USA > New York > Livingston County > A history of Livingston County, New York: > Part 19
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* Captain Williamson was a native ot Balgray, Scotland, his father being Secretary of the Scottish Earl of Hopeton. Two friends, both Scotchmen, John Johnstone and Chas. Cameron, accompanied him to this country. Wil- liamson was a member of Assembly from Ontario and Steuben from 1796 to. 1800, and was also first judge of Steuben Common Pleas from 1796 to 1803. continuously. He returned to Scotland, and died on or about the 31st of. December, 1807, on the passage from Havana to England.
t The title of the Pultney estate has been the subject of frequent litigation during the last half century, in which attempts have been made to overthrow the title derived through Williamson on the ground of his alleged alienage,
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Captain Williamson's energy and hopefulness ani- mated all who came within the range of his personal influence, while his enterprise anticipated and supplied whatever became necessary to promote the prosperity of the rising towns. He is represented as a jolly Scotchman, a gentleman of liberal education, of fine social qualities, fond of his flagon of wine and a good story, of fine horses and herds of sleek cattle. He had seen service in Europe and was a man of the world.` He possessed great activity, was upright and liberal in his dealings with the pioneers, and was always ready to impart information to any who sought homes in the Genesee country. "He frequently con- cludes a contract and removes every difficulty in the course of a few minutes' conversation." By his wisely directed enterprise he gave a great impulse not only to the settlements which he lost no time in establish- ing at Bath, Williamsburgh, Geneva and Sodus, on the great tract belonging to his principals, but to the Genesee country at large .*
Having thus disposed of that portion of his pur- chase lying east of the Genesee river, Mr. Morris was not long in finding purchasers for the lands west of the river in the Holland Land Company, an association
or on the ground that the Indian title had never been extinguished to the lands in question, though each time with marked want of success.
"The whole question was carefully examined and the validity of the title distinctly affirmed in the case of the Duke of Cumberland vs. Graves," by the Court of Appeals of the State of New York (3 Selden, 305, Thomas A. John- son, J.).
* His domestic life was happy. His wife was a Boston lady, " timid even to bashfulness," with whom he became acquainted while a prisoner of war in that city. The Duke de Liancourt, who visited Williamson in 1795, says of this lady : "She is yet but a young woman, of fine complexion, civil, though of but few words, and mother of two lovely children; one of them, a girl three years old, is the finest and handsomest child I ever saw," and no flat- tery was more grateful to him than the praise of his two beautiful children.
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consisting of five capitalists of Amsterdam, Holland .* The consideration was fifty-five thousand pounds sterling, of which sum £37,400 were withheld until the Indian title was extinguished in 1797, at the Big Tree treaty. As the purchasers were aliens they could not take the title in their own names, and the deeds were therefore made to parties in trust for them.t
* * The names of the actual original proprietors were Wilhelm Willink, Nicolas Van Staphoist, Pieter Van Eeghen, Hendrick Vollenhoven and Rutger Jan Schimmelpenninck, composing the "Holland Land Company."
+ Deeds from Robert Morris and Mary his wife, to the trustees of the pro- prietora, were as follows:
I. Bears date Dec. 24, 1792, and conveys two tracts of one million and half a million respectively, amounting to 1} million acres, to Herman LeRoy and John Lincklaen in trust.
II. Bears date Feb. 27, 1793, and conveys one million acres to LeRoy, Lincklaen and Gerrit Boon, in trust.
III. Bears date July 20, 1793, and conveys 800,000 acres to LeRoy, Lincklaen and Boon, in trust.
IV. Bears date July 20, 1793, and conveys 300,000 acres to LeRoy, Wil- liam Bayard and Matthew Clarkson, in trust.
After the Big Tree treaty of Sept. 15, 1797, by which the claims of the Indians to the above lands were released to Robert Morris, he made a confir- mation to his grantees.
