USA > New York > A history of New York, for schools. Vol. I > Part 8
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they took the command of the vessel from the offi- cers, (probably with the captain's consent, ) and steer- ed up our beautiful bay, prepared to resist any at- tempt to enslave them. As they expected, off came a boat, strongly manned from the Garland man-of-war, and soon came along side the merchantman, think- ing to board, but they found the crew armed and forbidding the visit. The officer's orders were dis- regarded, and his efforts to gain the deck in vain ; he and his men were beat off, while the Prince pur- sued her way. Seeing this opposition to his gracious majesty's pleasure, the captain of the Garland fired on the merchantman, and sent another boat to aid the first; but the rebellious sailors kept on their way, and the baffled press-gangs returned, after following almost to the wharves of the town, where they saw indications of a reception that induced them rather to brave the frowns of the disappointed captain of the Garland. But the affair in Boston harbour was one of more consequence, and resistance was there made which terminated in death to one of the in- vaders of the people's rights. An attempt ensued, on the part of the English officers of government on shore, to sanction the invasion and punish the legal and authorized defenders of their liberty, by the sen- tence due to murderers. This happened in 1769, and although after the excitements occasioned by the stamp act, I tell it to you now in connexion with similar events at New York.
John. Please, sir, go on. We shall understand all the evils that the Americans suffered from this particular cause the better.
Un. That is what I wish. Mr. John Adams, then a young lawyer, and long the friend and servant of his country, has recorded the transaction in a letter to the Rev. Doctor Morse. A lieutenant, a midshipman, and a press-gang were sent from an English frigate
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called the Rose, lying in Boston harbour, as the Garland did in that of New York, to board a ship coming in from the sea. This was an American vessel, and they boarded her and ordered all the crew to appear on deck. The lieutenant doubting that all were before him, ordered a search, and the midshipman and gang found four men in "the fore peak." These Americans seeing their invaders armed with pistols and cutlasses, gave them warn- ing by their spokesman, Michael Corbett, that they would resist-it was in vain; pistols were fired, and Lieutenant Panton fell dead, shot by the man who had warned him to desist from the attempt. A re- inforcement was sent for from the frigate, the four American seamen were overpowered and made pris- oners, one of them bleeding from a pistol ball. A spe- cial Court of Admiralty was called to try these four American seamen for piracy and murder. All the great officers of Great Britain were arrayed against them : the governors of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, Bernard and Wentworth ; with Auch- muty, judge of admiralty; the commodore of the station, Hood; the noted, Hutchinson ; and counsel- lors from several provinces. Some patriotic lawyers volunteered to defend them, and John Adams stood ready with the book of the statutes at large, show- ing, by the act of parliament above mentioned, that the assault on these men was illegal and the killing Panton justifiable. But the court seemed afraid of the trial, although apparently ignorant of the law relative to impressments in America. They ad- journed, again and again-held secret conclaves, and at length the prisoners were placed at the bar. The facts were stated by the English sailors, and were not denied by the Americans. Mr. Adams stood ready to produce the statute of Anne, express- ly prohibiting the impressment of seamen in Amer-
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ica. He told the court that the action of killing Lieutenant Panton could only be construed into jus- tifiable homicide. At these words, Hutchinson again started up and moved that the prisoners be remanded ; the court adjourned to the council room, sat all that day, and the next the prisoners were again brought to the bar. The town and the country rushed around the court, and when the excited multitude expected the solemn trial to proceed, Bernard arose, and pro- nounced that the opinion of the court was, that the act amounted, only to justifiable homicide. Auch- muty said such was the unanimous opinion of the court. The prisoners were pronounced to be ac- quitted, and accordingly discharged. Such was the conduct of the officers of Great Britain in the col- onies both before and after the passing and repeal of the stamp act.
John. You have told us, sir, that the colonists seemed content to submit to the English laws reg- ulating their trade, and to paying duties on the goods they imported; what occasioned England to lay on the additional tax by the stamp act ? And what great- er objections had America to that than to the paying duties on imported goods ?
