on the continent, was known to the Indians, generations probably before the European advent. It was their tales of these waters of life, as they poetically called them, which led to the belief of the "Fountain of Youth," which the old Spanish explorer, Ponce de Leon, so ardently desired. Almost from the settlement of the State, the ailing resorted to this iron spring. Its virtue attracted the valetudinarian, while the high altitude, 1,100 feet above the ocean, and the beauty of its surroundings rendered it a favorite place of resort. Thither went for many years after the Revolution, the old aristocracy of Philadelphia, who traveled in their own conveyances, which were large coaches, drawn by four or six horses and with the family coat of arms emblazoned on the sides. Their route was the first day to New Hope, the second day across the river and along the Old York Road to Pluckamin, and the third day reaching the mountain. None of those which came over this route attracted as much attention as Judge Coxe. He was a grandson of Daniel Coxe, one of the first proprietors of West Jersey, whose large proprietary tracts made his descendants immensely wealthy. In the latter part of the century, Charles Coxe bought the farm of one thousand two hundred acres that was owned by Judge
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Johnston at Sidney, and afterwards the residence of Judge Wilson. In the old mansion Judge Coxe spent his Summers, extending a princely hospitality to the first families of Philadelphia, who were his guests weeks at a time.1 He was a man of enterprise, and sought to turn the splendid water power on his land to account, by establishing a large woolen factory. He also was impressed with the unrivalled advantages that region possessed, in its streams of water, for large manufacturing enterprises. For at that day, before the steam engine displaced the water wheel, capitalists were eager to secure water power. About this period it was, 1793, that a company obtained the water rights at Paterson. In order, however, to render the water power of this region available, better means of transportation must be obtained than was furnished by a turnpike. He applied, therefore, to the Legislature for a charter, to build a canal from the Delaware at Easton, to some point on the south branch above Clinton, and thence by the best practicable route to Trenton. This was about 1706. The application, however, was unsuccessful. Another project was to make slack water navigation up the south branch, thus securing an outlet through the Raritan. At that time these streams were larger than they are now.
Winterbotham, in 1796, describes the people of New Jersey thus : " The Presbyterian, the Quaker, the Episcopalian, the Baptist, the German and Low Dutch Calvinist, the Methodist and the Moravian, have each their distinguishing characteristics, either in their worship, their discipline or their dress. There is still another characteristical difference, distinct from either of the others, which arises from the intercourse of the inhabitants with different States. The people in West Jersey trade to Philadelphia, and of course, imitate the fashions and imbibe their manners. The inhab- itants of East Jersey, trade to New York, and regulate their
1 One of his daughters married Lucius Stockton, who was the first clerk of Hunterdon. He built a part of the house now occupied by Charles Bartles, Esq., in Flemington. There he had his office.
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fashions and manners according to those in New York; so that the difference in fashions and manners between East and West Jersey, is nearly as great as between New York and Philadelphia." In this county the two influences were blended, because communication was divided; the eastern part trading with New Brunswick and New York, and the western with Trenton and Philadelphia. And all the religious denominations mentioned, except the Moravian, had congregations within the bounds of Hunterdon.
The people generally were distinguished for industry. The children when not put to trades, or not migrating to the new country, remained with their parents working on the farm. This was especially the case with the oldest son. For the European idea of primogeniture had not yielded to the more equal distribution of an estate. To that son, the homestead was willed. When he married, he remained at home with his parents. And an addition was built on the old house for his accommodation. Where the father owned several hundred acres, he set off a portion to his sons as they married. This subdivision kept on, until the farms reached their present size.
Religion generally had declined, during and after the war. French infidelity poisoned the minds of too many of the prominent men of the county ; and its effect was felt upon the people. Intemperance prevailed at the opening of this century to a frightful extent. The early settlers in Hunterdon, like all the Dutch and Germans, and indeed English of that age, used malt liquors as a beverage. The war of the Revolution brought rum and whiskey into general use.
The use of these, acquired in the army, was continued by the soldiers on their return home. More liquor was drunk, per capita, in this country for the two or three decades after the war than by any other nation on the face of the earth. Its manufacture made extensive progress in the States.1 Thirteen hundred retail licenses were issued in the year 1800, and intemperance grew, so that we
1Winterbotham, Vol. I, 351.
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were denominated over the civilized world as a nation of drunkards. In one township along the Raritan, at the commencement of this century, eight distilleries were in operation. Custom required each hand, in hay or harvest, to be furnished with one pint of rum a day. Almost every farmer had his cellar stocked with barrels of cider, spirits and rye whiskey. The county was full of taverns. The education of poor children was neglected. In prominent villages, like Pennington and Flemington, academies were established, which were under the care of trustees. There were also private schools, kept mostly by clergymen. Such places were centres of intelli- gence and refinement. In 1802 several libraries were in existence. At Trenton, Elliott Howell, Librarian ; Pennington, Achilles Wil- son, Librarian ; Ringos, David Bishop, Librarian ; Flemington, Asher Atkinson, Librarian.1
The general training days were scenes of frightful disorder. Fighting, to decide who was champion, or as the result of quarrels engendered by rum, was common; indeed it was almost the neces- sary attendant of trainings and elections.
There were few wagons. People went to meeting afoot for four to six miles, wearing thick shoes, sometimes none at all, until near the church, and then they put on Sunday shoes. It was common for the men to sit in church without coats.
Whipping was the penalty for small offences. This seems to have been inflicted upon the slaves, more frequently than on other classes of offenders. A slave, if found five miles from home, was arrested and whipped by the constable; for which five shillings were received, to be paid by the master or mistress. The whip was made of thongs of raw hide, plaited sometimes with fine wire.
Only one newspaper was published in the county. That was a weekly in Trenton. The mails slowly proceeded to the principal villages, and at intervals found their way to remote parts. So late as 1822 one mail came up from Trenton to Flemington on Tuesday,
1From Collector's book of 1802 in possession of Peter Young at Ringos.
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and thence to the other parts of the county, returning on Saturday.
We speak of those times as distinguished for simplicity, good- ness, honor-as better days than our own. We do " not inquire wisely concerning this." In all that render morals, education and religion, an acquaintance with current events, and facility in travel, superior to mere physical enjoyment, the advantage is greatly with us.
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