Concurrently with the execution of this conveyance by Morris, articles of agreement were entered into by which, among other things, a right was reserved to the grantees to elect, within a certain period, to convert the pur- chase into a loan, in which case the conveyance was to inure by way of mortgage to secure the repayment of the purchase money. The grantees choosing to hold the lands as a purchase, declared no election to hold them. otherwise; but it was nevertheless contended by Morris and those claiming under him, that the whole transaction was to be considered as a loan, and that a right still existed in Morris or his assigns which a court of chancery would enforce. This question was put at rest by the conveyance of the 10th of Feb., 1801, from T. L. Ogden and Governeur Morris.
For more than half his life the late Gov. Seward was the principal agent and attorney, and removed from Auburn to Westfield to superintend the dis- posal of the company's lands. On his voluntary retiracy from the agency, he was succeeded by the Hon. Geo. W. Patterson, ex-Lieut. Governor, who is now acting for them, though the title to the vast estate is now almost entirely in other hands.
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Though the property was controlled by the associates, they issued stock called "American Land Scrip," which was held all over Holland. The attitude of the Indians, the Senecas included, at the period of the purchase and down to the success of Wayne's expe- dition against the western tribes was so unfriendly that public policy rendered any negotiation for secur- ing their interest in these lands improper. But the decisive victory of that resolute officer humbled their pride and enabled Morris to hold a treaty at Geneseo in 1797. Morris had stipulated with the Holland Com- pany to extinguish the title of the natives at his own expense, and the Company, accordingly, retained £35,000 sterling of the purchase money until this was done. In the summer of 1797 arrangements were made for this treaty. President Washington, who was fully aware of the forbearance of Mr. Morris, was ready to further the business by naming commission- ers to superintend the treaty in behalf of the United States in conformity with law. Captain Bruff, who held command of the garrison at Fort Niagara, had held a conference with the Senecas, and had presented them with a flag. In their answer to Captain Bruff's speech on this occasion, they called Robert Morris the "big eater with the big belly," and asked that he might not come to devour their lands. Washington told Mr. Morris that he should feel it his duty to send Captain Bruff's letter, together with the accompany- ing speeches of the Indians, to the Senate with the nominations, and that such was then the desire to conciliate the Six Nations that he did not believe the Senate would confirm any nomination contrary to their wishes. The Senate, however, confirmed the nominations, but with the understanding that he was not to act in the premises until the Indians themselves requested a treaty. To Thomas Morris, a son of the
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distinguished purchaser, fell the tedious part of securing the consent of the Indians, who feared that by asking for the treaty they would commit them- selves to the sale of their lands. Their consent was at length obtained, but the commissioner, Isaac Smith of New Jersey, now found that duties of a judicial character to which he had meantime been appointed, would prevent his acceptance, and Col. Jeremiah Wadsworth of Connecticut was appointed to superin- tend the treaty in conformity with law. Massachusetts was represented by General William Shepard. Gene- seo, or Big Tree as it was then called, was fixed upon as the place for holding the treaty, in some respects the most important negotiation that has occurred between the whites and the Senecas. The latter were to then consider the question of forever relinquishing their broad hunting-grounds and their most revered burial-places in this State ; "territory lying between the Genesee river and Lake Erie and between the Pennsylvania border and Lake Ontario."
Thomas Morris, who represented his father, reached Geneseo on the 22d of August, 1797. The treaty had been appointed for the 20th, and the Indians, already collected in large numbers, had been waiting two days. "Not the Senecas exclusively, but groups from other tribes, had come in to be fed from the stores of the commissioners, and so greatly hungered were the natives that they were ravenous for food. Several of the oxen first killed for them were devoured raw, reeking in the blood." On the morning following, Morris called them together and after a speech of welcome, apologized for the non-arrival of the commis- sioners who had been delayed by bad weather. The unfinished residence of James and William Wads- worth, at Geneseo, was hired for the accommodation of the commissioners and officers, and the representa-
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tives of the Holland Land Company .* A large temporary council house, the exact site of which it is difficult to determine, was at once prepared for the occasion. Overhead it was covered with boughs and branches of trees, to shelter the assemblage from the sun. An elevated bench was provided for the com- missioners and other benches for spectators. Many of the notables of the Senecas were present and took part in the discussions that ensued.