Un. As to the first question, it seemed that Eng- Jand considered the colonies as .her property. Eng- lishmen did not speak of Americans as " our fellow subjects," but as our colonists. The parliament looked only to America with a view to raising mo- nev. On the 10th of March they laid heavy duties on articles imported by the colonists from the West Indies, and resolved upon imposing stamp duties ; and the March following, in 1765, they passed the stamp act. To this all America rose up in opposi- tion as one man. It had no advocates but the king's governors, their tools, and the officers appointed to receive and deal out the stamps; and they were
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afraid to receive them, or were obliged to renounce their appointments. You ask me why the people who submitted to duties on the goods they imported, should resist this act. As I have said, they in their weakness submitted to necessity, and said, "we can avoid paying these duties, unless we can afford, and choose, to buy the articles imported. They are not absolutely necessary to life, and if we pay these ex- ternal taxes to Great Britain, it is only paying so much more for luxuries. But to pay for stamps to render valid every legal proceeding, every bill of sale and receipt, every license for marriage, and every will of the dying, is paying an internal tax ; such a tax there is no avoiding; and internal tax- ation once begun, will be continued. Our property may be taken from us without our consent, and that is not only contrary to every principle of good gov- ernment, but of natural justice, and violates at once and totally our rights as English subjects; who are never taxed but by their own consent given by their representatives. Now, as we cannot be represented in England, we are represented in our assemblies, and when they impose taxes, either for our own af- fairs, or to comply with any requisition from Eng- land, it is our own grant; but to be taxed at the will of an English parliament reduces us to positive slavery."
John. Was not this the truth, sir ?
Un. I think so-and so all America thought. Now we will see how this act was received in New York. It was passed in March, and as early as April it was hawked about the streets of our city, with this title, " The folly of England and the ruin of America."
Wm. Uncle Philip mentioned that, and he said that a congress of many of the people met in New York to talk about the stamp act, and to determine
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what was to be done; and that men were sent to that congress from, I believe, all the colonies.
Un. This congress of deputies from nine of the colonies met in New York, October, 1765. Before their meeting, the legislature of Massachusetts had echoed the words of James Otis, solemnly denying the right of parliament to tax the colonies ; and Vir- ginia had repeated the same. All the lawyers of the supreme court of New Jersey, held at Perth Ainboy, had declared to the chief-justice, that in their law proceedings they would not use the stamps, but rather suffer any consequences of refusal.
John. How did Governor Colden behave when this first colonial congress met at New York ?
Un. The delegates from Connecticut waited upon him, and he told them that '" such a congress was unconstitutional, unprecedented, and unlawful, and that he should give them no countenance."
WVm. And didn't they laugh at him ?
John. I suppose, sir, that these Connecticut gen- tlemen waited upon him merely to show him the respect which they thought due to his office as gov- ernor of the province of New York.
Un. This congress elected Timothy Ruggles their president ; but James Otis was the soul of the meeting. Their resolutions were similar to the sen- timents I have given you, and these sentiments were imbodied in a very respectfully worded address, by a committee of three, two of whom were great men, Robert R. Livingston and Samuel W. Johnson. This was an address to the king.
W'm. Uncle Philip told us that the people of New York made Mr. McEvers give up his com- mission, or appointment, for selling the stamps ; and that Mr. Colden tock possession of them.
Un. He had them brought to the fort. This en- raged the people, who disliked him very much before;
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and, as you know, they showed their resentment pret- ty violently. You are now older than when my brother talked to you on this subject, and as it is one particularly belonging to New York, I will give you a more minute account of the transactions in our city on the memorable first of November, 1765, the day on which the stamp act was to have taken effect, which would have opened the way for that system of internal taxation the parliament of Great Britain had declared they had a right to impose upon their colonists.
John. Do, sir, if you please; for I wish to know all about my native city, and I cannot find any book to inform me.
