USA > New York > To sacrifice, to suffer, and if need be, to die : a history of the thirty-fourth New York Regiment > Part 1
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org.
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24
De
To Sacrifice
To
r
Id
Faces why
died &
-
To Die
incipal They were
The Regimental History of the 34th NYS Volunteers
"There was no better regiment in the war than these two year regi- ments. They were composed of young men who volunteered promptly at the first alarm of war. The ranks of each regiment were recruited from that grandest type of manhood - The American Vol- unteer." - Colonel Wm. F. Fox, in Regimental Losses.
The Men of the 34th New York Regiment of Volunteer Infantry, who had unconditionally answered Abraham Lincoln's call to arms in April of 1861, were proudly num- bered among those first Union Vol- unteers praised by Colonel Fox. For two long years, they endured the privation of the field and the terror of battle - burying their comrades in the soil of Fair Oaks, Glendale, Malvern Hill, Antietam and Fredericksburg - before limping home with their duty well done.
continued
Jacket Design & Art · E. Bielejec
EN
ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 3 1833 01753 9070
GENEALOGY 973.74 N42CHA
Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2012
http://archive.org/details/tosacrificetosuf00chap
TO SACRIFICE, TO SUFFER, AND IF NEED BE, TO DIE
A HISTORY OF THE THIRTY-FOURTH NEW YORK REGIMENT
I
INTRODUCTION
Although removed by time and distance, the roar of cannon pounding Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor on April 12th, 1861, quickly sent a clear and awful message of war throughout upstate New York. As with the rest of the now divided country, the fire of patriotism sped the length of the Mohawk Valley, climbed the hills of Champlain and spread across the plains of the Finger Lakes region. From the ardor and passion of the moment, the first flush of Union volunteers was to emerge. Into the tempest, men and boys from Herkimer, Steuben, Champlain and Albany counties left the safety of their hearths, enlisted in local companies, and joined hands in Albany in the formation of the 34th Regiment New York State Volunteer Infantry. A contemporary history of Herkimer County provides a fitting accolade to the "cream of patriotism" that was the 34th New York, extolling:
.
"Theirs was an example worthy of emulation. Although wholly unprepared for such an emergency, they left their all at a moment's warning, and put themselves in readiness to defend their country."1
For two long years the 34th New York - the "Boys of '61" - would give their all on the battlefields of Fair Oaks, Glendale, Antietam and Fredericksburg. One hundred and sixty-two men from the 34th offered their lives for the Union - ninety-four of whom were mortally wounded on the field of battle - and another one hundred and ninety-three would bear the scars of shot and shell."
2 Of the nearly one thousand men that served in the 34th New York, less than five hundred remained to salute their proud banner at muster-out in the summer of 1863. Only after their most painful memories had faded and mortality had taken its toll would the surviving members of the 34th
1 History of Herkimer County, New York, (New York: F.W. Beers, 1879), p 81
2 Phisterer, Frederick, New York in the War of the Rebellion, (Albany: 1912), p 297
II
New York leave their legacy in the printed word.
Originally published in 1903, A Brief History of the Thirty-Fourth Regiment N.Y.S.V. is, as regimental histories go, an unassuming work. Although the book is augmented by the 34th's official roster and the dedication ceremonies of the 34th's Antietam monument, the history of the regiment is, as noted in the title, brief. Covering less than one hundred pages of main text, A Brief History of the Thirty-Fourth Regiment N.Y.S.V. reflects the 34th's relatively short service time (two years versus the more typical three or more years of most Union regiments) and the modesty of the surviving members of the regiment, who, as author Louis N. Chapin remarks in his introduc- tion, "deem our military record to have been of little moment." The scant amount of material with which Chapin had available to formulate his narrative is evident. Neither soldier's diaries nor any previously written history of the 34th apparently was accessible to him. (Immediately after the 34th's muster-out in 1863 Captain William Walton made public that he was developing a history of the regiment, and even went as far as advertis- ing for subscriptions. Unfortunately Walton's history never came to fruition.) Instead, Chapin was only able to draw on his own extant writings to a Little Falls newspaper, The Mohawk Courier, official documents, and upon his and his comrade's shaded memories. While his effort certainly is commendable, and his use of numerous photographs laudable, unfortunately he gave short shrift to the 34th's apocalyptic day along Antietam Creek, and to a lesser extent to the regiment's moment of glory at Fair Oaks.