It was obvious from the outset that a number of white men, who spoke a little of the native tongue and whose offers of employment had been declined by Morris, would attempt to persuade the Indians to reject all offers made them, with a view to securing their own terms. The natives were in a mood to be influenced in this direction, for, with few exceptions, they were, said General Knox, greatly tenacious of their lands. . To these venal white men Thomas Morris referred in his address. Cornplanter, who was dis- posed to treat the whole subject fairly, immediately arose and expressed his satisfaction at being informed that the mischief-makers were known and would be properly dealt with.
Late in the afternoon of the 26th of August, the commissioners arrived. They found the Indians engaged in receiving their annual presents from the United States, under direction of Capt. Chapin. The following day was the Sabbath, and intelligence hav-
* James Wadsworth was in Europe at the time. Those attending the treaty from a distance besides the two commissioners and Mr. Morris, were -Capt. Chapin, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, the interpreter, and, -occasionally, Capt. Williamson, James Rees, who acted as Secretary, William Bayard' of New York, agent of the Holland Land Company, and two young gentlemen from Holland by the name of Van Staphoist, who were nearly related to the gentlemen of the same name who were the principal members .of the Holland Company .- See Thomas Morris' Rec. in MSS., N. Y. Hist. Soc.
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ing reached the Senecas of the death of the daughter of Capt. Chapin, whom they greatly respected, they appointed a council for condolence with him, to which all the gentlemen from a distance were invited.
At one o'clock on the afternoon of Monday the 28th, the council formally opened. It fell to Cornplanter to speak first. Turning to Thomas Morris he briefly addressed him, acknowledging the speech of invita- tion conveyed through Horatio Jones and Jasper Parrish, regretted that the commissioners had been delayed, and closed by returning the string of wam- pum which had reached him with the invitation. The commissioners then presented their credentials and Colonel Wadsworth delivered his speech, assuring the Indians of his purpose watchfully to observe the pro- ceedings in their interest. He was followed by General Shepard. Mr. Morris then rose and said that his father was unable to be present, but that Captain. Williamson and he had been duly appointed to repre- sent him, and, as instructed, he would now submit Robert Morris's speech and a belt of wampum, which. were laid upon the table. This closed the business for that sitting, and the council-fire was covered for. the day.
The council did not assemble until late in the after- noon of the following day. Meantime the Indians were consulting among themselves on the speeches already delivered, agreeing, as was their habit, in private on the measures to be adopted, the arguments ' to be used in support, and fixing upon the speakers to present them, before meeting the white people in the more public council. On re-assembling Red Jacket thanked the Great Spirit for his care of the dignitaries, and after a few general observations turned to Thomas Morris and said, "It appears to us as though some- thing is kept back. From the candor and veracity.
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promised by you we hope that all will be laid before the Indians fairly." On being assured of this, the chief observed that as the sun was nearly down it would be well to wait until the next day.
On the morning of the 30th Mr. Morris presented at length the objects of the treaty. A few minutes of silence followed his taking his seat, when one of the chiefs said if Mr. Morris had nothing to add it was their wish to be left to their own private deliberations. Five or six days followed without a public session, the interval being spent by the Indians in considering the speech of Mr. Morris. Whiskey had now found its way to the Indians, and was interfering with the business that had called the council together. Far- mer's Brother reported that several, among them Red Jacket, had been drinking and were quarrelsome. The chief, under advice, seized the offending barrel of spirits and knocked in the head, but not in time to prevent a general fight, the pulling of hair and biting each other like dogs.