Un. We know that even at that early period New York was of considerable importance in the eyes of the English ministry, and was looked up to, in a commercial point of view, by the neighbouring col- onies. There was a military force kept up there ; it was the head-quarters of his majesty's American army. The fort was a place of some strength; and in the harbour were several men-of-war. Opposi- tion to the distribution of stamps, it was known, would be made, and preparations for their security seem to have been concerted between Governor Col- den and the officers of the land and sea forces. On the 23d of October, the stamped paper arrived in one of the London ships, commanded by Captain Davis. Immediately on the arrival of these import- ant papers, they were placed for safe-keeping on board one of the ships of war in the harbour. As McEvers, the stamp officer, was afraid to touch them, they were landed with due precaution, and received by Colden in the fort, where, you know, he resided.
Phil. We know-the fort was on high ground, between the Bowling Green and the Battery.
Un. The fort had been repaired by order of Col-
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den, ammunition accumulated, and guns mounted, as if to intimidate the people. Immediately after the stamped paper was landed, handbills appeared in the streets, threatening any one who received or delivered a stamp. On the 31st of October, the merchants had a meeting, and resolved not to im- port goods from England.
Wm. Captain Sears was a merchant then.
Un. In the evening of that day the people assem- bled, and a large party or company marched through the streets to Fort George, as if to bid defiance to the governor. They paraded the streets, and when commanded by the magistrates to disperse, they re- fused ; but did no mischief, and at their own time, quietly dispersed.
WVm. Why, Uncle, this was pretty like the be- ginning of war.
Un. Very like it, boy; and so were the declarations of parliament on one side, and of the congress that met at New York on the other. For the first, declared their right and intention to tax the colonies; and the second, denied that right in positive terms; and if the parliament had not repealed this act, and there- by retracted, war would have commenced ten years before it did.
John. Well, sir, what happened on the first of November ?
Un. More handbills were put up next day threat- ening vengeance on the protectors of the stamps ; and in the evening, about seven o'clock, two com- panies appeared who acted as if by concert.
WVm. Captain Sears was with one, I dare say.
Un. One company proceeded to the fields, where the park now is, (then out of town.) and they very soon erected a gallows, on which they hung an ef- figy, previously prepared, to represent Colden, " in his hand a stamped paper;" "at his back a drum ;
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on his breast a label ;" " by his side they hung with a boot in his hand" a figure to represent the devil. While this was going on in the open space, now the park, the other company, with another figure repre. `senting Colden, seated in a chair, carried by men, preceded and surrounded by others carrying lights, and attended by a great multitude, paraded the streets, and in this order advanced to the fort, the gates of which were shut, the sentinels placed, and the cannon on that side pointed on the town. Un- fortunately for the lieutenant-governor, though he was safely ensconced within the ramparts, his coach- house and carriage were without the gates. The populace broke in, and brought forth the chariot, upon which they fixed the chair and effigy. They then proceeded with great rapidity to the fields, about the same time that the other party were pre- paring to move to the fort with the gallows, its ap- pendages, and several lanterns affixed to it. When the two parties met, silence was ordered. The or- der was obeyed. Proclamation was made "that no stones should be thrown, no windows broken, and no injury offered to any one." Strict attention was paid to this injunction. The multitude then repair- ed to the fort, and found the soldiers on the rampart. Thev marched to the gate -- knocked, and demanded admittance. This was of course refused. They then. after showing some indignities to the representative of the governor, retired to the Bowling Green, "still," says the writer, " under the muzzles of the guns."
Phil. The iron railing would prevent them from getting in.
Un. That iron fence which you have been accus- tomed to see was not there at this time. It was erected five years after for a purpose connected with this present excitement. The Green was then en- · closed with wooden palisades, which the people toro
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down, and piling them up in the centre of the Green, they kindled a fire, adding planks from the fence at- tached to the fort. On this pile they immolated the governor's carriage and effigies; and soon, the coach and gallows, the effigies of man and devil, were reduced to ashes. While some attended to the bonfire, others, "making a passage through the other side of the palisades," that is, up Broadway, " repaired," says the writer, "to the house lately known by the name of Vauxhall, and now in the occupation of Major James of the royal regiment of artillery." Here with the blind fury of intoxi- cated savages they destroyed every article of this gentleman's property they could find; books, math- ematical instruments-things which men in their senses would venerate and cherish ; but the people had been exasperated by expressions he had used- they were now wrought to madness, and showed by their excesses the danger of setting a mob in mo- tion. On this occasion the inhabitants began with a degree of order to execute a preconcerted scheme of insult and defiance to a man they disliked; their numbers would be increased by idlers, vagabonds, blackguards, and thieves; and their order would terminate in brutal violence.