At Fair Oaks the 34th New York and the rest of Sedgwick's division of the 2nd Corps arrived on the field, much like the cavalry of a later time, to stem the
III
Confederate tide that had torn through the Union left wing at Seven Pines. Flanked by the 82nd New York on their left and the 20th Massachusetts on their right, the men of the 34th New York had indeed made as gallant a charge into the Confederate right flank as Chapin describes. But Chapin's rendition of Fair Oaks, albeit written many years after the battle, lacks the fire of that day. Captain William Walton's account, penned only three days after Fair Oaks, provides a better sense of the fight. An excerpt of a letter Walton wrote to a hometown newspaper, details the 34th's bold assault:
"As soon as we were in position we received the command to fire and instantly the whole front was one blaze of flame, or as the rebels afterwards said, 'a wall of fire'. Our boys behaved like veterans, and though our comrades were continually falling under the wasting fire of the enemy, we pressed forward at the command, halting every few yards to pour in our rapid volleys and then again advancing until we were half way across the field, when Gen. Sumner rode up, and with his hat waving above his head, cried out 'Charge'em boys, charge', and with loud cheers we rushed forward, driving those of the enemy who had advanced back again into the woods, and after halting at the edge to pour in a volley, we entered, still driving them and soon compelled them to flee leaving large numbers of wounded behind and the ground strewed with dead.
It was now near night and the enemy, dispir- ited by this last defeat, made not another attempt and left to us the mournful task of caring for the wounded."3
3 Herkimer County Journal, June 19, 1862
IV
Lost in both Chapin's and Walton's account of the Fair Oaks fight was the reckless manner in which the yet unbloodied men of the 34th had charged. The 34th New York, in their zeal for the fight, had ranged well ahead of the supporting regiments on each flank, and had subjected itself to enfilading fire from the enemy. Needless casualties were taken by the regiment in its rush to "cover itself with glory". The battered, yet still headstrong, 34th would maintain its advanced position within pistol range of the enemy throughout much of the night, until ordered to return to its brigade line.
Chapin gave even less color to the 34th's defining moment, its short yet stubborn stand at Antietam. His all too brief reminiscence of the encounter may have been fueled by the confusion of that day or by chagrin at the 34th's inability to maintain its position. At any rate, the 34th New York's struggle besides the Dunker Church requires further definition.
As part of General Sumner's 2nd Corps attack, Sedgwick's 1st Division formed into three long brigade- size lines and, like waves cresting a beach, swept across the fields between the East and West Woods. James Hope's painting, done years after the war, captures Sedgwick's advance and gives us a glimpse of the 34th New York, easily recognizable as the left flank regiment in the leading wave, Gorman's 1st Brigade. As the 34th nears the West Woods it becomes detached from the rest of the division. At this point confusion exists as to the 34th's mission; some reports list the 34th as simply drifting off, others report the 34th as being sent to aid the 125th Pennsylvania (a rookie regiment) in protecting the left flank of Sedgwick's division. Even Colonel Suiter, in his after-action report, describes the 34th as becoming
V
separated from the rest of the brigade for some unknown reason. Arriving just into the eastern edge of the West Woods, and within stone's throw of the Dunker Church, the 34th New York wheeled to the left and linked up with the 125th Pennsylvania; both regiments now facing in a southerly direction, perpendicular to the lines of Sedgwick's advance. Within minutes of thus being posi- tioned, the 34th New York and the 125th Pennsylvania were set upon by three Confederate brigades under the overall command of General Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson, and were hit simultaneously from front and flank. Unable to withstand such fire, the Pennsylvanians broke and, after a few more withering rebel volleys, the 34th New York followed. Whether ordered to retreat by General Sedgwick, as Colonel Suiter stated in his report, or simply driven back by overwhelming odds, the 34th's day at Antietam was over almost as quickly as it had begun.
To the 34th's credit, the withdrawal from the Dunker Church grounds never deteriorated into a rout. Retiring about four hundred yards to the east, the 34th New York halted in the middle of a field and, along with the 7th Michigan, supported a Union artillery battery that stemmed further rebel advance in that sector.