On the 2d of September the sachems asked that the council-fire be uncovered. Farmer's Brother arose and stated that it was their intention to answer Mr. Morris's speech. Red Jacket followed in a short address whose drift was unfavorable to the object of the treaty. He referred in glowing terms to the im- portance which the possession of their fine lands had given the Senecas among other nations of Indians. Said he : "It raises us in our own estimation. It creates in our bosoms a proud feeling which elevates us as a nation. Observe the difference between the estimation in which a Seneca and an Oneida are held. We are courted, while the Oneidas are considered a degraded people, fit only to make brooms and baskets. Why this difference? It is because the Senecas are known as the proprietors of a broad domain, while
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the Oneidas are cooped up in a narrow space." Mr. Morris parried this thrust with much address, and endeavored to convince Red Jacket that he was mis- taken in this, referring to the treatment received by some of their chiefs when on a mission of peace with Colonel Pickering and others to the country of the hostile Indians at the West in 1793, who expressed little regard for the Seneca chiefs and refused to hold communication with them. Red Jacket promptly answered, admitting the fact, but imputing the dis- courtesy to their going thither in bad company. " Had we gone alone," said he, "and on our own business, our reception would have been such as Senecas have a right to expect ; but when we interfered in the dis- putes of the United States, and accompanied its representatives, we forfeited all claims to such a reception," adding that the experience to which allu- sion had been made would warn them thereafter to confine themselves to their own affairs.
In the evening, a private conference was held with the principal sachems, at which Mr. Morris offered the Indians $100,000 for their lands, a sum, he said. which placed in the Bank of the United States, would bring them $6,000 a year interest. This offer they requested him to state in the public council. The following day Red Jacket communicated through a private medium that his speech did not express his own sentiments, but was made to please some of his people, and added that on the next occasion he should be less harsh. The assurance was not made good, however, for at the open council in the afternoon, referring to the former greatness of the Six Nations, the crafty chief covertly warned those who favored the sale, by alluding to the fact that their forefathers, who had parted with lands, had eaten up the proceeds and all was gone. He then referred to the plan pro-
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posed of investing the money, and asked that the proposition might be put in writing. Mr. Morris assented, explaining, at the same time, the operation of an investment. The idea was altogether new to the natives, who being unable as yet, to count beyond a hundred, it became difficult to make them comprehend how money could increase without being planted in the ground, or how great a sum $100,000 was. To aid their comprehension, he told them it would fill a certain number of kegs of a given size, and would require thirty horses to draw the silver hither from Philadelphia. The speech was well received, and with it closed the business of the day. The Indians . spent the following day consulting together. A num- ber of white men unfriendly to Mr. Morris, were observed to be busy among them. Hints were thrown out, and some of the sachems became reserved and. mysterious.
On the 6th, in council, Little Beard, the chief war- rior of the Senecas, spoke, addressing himself more especially to his own people. It would appear that this notable was the leader of those who were opposed to the sale. He therefore favored placing the negotia- tions in the hands of the ablest and shrewdest of the sachems, presuming that they would be more likely than those of less experience, to defeat the purpose of the treaty. He began by observing that it was the custom among! their forefathers to refer all business relating to the nation's welfare, except war, to the sachems, "and, therefore," he continued, "the belt of wampum delivered me by Cornplanter, I shall return to him and let the whole business be transacted by the sachems. Whatever they determine upon, all the warriors will agree to." He sat down and Red Jacket rose slowly. Surveying the assemblage for a moment, he said the Indians did not want to sell their
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lands though they had assented reluctantly to holding the treaty. There were expenses attending the con- vention, he continued, and his people were ready to offer Mr. Morris a single township on the Pennsyl- vania border at one dollar per acre. This land placed in market would sell, he said, for an advance sufficient to cover the expenses.