John. Did Mr. Colden do any thing next day, sir ?
Un. Yes. Handbills appeared, dated November 2d,-this is a copy. Read it.
John. " The lieutenant-governor declares he will do nothing with the stamps, but leave it to Sir Henry Moore, to do as he pleases on his arrival." " By order of his honour. Signed, GEO. BANVAR, D. C. Coun."
Un. Mr. Moore was the new governor that was coming from England. In the next newspaper ap- peared the following: "The governor acquainted Judge Livingston, the Mayor, Mr. Beverly Robin-
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son, and Mr. John Stevens, this morning, being Monday, the 4th of November, that he would not issue, nor suffer to be issued, any of the stamps, now in Fort George." Signed, Robert R. Livingston, John Cruger, Beverly Robinson, John Stevens. Another notice appeared without any signatures : " The freemen, frecholders, and inhabitants of this city, being satisfied that the stamps are not to be issued, are determined to keep the peace of the city, at all events, except they should have other cause of complaint."
John. This, I suppose, satisfied the people.
Un. No. They declared that the stamps should "be delivered out of the fort, or they would take them away by force." So, after much negotiation, it was agreed that Captain Kennedy should be re- quested to take them on board his majesty's ship Coventry, and if he refused, that they should be de- livered to the corporation. Kennedy declined re- ceiving them; and they were delivered to the mayor and common council, and deposited in the city hall, in Wall street. It is said that while the people were in this commotion, the cannon on Copsey Bat- tery, and in the king's yard, were all spiked up, as were also many belonging to the merchants, in or- der to prevent any use being made of them, for ob- taining the stamps. Copsey Battery was below the fort, and so called as being erected on the Copsey or Capsey rocks, an Indian name.
John. Uncle Philip told us that some people who were in favour of the stamp act read a paper to the inhabitants, persuading them to put down such riot. ous proceedings.
Un. I do not believe, that except officers, civil and military, and a few Englishmen, there were any people in favour of this detested act. Many
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moderate men were opposed to, and ashamed of, the late violent proceedings.
John. But he told us that many justified them, and that Captain Sears said that that paper had been read to them to prevent them from getting pos- session of the stamped papers.
Un. I have no doubt that Mr. Sears and his as- sociates dictated the resolutions which brought Mr. Colden to deliver up the papers as I have related to you. They had no confidence in Colden. It was known that many acts of his administration had been for selfish ends, and selfish men are never to be trusted. Even the intrigue by which he obtained his commission was known to have been founded on misrepresentation. So great was the dislike to Colden, that when, after the repeal of the stamp act, when the assembly of New York made compensa- tion to Major James and others for property destroy- ed, they refused to pay Mr. Colden, though he made out his account and sent it to them. They said that what he had suffered was owing to his own miscon- duct.
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Wm. That was right.
John. I suppose, sir, all was quiet now, for a time.
Un. In a little time, Sir Henry Moore came ; he was a man of prudence, and was very well received ; but in January, 1766, another parcel of these stamped papers caused another more moderate exertion of the people's power, though very decisive and sum- mary. A party of the inhabitants went at midnight, armed, to the wharf where the brig lay, on board of which it was known stamped papers sent for New York and Connecticut had been shipped. They entered the brig, demanded the keys, struck a light, aud searched until they found ten boxes filled with these tokens of the affection of Great Britain to America. They were soon removed from the brig
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to a small boat, and rowed up the East river to the shipyards, which were then where Catharine street now comes to the water. Here the party broke 'open the boxes, and making a flame with some tar barrels, the stamps were added to the bonfire, and their ashes distributed to the winds. This done, the men returned quietly to town and dispersed.