Colonel Suiter's rather bland official report can be given color by Private William McLean's narrative. McLean's graphic description of the fight, and his candid allegation that faulty generalship led the 34th New York into the debacle alongside the Dunker Church was printed in The Herkimer County Journal. An excerpt from McLean's letter, written just four days after the battle, read:
"We followed on: and up to the morning of the
17th were in the rear and out of the enemy's
VI
sight. At last the hour came, and Gorman's brigade was rushed with wildness and blindness into the presence of the rebels, and completely flanked before the fire on the left was opened by us. We fired two or three tremendous volleys, which thinned their ranks: but in turn received quite as warm a fire as we were able to give, and, being flanked and cross-fired upon, were obliged to fall back. We did so at first in good order, loading and firing as we could: but the advancing of the rebels and their deadly fire was too much for the famed 34th, as well as for many regiments, and we broke for a time and ran about thirty rods: then we rallied [alongside an artillery battery] and turned upon the foe, who gave way before us.
The action was short, not exceeding fifteen minutes, and our loss in killed was 32 and wounded 108 [actually 46 killed and 98 wounded]. All this was the fault of someone who led us into the face of the fire unsupported on the left. We were within ten rods of the enemy when the first fire was opened, and before we fell back far, they came so close as to take ten prisoners, among whom is Lt. [John] Kirk, of Co. H, and others were wounded with gunstocks & c. This we couldcall nothing better than outright slaughter, and the time and number of victims show it was nothing else."4
Many years later, men from the "Old 34th", now gray and grizzled, would once more tread the grounds of
4 Herkimer County Journal, October 2, 1862
VII
the Dunker Church. On the fiftieth anniversary of the Antietam battle, veterans of the 34th New York would raise an enduring monument atop the soil that had soaked up their comrades' life blood, and they would tearfully remember the place were the terror of their youth had prevailed.
While Chapin may have spent too little time on the 34th's higher points, he certainly failed to note the regiment's most painful incident - the mutiny of Company A - and he sidestepped the issues leading to Colonel Suiter's resignation.
While encamped at Kent Court House, Virginia during the Peninsular Campaign, the men of Company A, of the 34th New York did the unthinkable, they "stacked their arms" and refused to do duty, in short they mutinied. Company A's response to what appears to have been a petty matter, and the severe punishment contemplated in reaction to it, is difficult to fathom in today's mind. But in that time, honor was a man's most precious possession, or in the obverse, dishonor was his greatest disgrace. The loss of honor, as perceived by Company A, was worth treading the line of death and dishonor. In the army's eyes, the "stacking of arms" in the face of the enemy was akin to desertion, and therefore was punishable to the maximum by death. For whatever reason, Chapin described the 34th's revolt at Fredericksburg while opting to disregard Company A's Kent Court House mutiny. Fortunately, Captain William Walton left us a detailed chronicle of Company A's uprising, while at the same time he provided us with an insight into the politics - the "give- and-take" - of the 34th New York's formation. Walton would write:
VIII
"As you may have heard many and various conflicting accounts, we will try and give you one that shall be correct in every particular. For a true understanding it is necessary to go back to the formation of the regiment. As you are probably aware, there were many difficulties to encounter and after weeks of labor, the regiment was not only incomplete but the Governor threatened to distribute the various companies among other regiments, unless it was immediately organized. At this time a fine company presented itself and so great was the desire to receive it that the first post of honor - the right of the regiment - was offered it on condition of its joining. This being agreed to, the regiment was organized with the Troy Company (Capt. Wm. Oswald) on the right, the Little Falls Company (Capt. Wells Sponable) on the left, the second post of honor, and the Norway Company (Capt. Thomas Corcoran) in the center, the third post of honor. All appeared satisfied with this, or if not, kept their thoughts to themselves and everything passed off har- moniously until a short time ago when a few interested persons began to agitate the questions, that according to the Army Regulations, the companies must take their places in line according to the Seniority of the Captains. Of course this could not be denied and, the affair coming in some unaccountable manner to the General's [Gorman] ears, he immediately issued an order that the regiment must conform to the Regulations and that each company would, without delay, take its proper position. No sooner was this made known than
IX