The negotiations had progressed slowly, and both Colonel Wadsworth and Mr. Bayard had grown im- patient of further delay. The former was an old man, afflicted with gout and far from home; the latter wanted to see the lands of his principals freed from Indian occupancy, but as a large portion of the pur- chase money had been withheld by them, it mattered less to him if the demand of the natives should prove unreasonable. Mr. Morris, however, had cogent reasons for securing an Indian deed at a fair equiva- lent. The splendid fortune of his father, placed wholly at the disposal of the Continental authorities in the darkest hours of the infant Republic, had suf- fered greatly by the depreciation of the public credit. His flattery of retrieving a share of these losses through the purchase of this vast body of land had not been realized, and the fear now was that its inop- portune sale, should the Indians prove exacting, might involve him in actual loss. He had hoped the Senecas would be content with $75,000, but $100,000 did not satisfy them. Mr. Morris, who better under. stood the Indian character than the commissioners, knew that anything like the appearance of haste would defeat their purpose, and especially he felt that farther delay was indispensable to counteract the impression that had been made on the Indians by the more recent speeches of their warriors. But so fixed were the two commissioners in their purpose of bring- ing the proceedings to a close, that they insisted that
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·when Red Jacket should make the above proposition, -of which they had been previously advised, - Morris ·ought boldly to reject it, and thus bring the natives to consider his offer, otherwise they would go home. To this Morris could only consent. No sooner, therefore, than the famous Seneca had sat down, than Mr. Mor- ris told him the proposal did not merit a moment's consideration ; that if they had no more reasonable offer to make the sooner the conference ended the better. Red Jacket sprang to his feet, and in great passion said, " We have now reached a point to which I wanted to bring you. You told us when we first met that we were free either to sell or retain our lands. I repeat, we will not part with them. Here is my hand on it," thrusting his arm across the table. "Let us shake hands and part friends. I now cover up this council-fire." All was now tumult. "The whooping and yelling of the Indians," says Mr. Mor- ris, "was such that persons less accustomed to them would have imagined that they intended to tomahawk all the whites. One of their drunken warriors, in a most violent and' abusive speech, asked me how I dared to come among them to cheat them out of their lands."
The result was a bitter disappointment to Bayard, and Mr. Morris was vexed at the miscarriage of their plans. He had hopes, however, of bringing on the business anew, if both Bayard and Colonel Wads- worth would engage not to interfere, either by advice .or otherwise. To this both readily agreed. The fol- lowing day when Farmer's Brother called to express the hope that previous friendships would not be less- ened by the failure of the treaty, Morris reminded him that Indian usage gave to him who lighted a council- fire the right to cover it up. Hence as he had himself kindled this one, Red Jacket had no warrant for
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declaring it extinguished ; and urged that it was yet burning. To this, after a few minutes reflection, the chief assented. Negotiations with the sachems hav- ing failed, custom justified an attempt to secure the approval of the warriors who defended the lands and the women who cultivated them, who were entitled to take the business in their own hands when dissatisfied with the management of the sachems. Accordingly, after a few days spent in examining the accounts for supplies, paying for provisions consumed and collect- ing the cattle not slaughtered, he invited the chief women and some of the warriors to meet him, renew- ing to them his offer. He assured them of his readi- ness to concede such reservations as were required for their actual occupancy, and showed them how much good the money would do toward relieving the women of drudgery. He also stated that he had brought some presents from Philadelphia for them, to be dis- tributed, however, only in the event of effecting a pur- chase of their lands, but as he had no cause of com- plaint against the women, their portion of the gifts would now be divided among them, and in a few hours silver brooches glittered and glass beads sparkled upon hundreds of the dusky daughters of the forest, while all were more or less fantastically arrayed in shawls and printed India goods.
Some days were spent in rude festivities, alternated by serious consultations. A thrifty pig, well soaped, was let loose upon the green, and a dollar and the porker were offered to the one who should catch and hold him by the caudal extremity. A thousand fail- ures and many a break-neck fall was the consequence, but all tended to restore good humor and bring all sides together. The women and warriors collected together in little knots and were obviously discussing the sale. At length Mr. Morris received a request to
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call the council together for negotiation. . Colonel Stone says that Cornplanter, being the principal war- chief, opened the proceedings. He said the women and warriors had seen with regret the misconduct of their sachems, and did not hesitate to declare the con- duct of Mr. Morris as having been too hasty. Far- mer's Brother, on the part of the sachems, stated that these proccedings of the women and warriors were, in view of what had occurred, in perfect accordance with their usages. From the moment this new stage was reached, Cornplanter became the principal speaker, and Red Jacket withdrew, no longer attending the meetings, but procuring some liquor remained drunk until the terms were agreed upon. Mary Jemison took a part in the deliberations, both in and out of the council-house, urging her claims for an allotment of lands in a manner that was more pertinacious than dignified. Red Jacket was opposed to recognizing her, but he was not present. The others were desirous of giving her a small reservation.
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