Wm. Uncle, where was Major Gates at this time ?
Un. He was in his native land with his friend and patron General Monckton, soliciting still farther promotion. By and by, I will give you a sketch of his history up to the time that General Washı. ington recominended him to congress for the office of adjutant-general. At present we must see what Sir Henry Moore the new governor did in the year 1766.
John. Uncle Philip told us that he did very little for New York ; indeed he said little about him.
Un. Yet the transactions of that time are well worth your knowing, and remembering. The new ruler arrived, I think, early in December, but be- fore he reached America, Major James, whose pro- perty had been burned, went to England to tell his story, and Mr. Colden wrote by him to the minis. try ; to his letter he was answered, that Sir Henry Moore was then on his way to New York with in. creased powers; among others, to suspend members of the council. The minister says, "such times as these may require the exercise of that power," and that it is expected governors " should not want firm- ness to use it boldly, whenever it may seem useful to the king's service and publiek peace." This puts me in mind of some letters I have seen in MSS., from William Smith, son of the historian of New York up to the year 1762; a high king's man ; and afterward chief-justice of Lower Canada. He wrote several times to Major Gates, who was in England,
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during 1763 and '64. In one letter he says, "We in America want aid, not to maintain the dependen- cy of the colonies, for you know, saucy as we are, there is nothing to fear on that account." He rep1 robates the cowardly expedient of removing gov- ernors, because the people don't like them. Hc says, "the first error is on your side of the water." Governor Boone of New Jersey had been recalled. Smith says the cause " was his contest with a proud licentious assembly." " We are a great garden- constant cultivation will keep down the weeds; re- member they were planted by liberty and religion near a hundred years ago. There are strong roots that will despise the gardener's utmost strength." He then calls for governors and judges of spirit and abilities; as it would seem, to keep down these weeds planted by liberty and religion. It was thus these civil and military officers of England talked among themselves of America; and it was by such representations that Great Britain was encouraged to persevere in her attempts to make the colonies submit to taxation by an English parliament.
Wm. But they found themselves mistaken, sir !
Un. Happily, boy, they did,-happily for Amer- ica, for England, and for the world. In March, 1766, that parliament repealed the stamp act, not because it was unjust, but because they saw that they could not enforce it, and that it was necessary to de- fer their plans of subjugation for a time. You have now, I presume, a sufficient knowledge of the op- position to the stamp act, and the rejoicings at the repeal.
John. Oh yes, sir, and of Lord Chatham, that friend to America.
Un. So Americans considered him ; but he never was in the true sense a friend to America. He was a friend to what he considered the interests and glo- 11
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ry of Great Britain; and only opposed the stamp act because he saw that it could not be carried into effect. He advocated the doctrine which declared the British parliament sovereign over the colonies in all cases whatsoever-he died exerting his last spark of life in opposition to American independ- ence ; and yet Americans, having been once per- suaded that he was their friend, have continued to this day so to call him. The assembly of New York had a statue of him made in Europe and set up here in Wall street ; the British, when they took the city, knocked off the head and one hand-the Americans, when they returned to the city, removed the trunk. Yet it is but a few months, since some, calling themselves Americans, and supposed to un- derstand the history of their country, would have replaced the statue of William Pitt, Earl of Chat- ham, in our high places, as the representation of a friend to American liberty !
John. Indeed, sir, I thought he was.
Un. You are excusable, my son ; I dare say you were taught so in your school books. But men of education should know better. John Adams did not think so. He has written and authorized these words to be published: " The resistance in Amer- ica was so universal and determined, that Great Britain, with all her omnipotence, dared not attempt to enforce her pretensions-she saw she could do nothing without her Chatham; he was called in to command the forlorn hope; and at the same time to invent the ruse de guerre." The stamp act was repealed, and the statute passed, that " Parliament was sovereign over the colonies, in all cases what- soever." The repeal of an act, by which they were taxed for stamps upon all legalized contracts, blinded them to the assertion which announced that they were slaves to the people of Great Britain.
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