the greatest excitement, accompanied by much loud talk, ensued and many looked anxiously forward to the Dress Parade of Monday evening, May 12th, when the new order of things was to be for the first time enforced. At the call of the bugle Co. A (the Troy Company) marched out and took their old place in line and, when ordered by the Colonel to take the new position assigned them, not only refused but marched some twenty paces to the front and stacked their arms, one of the most heinous crimes known in military law. While here, the Captain [Oswald] made a speech to them which I am sorry to say was disgraceful to himself both as a man and a soldier. In the mean time, however, the Regimental line had been formed with Co. K (Capt. Beverly) on the right, Co. C on the left and Co. B in the center, and the Dress Parade was held. As soon as it was over, the Col. ordered three companies out to guard the mutineers, who by this time were increased by a portion of Co. B who refused to come out on Parade. They were held in strict custody until late in the evening when they were handed over to the Provost Marshal. As we saw them depart we hardly expected to see them again, for every one thought they would at least be sent to the Rip Raps [a Federal prison] to work out the term of their enlistment. This was not to be, however, and the next afternoon they were marched back to the Parade ground and, after each making a solemn promise to return to duty and obey the commands of his superiors, they were allowed
X
to receive their arms and retire to their quarters. Thus the dark cloud in part blew over. The Captain of Co. A, however, was still detained, as well as Capt. Rich of Co. D, who having become dissatisfied from some cause or other, had tendered his sword at the same time. Their trial has just been closed, but the sentence has not yet been published."5
Captain William Oswald was not to be let off as easily as were the men of Company A. The punishment meted out to Oswald included being "publicly disgraced", drummed out of the service, and sentenced to one year in a Federal prison. The ceremonial disgrace of Oswald in front of the whole 2nd Corps was described by a corre- spondent of the Philadelphia North American. His report read:
"The ceremony took place in a large field. The regiments were formed in columns of divisions: each column was close to the next, so that it made an unbroken front. They were then formed into a hollow square: the commanders of the regiments, brigades and divisions and staff were in the center. The prisoner [Oswald] was brought in under heavy guard, and hand- cuffed. They marched to the center of the square. The prisoner stepped two paces to the front of the guard: the officer commanding the guard then came forward and told the prisoner to take off his hat. He then read in a loud voice the charges, specifications, and the sentence of the court martial, which was: 'that his sword should be broken before his face, that he be
5 Herkimer County Journal, May 29, 1862
XI
publicly disgraced before the division, and serve one year in the District of Columbia jail: and that it shall be disgraceful for any soldier of the Army of the Potomac to associate with him hereafter.' After this was read, a sergeant came forward and cut all the brass buttons from his coat and then took his sword and broke it in half, saying as he did so, 'I hereby declare it disgraceful for men of the Army of the Potomac to associate with this man hereafter', and then he threw the pieces on the ground. The prisoner wasmarched off under the same guard, and we marched back to our camps."6
The story of Captain Oswald stopped at this point, but his compatriot, Captain Davis Rich, who was also dismissed from the service, surfaces again as a Captain in the 153rd New York.
On January 22, 1863 Colonel James Suiter resigned as commander of the 34th New York. Louis Chapin's reasoning for Suiter's resignation, dissatisfaction with being passed over with temporary command of the 34th's brigade, is echoed by Suiter, who remarks that his resig- nation was "demanded by a sense of honor". But there were other mitigating factors in Suiter's rather sudden actions.
As with much of the Army of the Potomac after the debacle at Fredericksburg, Colonel Suiter's morale was at low ebb. In a letter that Suiter wrote just three weeks before his resignation, he confided his disillusionment to Major Wells Sponable. His letter read in part:
"You will please present your compliments to the powers that are in office and say to them
6 Herkimer County Journal, June 12, 1862
XII
that the 34th Regt., one of the oldest in the service, one that has never turned its back upon the foe, is apparently forgotten by the citizens of the county they represent. Since these new Five hundred dollar organizations [bounty men] have sprung into existence the 34th is entirely forgotten by the men at the head of the state government in Albany, but thank God they have gained a reputation on the hard fought battlefields in fourteen contested fights that will live when they and us will have returned to the dust from which we spring and our souls to the God who gave them to us. But thank God my old Capt we ask no favors. Let them shower them upon those that cost so much, who had not patriotism enough to enroll themselves for the protection of the flag of our country, but forsooth wait until those who prepared to die and would rather lose a small morsel of the petty lucre than those soft shell, shaky kneed, latter day patriots who sprang into existence and at once became old veterans. Marble soldiers receive all the favors that are showered upon man. Those who came out to serve their country for their country's sake, without bounty, and at that time for eleven dollars per month, they are forgotten by all except those of their own family. But this Capt is the fate of war. Let it pass, for my part I am content.
Yesterday I made application for twenty days [furlough] but not on a Surgeon's Certificate. I
XIII
have no grave disease. I but simply want to visit my family, but I have no expectations of getting it granted and don't care whether they do or not. I am perfectly independent of all, I shall never be sick for it."7
Evidently, a perceived lack of faith in the Union war effort exhibited by the homefolk, the recent bungling - Fredericksburg and the "Mud March" - of the army's commander, General Ambrose Burnside, coupled with the snub at brigade command, spurred Colonel Suiter to resign.
Together with the mutiny of Company A and the par- ticulars behind Colonel Suiter's resignation, another bit of "dross" missed by Louis Chapin was the censure imposed on the 34th New York for the regiment's slovenly appear- ance and unmilitary-like behavior.
Shortly after Colonel Suiter's departure General Joseph Hooker, the Army of the Potomac's new commander, issued General Order No. 27, which granted furloughs to those regiments that met his standards for discipline, campground appearance and sanitation, and for proper hygiene and dress. One of the few regiments that did not meet Hooker's criteria was the 34th New York, and much of the blame, according to William Walton, fell on the shoulders of Colonel Suiter. Walton would write:
"In order for any organization to be efficient it must have a head. This head or leader must know and have the will to do his whole duty. Here in we failed. Our late Colonel [Suiter] was faultless and faulty. Brave as bravery itself, he was ever at his post in the hour of danger, but in camp failed to enforce that strict discipline
7 Wells Sponable Papers, Little Falls Historical Society
XIV
which is so necessary to the well being of every Regiment. This will account for the 34th being included among the regiments who recently incurred the displeasure of the Commander-in- Chief. But There has been a change. Our new Colonel [Byron Laflin] has assumed command and everything so far goes to prove that he is worthy of the position. We are ready now and willing to challenge criticism on every particular. Our camp is well laid out, neat and tidy. The men are well-dressed and manifest much interest in their personal appearance and in the performance of their various duties. All this has come to the knowledge of Gen. Hooker, and as a consequence of, the privileges of which we were deprived for a short time have been restored to us by General Order No. 27."8
Although a small affair, Louis Chapin obviously chose not to recall this blemish on the 34th's record.
Chapin's final chapter, "Going Home", does end the story for the 34th Regiment New York Volunteer Infantry, but it does not close the books on the military service of many of its members. Of those men that mustered out of the 34th in June of 1863 nearly one hundred re-enlisted in other regiments, the great majority joining artillery or cavalry units. Two officers from the 34th would go on to command regiments; George Thompson would lead the 152nd New York and Reverend John Van Petten the 193rd New York. Timothy O'Brien and William King would serve as Lieutenant-Colonels (of the 152nd New York and the 55th New York respectively), Dr. Socrates Sherman would become Director of the Grafton, West Virginia Military Hospital, and Wells Sponable would rise to
8 Herkimer County Journal, March 26, 1863
XV
Inspector General of Prisons and would oversee Camp Douglas, a prisoner of war facility near Chicago.
A final tale need also to be told of the 34th's most cherished relic, its regimental banner. In 1913 Mrs. Adela Sponable, the widow of Wells Sponable, presented James Suiter Jr., the son of Colonel Suiter, with the regi- mental flag of the 34th New York, which her husband had lovingly guarded for many years. In a thank you letter to Mrs. Sponable, James Suiter Jr. described the heart wrenching scene of the flag's receipt, leaving us with a clear feeling of the reverence shown that piece of silk. · James Suiter Jr. wrote:
Dear Mrs. Sponable,
It is with pleasure that I acknowledge the receiving of the Old Battle Flag of the 34th regt. N. Y. Vol., received at the hands of your nephew Wells Sponable Davy. So long and well preserved by your noble husband and my cherished friend the Major. One of the old Regt. was in the store reading. I opened the package and called him to attention, 'Hats off, the flag of the old 34th is passing by.' The old fellow, who carries a rebel bullet within him received at Antietam, shed tears when he saw the old flag, and went at once for a reporter to write the matter up. While the reporter was here, who should drop in but comrade [William] McLean of Utica, the Secy & Treas of our association, and the words that fell from his lips, while the tears coursed down his cheeks, as he told the stories of Fair Oaks and Antietam, of which you are surely familiar. It was a treat to the reporter in writing the article for his paper, it will be out in the evening paper today and I will send you
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.